^ 

^^. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


1.1 


11.25 


L£    12.5 


^  1^    |2.0 

uuu 

U    11.6 


Photographic 

Sdences 

Corporation 


\ 


v 


<^ 


^.V 


23  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

WnSTIR.N.Y.  145M 

(716)  •72-4S03 


'^"^l^'  ^ 

^^V^ 
> 


v\ 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Inttituta  for  Historical  l\/licroreproductions  /  Inttitut  Canadian  da  microraproductions  liistoriquas 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notaa/Notas  tachniquaa  at  bibliographiquaa 


Tlia  Inatituta  haa  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  baat 
original  copy  availabia  for  filming.  Faaturaa  of  thia 
copy  which  may  Im  bibliographically  uniqua, 
wliich  may  altar  any  of  tha  imagaa  in  tha 
raproduction,  or  which  may  aignificantly  changa 
tha  uaual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  chaclcad  balow. 


D 


D 


D 


D 


Colourad  covara/ 
Couvartura  da  coulaur 


I     I   Covara  damagad/ 


Couvartura  andommagte 

Covara  raatorad  and/or  laminatad/ 
Couvartura  raataurte  at/ou  pailiculAa 


□   Covar  titia  misaing/ 
La 


titra  da  couvartura  manqua 

Colourad  mapa/ 

Cartas  gtegraphiquas  an  coulaur 

Colourad  ink  (i.a.  othar  than  blua  or  black)/ 
Encra  da  coulaur  (i.a.  autra  qua  blaua  ou  noira) 

Colourad  plates  and/or  iiluatrationa/ 
Planchas  at/ou  iiluatrationa  an  coulaur 


D 


Bound  with  othar  material/ 
RelM  avac  d'autrea  documenta 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadowa  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  iiure  serrte  peut  cauaar  da  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
diatortion  la  long  da  la  marge  IntArieure 

Blank  leavea  added  during  reatoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  poaaibia,  theae 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  aa  peut  que  certainea  pagea  blanchaa  aJoutAea 
lore  d'une  reatauration  apparaissent  dana  la  taxte, 
mala,  ioraqua  cela  «tait  poaaibia,  cea  pagea  n'ont 
paa  titi  film^aa. 

Additional  commenta:/ 
Commantairea  supplAmentairas: 


The 
tot 


L'Institut  a  microfiimA  la  meiileur  exemplaira 
qu'il  lui  a  AtA  poaaibia  de  »•  procurer.  Lea  ditaiia 
de  cet  exemplaira  qui  sont  paut-Atre  uniquaa  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographlque,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dana  la  m4thode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiqute  ci-dessous. 


I — I   Coloured  pagea/ 


D 


Pagea  da  coulaur 

Pagea  damaged/ 
Pagea  endommagtea 

Pagea  raatorad  and/oi 

Pagea  reataurtea  at/ou  pelliculAea 

Pagea  diacolourad,  atained  or  foxe< 
Pagea  dAcolorAaa,  tachattea  ou  piquAea 

Pagea  detached/ 
Pagea  dAtach^aa 

Showthrough/ 
Tranaparenca 

Quality  of  prir 

QualitA  InAgaia  de  i'impreasion 

Includea  aupplamentary  materia 
Comprend  du  material  auppitfmantaira 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  6dition  diaponible 


r~n  Pagea  damaged/ 

r~1  Pagea  raatorad  and/or  laminated/ 

r~lf  Pagea  diacolourad,  atained  or  foxed/ 

r~n  Pagea  detached/ 

rjl  Showthrough/ 

I     I  Quality  of  print  variea/ 

I     I  Includea  aupplamentary  material/ 

|~~1  Only  edition  available/ 


The 
pos 
oft 
film 


Orii 
beg 
the 
sior 
othi 
firsi 
sior 
oril 


The 
shal 
TIN 
whi 

Mai 
diff( 
enti 
beg 
righ 
reqi 
met 


Pagea  wholly  or  partially  obacured  by  errata 
slips,  tissuaa,  etc.,  have  beei'  refilmed  to 
enaura  the  beat  possible  image/ 
Lea  pagea  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  AtA  film^ea  A  nouveau  da  fapon  A 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  poaaibia. 


Thia  item  ia  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  eat  filmA  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-deaaoua. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


28X 


30X 


y 

3 

12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


lira 

details 
iiaa  du 
modifiar 
lar  una 
fiimaga 


Tha  copy  filmad  hara  has  baan  raproducad  thanka 
to  tha  ganaroaity  of: 

MorisMt  Library 
UniMraity  of  Ottawa 

Tha  imagas  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  baat  quality 
possibia  eonsidaring  tha  condition  and  iagibility 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spacifications. 


Original  copiaa  in  printad  papar  covara  ara  filmad 
baginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  finding  on 
tha  iaat  paga  with  a  printad  or  iliustratad  impras- 
sion,  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriata.  All 
othar  original  copiaa  ara  filmad  baginning  on  tha 
first  paga  with  a  printad  or  illuotratad  impras- 
sion,  and  anding  on  tha  last  paga  with  a  printad 
or  iliustratad  imprassion. 


Tha  last  racordad  frama  on  aach  microficha 
shall  contain  tha  symbol  — ^  (moaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  symbol  V  (moaning  "END"), 
whichavar  applias. 


L'axamplaira  filmA  f ut  raproduit  grlca  k  la 
gAnArosit*  da: 

BibliothAqua  Morinat 
Univaraft<  d'Ottawa 

Las  imagas  suivantas  ont  At*  rapr?duitas  avac  la 
plus  grand  soin,  compta  tanu  da  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattat6  da  l'axamplaira  filmA,  at  an 
conformity  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  da 
fiimaga. 

Las  axamplairas  originaux  dont  la  couvertura  an 
paplar  ast  imprimia  sent  fiimte  an  commandant 
par  la  pramiar  plat  at  an  tarminant  soit  par  la 
darniAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'imprassion  ou  d'iliustration,  soit  par  ia  sacond 
plat,  salon  la  cas.  Tous  las  autras  axamplairas 
originaux  sont  fiimte  an  commandant  par  la 
pramiAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'imprassion  ou  d'iliustration  at  an  tarminant  par 
ia  darnlAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  taiia 
amprainta. 

Un  das  symboias  suivants  apparaftra  sur  la 
darnlAra  imaga  da  chaqua  microficha,  salon  ia 
cas:  la  symbols  -^  signifia  "A  SUIVRE".  la 
symbols  y  signifia  "FIN". 


ra 


IVIaps,  platas,  charts,  ate.  may  ba  filmad  at 
diffarant  raduction  ratios.  Thosa  too  larga  to  ba 
antiraiy  included  in  ona  axpoaura  ara  filmad 
baginning  in  tha  uppar  iaft  hand  cornar,  laft  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  framas  as 
raquirad.  Tha  following  diagrams  illustrata  tha 
mathod: 


Las  cartas,  pianchas,  tablaaux.  ate,  pauvant  Atra 
flimfo  A  das  taux  da  reduction  diff Grants. 
Lorsqua  la  document  ast  trop  grand  pour  Atra 
raproduit  an  un  saui  clichA,  11  ast  film*  A  partir 
da  i'angia  supArlaur  gaucha,  da  gauche  A  drolte. 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  la  nombre 
d'images  nteesssire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
iliustrant  la  mithoda. 


f  errata 
d  to 

It 

la  peiure, 

pon  A 


n 


1  2  3 


32X 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

C] 


<:<tr- 


HISTORY 


OF 


CHARLES  THE  BOLD, 


II! 


DUKE  OF  BURGUNDY, 


BY 


Hi 


JOHN    FOSTER    KIRK. 


VOL.  III. 


,  i 


il!  ■ 


PHILADELPHIA : 

*1.  B.  LIPPINCOTT  &  CO. 

It: 

1868. 

1 

j^^^^^!fS>^ 

1 

I    BSBiiOTHSCA   V 

\^tas\^^^ 

Kiitcrcfl,  aceordiug  to  Act  of  Coi){,'rfH»,  in  tlio  yi-nr  ISCs,  by 

.JOHN    FOSTEH    KIUK, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  tlio  District  Court  of  the  DiHtrict  of  Massachusetts. 


frc 

lai 

ac] 

nit 

He 

Ch 

wh 

lici 

to 

sue 

ISIi 

sec 


be 

\d\\ 


KL 


ADVERTISEMENT  TO  VOL.  III. 


/ 


Much  of  the  material  for  this  volume  has  been  gathered 
from  manuscript  sources,  chiefly  in  the  archives  of  Switzer- 
land —  a  fact  here  mentioned  in  order  that  the  writer  may 
acknowledge  the  kindness  with  which  the  fullest  opportu- 
nities were  granted  for  the  prosecution  of  his  researches. 
He  is  under  particular  obligations  to  Mr.  von  Stiirler,  the 
Chancellor  of  Berne ;  to  Mr.  J.  J.  Hise\y ,  of  Lausanne, 
whose  stores  of  mediajval  learning  have  enriched  the  pub- 
lications of  the  SocietS  cPhistoire  de  la  Suisse  romande  ; 
to  Mr.  Victor  Ci^rdsole,  also  of  Lausanne,  an  ardent  and 
successful  explorer  in  the  Archives  of  Venice ;  and  to 
Mr.  P.  A.  Segesser,  of  Lucerne,  the  learned  editor  of  the 
second  and  third  volumes  of  the  national  collection  of 
Eidgenossische  Abschiede. 


i^ 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  III. 


BOOK    IV. 


CHAPTER   V. 

PAOB 

War  in  thb  Juea  ;  H^eicouet  Campaign  —  Berne 

AND  Savoy  —  French  Pensions  —  (1474-1475)     .        1 

CHAPTER  VI. 

The  French  Teeaty  —  Wae  in  the  Juea  ;   Second 

Campaign  —  (1475) 67 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Alliance  between  Feance  and  the  Empiee — League 
AGAINST    Burgundy    in    Opeeation  —  Siege    op 

NeUSS    concluded  —  ClIAELES    AND     THE   EsTATES 

OF  Flandees  —  (1475) 85 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
English  Invasion  of  France  —  (1475) 139 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Fate    op    Saint-Pol  —  Conquest    of     Lorraine  — 

(1475) 192 

CHAPTER   X. 

War  in  the  Jura  ;  Blamont  Campaign  —  Swiss  Con- 
quest OP  THE  Pays  de  Vaud  —  Charles  crosses 
THE  Jura— (1475) 219 

(vU) 


Vlll 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  III. 


BOOK    V. 


CHAPTER   I. 

PAGB 

Grandson  —  (147G) 285 

CHAPTER  II. 

Camp  at  Lausanne  —  Coprespondence  between 
Berne  and  the  King  —  Burgundian  Army  reor- 
ganized —  Position  and  Views  op  Foreign  Pow- 
ers—(147C)     346 

CHAPTER   III. 
MoRAT— (147G) 401 

CHAPTER   IV. 

Charles  in  Adversity  —  Louis  in  Prosperity  —  End 

OF  YoLANDE  AND  OP  Sforza  —  (147G) 449 

CHAPTER   V. 

Operations  in  Lorraine  —  Rene  among  the  Swiss  — 

Charles  bepore  Nancy  —  (1470) 505 

CHAPTER   VI. 

Battle  of  Nancy  —  Death  of  Charles  —  (1477)      .    533 


HISTORY 


OP 


CHARLES   THE   BOLD. 


BOOK  IV. 


CHAPTER  V. 

WAR  IN  THE  JUKA;  HflRICOUUT  CAMPAIGN.  — BKRNE  AND   SAVOY. 

—FRENCH  PENSIOlirS. 

1474-1475. 

When  the  spectators  on  the  Rigi  have  watched 
successive  groups  of  giant  Alps  rise  out  of  the  night, 
and  receive  on  their  icy  brows  warm  kisses  from  the 
radiant  dawn,  the  eye  turns  in  quest  of  further  mar- 
vels to  the  opposite  quarter  of  the  panorama,  across 
table-lands  and  plains  dotted  with  towns  and  lakes, 
and  bounded  by  the  distant  chain  of  the  Jura.  But 
there  the  horizon  offers  none  of  the  grand  and  en- 
trancing aspects  of  a  mountain  range.  That  long, 
straight,  dusky  line,  with  no  variety  of  form  or  play 
of  color,  belongs  not  to  the  picture,  but  to  the  frame. 
If  we  transfer  our  point  of  view  to  the  Lake  of 

VOL.  III.  1  ^^^ 


THE  JURA. 


[book  IV. 


Geneva,  and  choose  for  our  comparison  the  evening 
instead  of  the  morning  light,  the  contrast  is  still  more 
striking.  For  then  the  mountains  of  the  Valais  and 
of  Savoy  unveil  themselves  to  the  declining  sun,  and, 
as  the  mist  rolls  off,  each  snowy  summit  and  gray 
pyramid  flushes  into  soft  crimson  before  his  parting 
glance.  The  lake,  like  a  conscious  witness,  trembles 
and  burns.  But  Jura,  wrapping  herself  in  a  darker 
mantle,  interposes  to  cut  short  the  glowing  scene. 
The  lingering  orb  is  snatched  away.  The  matchless 
mirror  ceases  to  reflect.  Pallid,  yet  serene,  the  ma- 
jestic Alps  recede  into  the  gloom. 

This  outer  barrier  of  the  Jura,  where  the  spurs  and 
branches  so  flank  and  overlap  each  other  as  to  pre- 
serve a  continuous  front,  is  the  highest  of  a  succession 
of  ridges  that  lie  one  behind  another  in  parallel 
array.  There  are  no  distinct  and  towering  peaks,  no 
sweeping  curves,  no  network  of  ramifications.  Each 
separate  mountain  is  a  segment  corresponding  in 
outline  with  the  mass  from  which  it  is  detached. 
The  long,  deep  intervening  valleys,  and  the  narrow 
transverse  gorges,  where  the  ridges  have  been  rent 
from  side  to  side,  give  easy  access  in  all  directions ; 
and  the  more  frequented  passes  have  been  regularly 
traversed  from  the  time  when  the  Roman  power  was 
first  established  over  Gaul.  Four  centuries  ago  this 
region  was  already  thickly  sprinkled  with  habitations, 
one  class  of  which  has  now  almost  disappe  red.  If 
here  and  there  a  blackened  tower  or  rear-wall  of  some 
ancient  chateau  still  crowns  a  slope  or  overhangs  a 
ravine,  the  restored  front  and  embellished  interior, 


CHAP,  v.] 


NOBLES  OF  THE  JURA. 


not  less  than  the  refined  taatoa  and  manners  of  the 
occupants,  proclaim  the  changes  that  have  inter- 
vened. 

Yet,  at  the  period  of  which  we  write,  the  propri- 
etors of  these  domains  were  not  the  types  of  feudal 
barbarism  which  the  grim  relics  of  their  extinc*. 
rule  —  the  high  '^attlements,  the  vaulted  dungeons, 
the  yawning  oiihlieites  —  might  lead  us  to  imagine 
them.  If  less  luxurious  in  their  habits  than  the  per- 
fumed cavaliers  who  met  at  the  costly  banquets  of 
Brussels  and  Bruges,  they  resembled  still  less  the 
needy  and  plundering  adventurers  of  the  neighbor- 
ing Rhineland.  Indefatigable  huntsmen,  hospitable 
entertainers,  lovers  of  good  cheer,  drinking  plentiful- 
ly of  the  common  wine  of  the  country,  having  their 
tables  abundantly  supplied  both  from  the  products 
of  the  chase  and  the  contributions  of  their  tenantry, 
they  led  in  times  of  peace  a  methodical  existence, 
driven  neither  by  empty  stomachs  nor  lack  of  ex- 
citement to  unlicensed  campaigning.  The  prospects 
of  the  coming  vintage,  or  the  tested  qualities  of  a 
former  growth,  furnished  the  staple  of  gossip.  A 
well-thumbed  copy  of  Launcelot,  its  illuminated  pages 
brightening  under  a  tallow  light,  whiled  away  a  lone- 
ly evening.  A  flagon  and  a  pasty,  placed  in  the 
bed-chamber,  offered  a  specific  against  restlessness; 
and  in  a  catarrh  or  a  fever,  there  could  be  no  bet- 
ter remedy  than  the  wine  of  Beaune,  sugared  and 
spiced,  and  made  hotter  and  more  stimulating  as  the 
symptoms  grew  troublesome.  The  rocks  and  the 
cascades,  the  pastoral  basins  and  the  savage  solitudes, 


NOBLES  OF  THE  JUEA. 


[BOOK  IV. 


of  the  Jura  scenery  inspired  blithesome  thoughts,  and 
gave  birth  to  fancies  that  still  live  in  tradition  and 
in  rustic  song.  To  other  advantages  of  their  situ- 
ation the  feudal  seigneurs  were  more  consciously 
alive.  They  found  in  their  forests  a  source  not  only 
of  recreation,  but  of  profit,  selling  off  their  surplus 
timber,  and  farming  out  the  valuable  quarries  from 
which  the  adjacent  countries  are  still  supplied. 
Their  interests  were  thus  connected  with  those  of 
the  communes,  which,  though  small,  were  sufficiently 
numerous,  and  they  lived  on  easy  terms  with  the 
inhabitants,  frequenting  their  fairs,  borrowing  from 
their  well-lin'^d  purses,  and  inviting  them  to  their 
castles  without  any  sinister  design  upon  their  per- 
sons. Occasional  disputes  —  questions  of  boundary 
or  of  seignorial  rights  —  were  settled,  not  by  a  trial 
of  strength,  but  by  appeal  to  the  parliament  of  Dole ; 
for  the  strict  rule  of  the  duke  of  Burgundy  was 
neither  relaxed  nor  evaded  in  these  remote  parts  of 
his  dominions. 

A  few  great  families,  the  heads  of  which  com- 
monly filled  high  stations  in  the  household  of  the 
sovereign,  had  attained,  so  to  speak,  an  historical 
position.  Chief  among  these  was  the  illustrious 
house  of  Chalons-Orange,  descended  from  a  cadet 
branch  of  the  ancient  counts  of  Burgundy,  and  en- 
riched by  its  succession  to  the  immense  heritage  of 
the  lords  of  Montfaucon.  Its  banner  floated  over 
numerous  towns  and  castles  scattered  along  both 
slopes  of  the  Jura,  from  the  heights  above  Geneva 
to  Neuchatel  and  Valangin,  and  across  from  Besau- 


CHAP,  v.] 


NOBLES  OF  THE  JURA. 


9on  and  from  Salins  far  into  the  basin  of  Leman. 
Its  fiefs  in  the  last-mentioned  quarter  it  held  of 
the  dukes  of  Savoy,  whose  sovereignty,  extending 
to  the  further  extremity  of  the  Lake  of  Morat,  in- 
cluded all  the  Latinized  portion  of  Helvetia.  This 
double  vassalage,  shared  by  other  families,  Savoyard 
as  well  as  Burgundian,  had  as  yet  given  rise  to  no 
perplexities.  A  firm  alliance  subsisted  between  the 
two  courts,  and  the  preponderance  of  the  stronger 
government,  felt  in  all  their  complicated  relations, 
excited  no  jealousy  in  the  weaker. 

Towards  their  Swiss  neighbors,  and  particularly 
towards  Berne,  the  nobles  of  the  Jura,  following  the 
example  of  the  sovereign,  had  always  shown  them- 
selves full  of  amity  and  good-will.  While  the  east- 
ern cantons  were  perpetually  harassed  or  restricted 
in  their  trade  with  the  Austrian  territory  on  the 
one  side,  and  the  Milanese  on  the  other,  Berne  had 
prospered  by  its  free  and  facile  communications  with 
Franche-Comte.  It  had  formed  engagements  with 
the  towns;  and  the  nobles,  far  from  discouraging 
the  practice,  had  become  parties  to  such  alliances. 
Some  of  them  had  even  enrolled  themselves  as  citi- 
zens of  Berne,  and  had  fought  under  the  standard 
of  the  Bear,  which  in  turn  had  been  unfurled  for 
their  protection,  at  a  time  when  the  lilies  of  France 
hung  menacingly  on  the  Burgundian  borders.  But 
these  relations,  all  friendly  intercourse,  were  now  to 
be  abruptly  broken  off.  The  Alps  had  sent  a  note 
of  defiance  to  the  Jura.  A  war  had  been  proclaimed 
which,  small  as  was  the  field   and  few  as  were  the 


OEIGIN  OP  THE  SWISS  WAE. 


[BOOK  IV. 


combatants,  still  ranks  among   the  most  famous  in 
history.^ 

In  that  war  the  Swiss,  according  to  their  own 
uniform  declarations  from  first  to  last,  had  engaged, 
not  as  principals,  but  as  auxiliaries.^  Explicitly  de- 
nying that  their  own  territory  had  been  an  object 
of  aggression,'  never  alleging  any  provocation  of 
whatever  nature  received  by  themselves,  never  inti- 
mating any  belief  that  the  rights  or  the  honor  of 
the  Confederacy  had  been  involved  in  the  origin  of 
the  contest,  they,  on  the  contrary,  lost  no  opportu- 
nity of  proclaiming  that  they  had  entered  the  arena 
in  support  of  a  cause  with  which  as  a  nation  they 
had  no  direct  or  personal  concern.  There  was,  how- 
ever, an  apparent  discrepancy  in  their  statements, 
both  as  to  the  motives  by  which  they  had  been 
swayed  and  as  to  the  party  for  whom  they  appeared 
as  champions.  In  their  public  manifesto,  and  on 
certain  convenient  occasions,  they  set  forth,  as  their 
grounds  of  action,  the  summons  addressed  to  them 
by  the  head  of  the  Empire,  their  alliance  with  Aus- 
tria, and  their  obligations  as  an  integral  part  of  the 


*  The  matter  of  the  foregoing 
pages  has  been  chiefly  derived  from 
Chambrier,  Description  de  la  Mairie 
de  Neuchiltel ;  Duvernoy,  Esquisse 
des  rehitions  entre  le  comt6  de 
Bourgogne  et  I'Helvetie ;  Gollut ; 
and  Gingins,  Recherches  sur  les 
Acquisitions  des  Sires  de  Montfau- 
con  et  de  la  Maison  de  Chalons 
dans  le  Pays  de  Vaud. 

•  "  Uuser  eidgnossen  von  Bern 
BoUend  die  absagung  stellen,  dz  wir, 


als  helffer,  des  hertzogen  von  Bur- 
gund  vigend  sin  wollen."  Amtliche 
Sammlung  der  altern  Eidgenbs- 
sischen  Abschiede,  B.  II.  s.  513. 

^  "  Die  eidgenossen  als  houpt- 
secher  den  krieg  nit  meynent  in  die 
hand  zenemen,  noch  das  zetunde 
schuldig  sin,  diewyl  und  doch  der 
Hertzog  von  Burgund  uns  nit,  sun- 
der den  Hertzog  von  Oesterricb 
angriffen  hat."     Ibid.  s.  499. 


CHAP,  v.] 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  SWISS  WAR. 


German  race  and  confederation.  But  in  their  more 
private,  more  frequent,  and  more  emphatic  commu- 
nications with  the  head  of  a  different  race  and 
nation,  with  Louis  the  Eleventh  of  France,  they 
averred  that  it  was  at  his  request  and  on  his  behalf 
that  they  had  taken  up  arms,  that  they  had  yielded  to 
the  persuasions  and  the  promises  of  his  ambassadors, 
and  that  without  the  pledges  and  assurances  thus 
given,  they  would  not  have  been  willing,  never 
could  have  been  induced,  to  embark  in  a  war  against 
the  duke  of  Burgundy.* 

To  reconcile  these  statements,  it  is  necessary  to 
recollect  that  the  treaty  with  Austria,  which  had 
reminded  the  Swiss  of  their  allegiance  to  the  Empire 
and  furnished  them  with  a  pretext  for  their  proceed- 
ings, was  itself  a  contrivance  of  the  French  king, 
one  of  a  long  series  of  manoeuvres  all  conducted 
with  the  same  object  and  through  the  same  agency. 
Entered  into  with  reluctance  by  most  of  the  cantons, 


*  "  Quod  ad  affirmationem  et  con- 
clusionera  oratorum  suorum  et  hujus 
cause  domini  de  liga  declarauerint, 
se  duels  Burgundie  inimicos,  et 
campos  maim  armata  petierint.  Et 
instetis,  quod  ipse  itidem  facial, 
maxime  cum  id  in  primis  ad  persua- 
sionem  et  securitatem  suorum  scrip- 
turarum  et  oratorum  actum  sit" 
("  vtt'  Inn  und  sin  zusagen  sy  be- 
schechen.")  Instructio  in  dominum 
Regem,  Oct.  29,  1474.  Ib^d.  8.516, 
617.  —  "  Dieselben  fiirmiinder  von 
vns  gewiiss  haben  verstanden,  un- 
sern  eydgnossen  noch  vns  nit  zu  wll- 
len  sin,  die  krieg  gegen  dem  Bur- 


gunschcn  Herzogen  zu  vnderstan, 
es  wurd  dann  iiwer  K.  M.  gegen  Ira 
glicher  wiss  erhept."  Ibid.  s.  514. 
— "  lidem  Oratores  inter  alia  .  .  . 
semper  nobis  certum  hoc  intellige- 
runt,  nee  nobis  nee  Confederatis 
persuasibile  guerram  contra  Bur- 
gundie ducem  inniti  nisi,"  &c.  La- 
teinisches  Missivenbuch,  A  319,  a. 
MS.  (Archives  of  Berne.)  —  The 
passages  here  cited  are  the  earliest, 
not  the  strongest.  Others  will  ap- 
pear hereafter.  The  reason  why 
none  are  cited  of  a  contrary  bear- 
ing is  that  we  have  been  unable  to 
find  a  single  line  of  the  sort. 


8 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  SWISS  WAR. 


[BOOK  IV. 


by  scarcely  more  than  one  of  them  with  a  hostile 
design  against  the  Burgundian  prince,  it  had  lacked 
the  inherent  force  to  accomplish  of  itself  the  purpose 
with  which  it  had  been  devised.  During  several 
months,  while  Alsace  was  a  scene  of  hostilities,  the 
Swiss  remained  passive.  Their  participation  began 
at  the  moment  when  they  had  consented  to  another 
alliance,  a  closer  and  more  confidential  alliance  than 
they  had  formed  with  Austria  or  with  any  other 
state — an  alliance,  namely,  with  Louis  himself;  one 
which  had,  it  is  true,  no  affiance  with  their  national 
sentiments  or  policy,  but  which  acted  directly  upon 
their  instincts  as  a  people  and  their  interests  as  in- 
dividuals, diffusing  its  effects  through  every  quarter 
of  their  country  and  over  all  their  subsequent  his- 
tory. 

Unless  these  facts  be  entirely  dismissed  from  con- 
sideration—  unless  mere  theory  be  substituted  for 
a  recital  of  facts  ^  —  we  must  conclude  that  the  war 
had  its  real  origin  not  in  the  complications  in  which 
Charles  had  recently  become  involved  with  certain 
of  the  German  states  and   with  the  Empire   itself, 


*  Of  the  extent  to  which  a  talent 
for  theorizing  has  been  made  to  sup- 
ply the  place  of  research  on  I'^is  sub- 
ject, a  remarkable  instance  may  be 
found  in  the  "  Vorlesungen  "  of  Prof. 
Karl  Hagen,  who,  in  January,  1856, 
gave  a  public  reading,  in  the  council 
hall  of  Berne,  of  his  paper,  "  iiber 
die  weltgeschichtliche  Bedeutung 
des  Burgundischen  Kriegs."  In 
this  the  war  is  represented  as  a 
struggle  on  the  pai't  of  the  Swiss, 


not  for  their  own  freedom  alone, 
but  for  that  of  Europe,  of  the  whole 
human  race.  Not  a  word  is  said  of 
the  French  pensions,  although  there 
is  an  incidental  allusion  to  Louis 
the  Eleventh  as  a  person  who  had 
"  intimate  relations  "  with  the  Swiss. 
It  is  amusing  to  contrast  this  lec- 
ture with  one  delivered  on  the  same 
spot  a  century  ago,  of  which  a  man- 
uscript copy  is  in  the  Library  of 
Berne. 


CHAP,  v.] 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  SWISS  WAR. 


9 


but  in  his  old  and  ceaseless  rivalry  with  the  king 
of  France.  Whether  the  complications  spoken  of 
might  in  time  have  brought  the  same  parties  into 
the  field,  is  a  matter  of  pure  speculation,  and  of  idle 
speculation.  That  the  Swiss  were  to  some  extent 
imbued  with  t^e  feeling  of  German  nationality  is 
true.**  This  was  one  of  the  springs  touched  upon, 
and  it  no  doubt  operated  to  deceive  some  and  enable 
others  to  deceive  themselves.  But  it  was  not  their 
sympathies  with  the  German  race,  nor  their  fidelity 
to  the  Empire,  that  led  them  to  tear  up  their  ancient 
treaties,  and  to  fiUl  upon  their  oldest  ally.  Nay,  that 
feeling  was  soon  found  to  be  antagonistic  to  the 
new  policy  they  had  adopted.  The  German  senti- 
ment, in  the  degree  to  which  it  prevailed,  proved  a 
hinderance  to  the  prosecution  of  the  war;  and  in 
proportion  as  the  war  was  prosecuted  the  German 
sentiment  was  weakened.  In  every  phase  of  the 
contest  and  in  all  its  results  we  shall  find  confirma- 
tion of  what  we  learn  from  the  evidence  in  the  case 
and  from  the  avowals  of  the  parties  —  namely,  that 
it  was  undertaken  at  the  instigation  of  France,  for 
the  interest  of  France,  and  in  the  pay  of  France.'' 


'  Mone  (Quellensamlung  des 
badischen  Landesgeschichte,  1863), 
while  discarding  the  common  ver- 
sions of  the  origin  of  the  war,  con- 
siders it  to  have  had  its  source  in 
the  opposition  between  the  political 
systems  and  ideas  of  Germany  and 
those  of  the  Latinized  races.  His 
arguments  are  perfectly  sound  when 
the  facts  are  applied,  as  they  were 
in  the  second  volume  of  this  work, 

VOL.  lU.  2 


to  the  people  of  the  Rhineland. 
But  among  the  parties  to  the  Avar, 
it  was  not  the  Swiss,  any  more  than 
it  was  the  French  king,  who  repre- 
sented German  ideas. 

'  Much  controversy  on  this  sub- 
ject might  probably  have  been  dis- 
pensed with,  had  Lauffer  lived  to 
complete  his  work  by  the  produc- 
tion of  the  testimony  which  had 
carried  conviction  to  his  own  mind. 


10 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA. 


[BOOK  IV. 


Styling  themselves  mere  "  helpers,"  the  Swiss,  ever 
prompt  in  action  when  deliberation  was  over,  set 
about  the  performance  of  the  obscure  and  subsidiary 
service  for  which  alone  they  supposed  themselves 
to  have  been  engaged.  Berne  indeed  knew  better, 
and  would  fain  have  opened  the  conflict  in  a  manner 
that  should  at  once  enlighten  the  Confederates  as  to 
the  real  magnitude  of  the  enterprise  they  had  under- 
taken, and  hold  them  committed  to  its  accomplish- 
ment. A  campaign  into  the  heart  of  Franche-Comte 
would  bring  the  drama  to  a  speedy  denouement  and 
crowd  the  stage  for  the  death-struggle.  But  though 
Lucerne,  and  possibly  Zurich,  might  have  been 
warmed  up  to  the  requisite  enthusiasm,  the  smaller 
cantons  were  not  susceptible  of  such  flights  of  ambi- 
tion. It  was  doubtful,  indeed,  whether  they  would 
all  redeem  the  pledges  extracted  from  their  deputies 
in  the  diet.      Glarus  and  Zug,  though  they  would 


Berchtold  considered  that  he  had 
refuted  M.  de  Ginglns  by  quoting 
the  language  of  "  a  Burgundian  au- 
thor," one,  therefore,  "  not  to  be 
suspected  of  partiality,"  namely ,  M. 
de  Barante,  —  forgetting  that  this 
distinguished  historian  belonged  to 
another  province,  and  disclaimed 
any  pretences  to  critical  investiga- 
tion ;  —  "  Scribitur  ad  narrandum, 
non  ad  probandura,"  The  following 
extract  from  a  work  undertaken  at 
the  request  of  the  council  of  Berne 
may  be  cited  as  an  expression  of 
Swiss  opinion  :  "  Vor  alien  aus 
suchte  er  [Ludwig  XI.]  die  Eidge- 
nossen,  sonderlich  aber  die  Stadt 
Bern,  die  bey  ihren  Bundesverwand- 


ten  in  grossem  Ansehen  und  am 
nechsten  an  den  Burgunder  granz- 
tete,  wider  denselben  mit  Geld  und 
grossen  Verheissungen  aufzuhetz- 
en,  liess  auch  nicht  nach  biss  er 
seinen  Zweck  erhalten  hat.  So 
dass  wann  wir  die  Wahrhdt  rund 
gestehen  wollen,  nicht  der  Herzog, 
wie  ihm  solches  von  den  mei- 
sten  Geschicht-Federn  boygemessen 
wird,  sondern  der  Konig  von  Frank- 
reich  der  Urstifter  des  schwcren  Bur- 
gunder-Kriegs,  die  Stadt  Bern  aber 
desselben  Bcfijrderinn  gewesen, 
wie  wir  solches  aus  unverzweiHichen 
Zeugnissen  darthun  werden."  Lauf- 
fer,  Beschreibung  helvetischer  Oe- 
schichte,  B.  V.  s.  294. 


CHAP,  v.] 


H^RICOURT  CAMPAIGN. 


11 


not  see  the  banners  of  their  brethren  in  the  field 
without  sending  out  their  own,  had  contracted  no 
engagements,  and  were  waiting  for  the  unanimous 
action  of  the  rest.  Unterwalden,  more  self-deter- 
mined, obstinately  refused  all  part  in  the  business. 
It  would  join  neither  in  the  treaty  with  France  nor 
in  the  treaty  with  Austria.  It  would  make  no  war 
in  the  interest  of  a  foreign  power  and  against  a 
friendly  power.  It  pointed  to  the  Saint-Gothard  as 
the  proper  avenue  of  Swiss  enterprise.  On  that  side 
alone  it  saw  injuries  to  be  redressed  and  advantages 
to  be  secured.* 

Neither  the  ardor  of  Berne  nor  the  doggedness 
of  Unterwalden  prevailed  with  the  majority  of  the 
cantons.  They  would  execute  the  special  work  for 
which  they  had  stipulated,  and  they  would  do  no 
more.  An  expedition  had  been  planned  before  the 
letter  of  defiance  was  sent,  and  on  the  28th  of 
October,  the  third  day  after  it  had  been  sent,  the 
contingent  of  Berne  set  out,  under  the  command  of 
Nicholas  von  Scharnachthal,  an  ex-schultheiss  and  a 
member  of  the  old  nobility,  but  an  early  convert 
to  the  French  party.  It  consisted  of  three  thousand 
men,  of  whom  less  than  two  hundred  belonged  to 
the  town ;  for  Berne,  except  in  moments  of  peril, 
was  chary  of  the  bur/,hers'  blood,  while  it  held  in 
firm  subjection  the  mountaineers  and  rural  popula- 
tion of  the  canton.    About  five  hundred  men  from 


'  Eidgenossiche  Abschiede,  B.  II.  walden  would  have  preferred  to 
—  We  shall  not  go  so  far  as  to  assert,  take  the  Burgundian  side  in  the 
with  a  native  historian,  that  Unter-    war. 


12 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA, 


[BOOK  IV. 


Freyburg  and  Solothurn  were  added  to  this  force. 
Freyburg,  a  stranger  to  the  treaty  with  Austria  and 
opposed  to  the  war,  not  only  as  causeless  in  itself 
and  dishonorable  from  the  seductions  which  had 
brought  it  about,*  but  also  as  calculated  to  lead  to 
embroilments  with  Savoy,  had  made  a  final  effort  to 
preserve  at  least  its  own  neutrality.  It  had  sent  a 
deputation  to  Berne,  to  entreat  that  it  might  be 
excused  from  sending  its  troops  into  the  field.*"  But 
Berne,  having  just  triumphed  in  a  long  negotiation 
through  a  constant  self-restraint  and  the  softest  ca- 
jolements, was  now  flushed  and  impatient.  With  a 
dependent  ally  it  stood  upon  secure  ground,  and  it 
answered  with  a  curt  and  formal  summons  to  Frey- 
burg to  comply  with  the  treaty-obligations  on  which 
the  two  states  relied  for  mutual  support." 

The   line  of  march  lay   through  Arberg  to  the 


»  Ante,  vol.  ii.  p.  638.  — Zell- 
weger (s.  49,  note),  who  always  en- 
deavors to  discredit  the  testimony 
of  Valerius  Anaheim,  rejects  his 
account  of  Freyburg's  opposition  to 
the  French  alliance,  both  as  im- 
probable in  itself  and  as  unsupport- 
ed by  documentary  proof.  He  had 
not,  however,  searched  for  such 
proof  in  the  proper  quarter.  The 
statements  of  the  chronicler  are 
substantiated  by  abundant  docu- 
mentary evidence.  "  Freyburg  war 
vast  ungern  in  den  franzosichen 
Bund  getrcten,  an  Bern  darum  ei- 
nen  Tag  beschrieben,  erklarten  Wip- 
pingen  und  Basel  [die  Boten]  wie 
ihre  Obern  keine  Leut  batten  Gna- 
den-Gelden  von  einem  Fiirsten  zu 
empfangen  der  ihre  Knechte    auf- 


wieglen  und  die  HerrschaiFt  viel- 
leicht  zwingen  mochte  mit  dem 
Herzog  von  Burgund  zu  brechen." 
Girard  MSS.  (Stadt-Bibliothek, 
Bern),  a  collection  consisting  of 
extracts  and  notes  from  the  archives 
of  Freyburg. 

'"  "  Les  desprier  qu'ilz  nos  voUis- 
sent  entrelaissier  de  tirer  avec  lour 
centre  le  due  de  Bourgogne."  Ibid., 
from  the  Eathsmanual  of  Freyburg, 
MS. 

"  Ibid. — "  Darumb  so  manen  wir 
iiwer  briiderlichen  Lieben,  in  Erafft 
dis  offnen  Briefs,  .  .  .  Inhalt  iiwers 
und  unsers  geschwornen  Bui-grech- 
ten,  das  ir  uns  iiwer  trefienliche 
Hilff  und  Bistand  tund,  ...  als 
wir  .  .  .  und  ir  uns  schuldig  und 
pflichtig  Bind."    Schilling,  s.  136. . 


CHAP,  v.] 


H^RICOURT  CAMPAIGN. 


13 


the 


enwir 
Kraift 
iiwers 
rech- 
iliche 
.  als 
;  und 
36.. 


southern  shure  of  the  Lake  of  Bienne,  where  the 
little  town  of  Erlach  sits  gracefully  on  the  jutting 
slopes  of  a  promontory.  Already  the  entangled 
relations  which  this  war  must  disconnect  or  cut 
through  had  begun  to  present  themselves.  Erlach 
was  a  fief  of  Savoy,  and  the  property  of  William 
prince  of  Orange,  a  vassal  of  Burgundy,  but  also  an 
adopted  citizen  of  Berne.  He  had  appointed  as  his 
lieutenant  Rudolph  von  Erlach,  whose  name,  so 
famous  in  the  early  Swiss  aunals,  had  been  originally 
derived  from  the  place  where  its  present  bearer  held 
command.  There  was  the  less  reason  for  treating 
this  as  hostile  territory,  that  the  prince  of  Orange, 
owing  to  family  divisions,  was  far  from  being  well- 
afiected  towards  his  sovereign.  Berne  had  however 
decided  that  a  place  so  near  its  own  borders  ought 
not  to  remain  in  doubtful  hands  j  and  Rudolph,  less 
faithful  to  his  trust  than  to  his  countrymen,  agreed 
without  demur  to  retain  his  position  under  their 
authority. 

At  Bienne  there  was  a  halt  and  a  joyful  welcome. 
Nominally  subject  to  the  bishop  of  Basel,  but  prac- 
tically independent,  Bienne  was  devotedly  attached 
to  Berne,  with  which  it  had  been  in  alliance  Tor  more 
than  a  century.  Though  not  admitted  to  the  honor 
of  a  place  in  the  French  treaty,  it  had  labored  so 
earnestly  in  the  cause  that  Berne  had  recommended 
it  to  the  special  bounty  of  the  king.'^    Its  position 

"  "  Der  erbern  Statt  Biel  nit  zu  sich  gar  triiwlich  vnd  dienstlichen 

verg'ssen,  damit  si  von  deui  kung  erzogt  haben."    Eidgenossische  Ab- 

ouch    gnadiclichen    bedacht  werd,  schiede,  B.  II.  s.  517. 
augesechen  das  si  in  disen  sachen 


14 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA. 


[BOOK  lY, 


at  the  foot  of  the  Jura  enabled  it  to  render  other 
services  besides  those  of  negotiation.  Its  citizens 
had  patrolled  the  mountain  passes,  gone  as  spies  into 
the  enemy's  camps,  and  taken  p"  '  in  marauding 
expeditions,  bringing  back  vakm  information  and 
agreeable  reports  of  the  profit  that  might  be  made." 
A  party  of  them  now  joined  the  troops  of  Berne, 
who,  on  resuming  their  march,  struck  into  a  romantic 
gorge,  unlike  anything  in  Alpine  scenery,  and  com- 
bining many  characteristic  beauties  of  the  Jura  — 
deep  and  narrow,  yet  without  gloom ;  lined  not  with 
continuous  walls,  the  vast  foundations  of  cloud-envel- 
oped Alps,  but  with  broken  crags  and  pinnacles  of 
the  most  varied  and  startling  forms ;  with  side- 
glimpses  into  sunny  and  fertile  vales,  and  reaches 
of  forest, 'where  the  bright  warm  green  of  the  beech 
bursts  forth  in  streaks  amid  the  sombre  foliage  of  the 
fir ;  below,  the  bounding  Suze  takes  many  an  upward 
leap,  sporting  with  the  boulders  in  its  bed  and  filling 
the  whole  ravine  with  its  laugh. 

At  Sonceboz  they  turned  to  the  right,  crossing  the 
watershed  between  the  Val  Saint-Imier  and  the  plain 
of  Tavannes,  and  descending  into  the  latter  through 
the  Pierre-Pertuis,  with  its  Roman  inscription  over- 
head, and  in  the  rock  beneath  a  cavern  from  which 
the  Birs  darts  forth  into  the  sunlight.  Thirty  years 
before,  when  the  French  dauphin,  now  king,  was 
leading  a  horde  of  brigands  to  devastate  the  homes 
of  his  present  allies,  the  waters  of  that  stream  had 


"  Blsesch,  Geschlchte  der  Stadt    ble  work,  based  on  the  registers  of 
Biel,  B.  II.  8.  264-269.  —  A  valua-    the  canton. 


CHAP,  v.] 


IlfilllCOURT  CAMPAIGN. 


16 


run  red  with  Swiss  blood.  Gladdened,  doubtless, 
by  this  reminiscence  of  national  valor,  the  troops 
pursued  their  way  through  villages  and  meadows 
along  the  banks  of  the  Birs,  and  plunged  into  the 
grand  defde  of  the  Miinsterthal,  where  the  tossed 
precipices,  as  if  struggling  for  disinthralment,  seem 
to  share  in  the  hurry  of  the  boiling  torrent  bolow 
and  the  flying  clouds  above.  Emerging  on  an  ele- 
vated plain  girt  by  low  hills  and  marked  by  a  quiet 
and  pensive  grace,  they  quitted  the  Birs  and  the 
main  road  at  Delsberg,  and  winding  around  the 
base  of  Mont  Terrible,  descended  to  Pruntrut,  a 
favorite  residence  of  the  bishops  of  Basel.  From 
here  their  course  lay  across  an  angle  of  the  great 
Alsatian  plain,  until  they  reached  the  spur  connect- 
ing the  Jura  with  the  Vosges.  Ascending  through 
dense  woods,  they  arrived  on  the  evening  of  .  \e  r)th 
of  November  in  the  neighborhood  of  Ilericourt, 
where  a  castle,  from  which  the  Burgundian  bands 
were  wont  to  sally,  was  now  occupied  by  a  small 
garrison  under  Stephen  von  Hagenbach. 

Their  route  had  been  that  of  many  a  summer  tour- 
ist But  the  season  was  no  longer  summer.  The 
drenching  rains  of  autumn  had  produced  much  dis- 
comfort and  spoiled  the  roads.  Long  halts  had  been 
necessary;  and  the  wagons  being  still  far  behind, 
there  were  no  tents  or  shelter  of  any  kind,  and  no 
store  of  provisions.  At  nightfall  a  sharp  frost  set  in. 
Lying  chilled  and  hungry  on  the  dank  leaves,  the 
men   were    nevertheless  full    of  merriment,  while 


i 


16 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA. 


[HOOK  IV. 


awaiting  the  arrival  of  their  comrades,  of  whom 
only  a  Hinull  company  had  yet  come  up.'* 

The  others  were,  however,  close  at  hand.  They 
had  rendezvoused  at  Basel,  which  was  also  the  gath- 
ering-place of  the  troops  from  the  Rhine  towns,  and 
which  had  been  for  some  days  in  a  fever  of  excite- 
ment. It  cannot  be  too  strongly  noted,  that  the 
allied  towns  of  Alsace  were  engaging  in  this  contest 
with  very  different  feelings  from  the  Swiss.  If  any 
motive  other  than  those  we  have  traced  had  influ- 
enced the  latter,  it  was  their  innn  Le  love  of  battle, 
a  physical  delight  in  the  struggle  and  the  tumult, 
which  made  them  careless  of  all  risks  and  cruel 
without  passion.  Although  in  the  field  their  supe- 
rior ardor  would  be  conspicuous,  the  enemy  was 
still  with  them  an  object  neither  of  hatred  nor  of 
fear. 

But  the  1  jople  of  the  Rhineland  had  continually 
before  their  eyes  the  spectacle  of  the  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy coming  at  the  head  of  his  forces  to  avenge 
his  murdered  lieutenant,  to  recover  his  purloined 
rights,  and  to  build  up  a  dominion  on  the  ruins  of 
states  and  cities.  Such  apprehensions  were  natural 
and  sound;  the  intense  rancor  produced  by  them 
was  not  less  natural,  though  highly  morbid.  That 
inflamed  imagination  which  had  depicted  Peter  von 
Hagenbach  as  a  demon  incarnate  now  exercised  its 
art  upon  Ilagenbach's  master.  It  was  reported  and 
believed  that  whoever  ventured  to  offer  him  counsel 

"  Letter  of  Scharnachthal  to  Berne,  in  the  Girard  MSB.  —  Schilling, 
8.  137,  138. 


CHAP,  v.] 


HfiRICOURT  CAMPAIGN. 


17 


was  instantly  run  through  the  body ;  that  hia  heart- 
broken wife,  spurned  from  his  feet  while  pleading 
against  his  mad  designs,  had  died  of  grief — twen- 
ty-seven years  before  that  event  occurred  in  the 
ordinary  course  of  nature ;  that,  when  he  had  no 
other  object  on  which  to  wreak  his  fury,  the  tyrant 
amused  himself  with  lopping  off  the  limbs  of  cra- 
dled infants."  Every  rumor  from  Neuss  occasioned 
an  access  of  exultation  or  despair.  At  one  moment 
"  the  fiend  "  had  set  his  foot  upon  the  neck  of  pros- 
trate Europe ;  at  another,  "  the  hound  "  had  been 
scourged  back  to  his  kennel. 

In  this  quarter,  therefore,  dissensions  had  given 
place  to  unity.  Nor  was  the  league  the  less  slrong 
that  it  included  those  who  were  pursuing  the  most 
opposite  aims.  The  towns  thought  only  of  securing 
their  municipal  independence;  while  Austria  hoptd 
by  its  leadership  to  acquire  a  firmer  status  of  au- 
thority. The  bishop  of  Basel,  an  acute  politician, 
saw  an  opportunity  for  the  extension  of  his  own 
territory  ;  while  the  bishop  of  Strasburg,  an  old 
friend  of  the  robber-knights  and  a  recipient  of  black- 
mail until  forced  by  Hagenbach  to  dispense  with 
these  unlawful  gains,  expected  the  return  of  the 
good  old  times  of  disorder  and  rapine.'"  It  was  a 
sufficient  bond  that  all  were  conscious  of  a  common 
peril,  and  that  all  looked  to  Swiss  assistance  as  their 


Ihilling, 


'*  Knebel,  Iste  Abth.  s.  84,  162,  ception  of  Schilling,  almost  always 

et  al.  —  No  similar  ebullitions  are  speak  of  Charles  with  respect. 

to  be  found  in  the  contemporary  '*  Mone,  Reimchronik  iiber  Pe- 

Swiss  chroniclers,  who,  with  the  ex-  ter  von  Hagenbach,  Einleitung. 

VOL.  III.  3 


18 


WAR  IN   THE  JURA. 


[BOOK  IT. 


only  safeguard.  As  the  Alpine  warriors  poured 
through  Basel,  the  citizens  threw  open  their  doors, 
and  sought  to  fraternize  with  their  guests,  whose 
robust  forms,  swinging  gait,  and  air  of  swaggering 
confidence  found  favor  in  all  eyes.^'' 

On  the  7th  of  November  eighteen  thousand  men 
were  assembled  in  front  of  the  little  fortress  of  He- 
ricourt.  Of  this  number  eight  thousand  were  from 
the  Swiss  cantons  and  the  Helvetian  states  in  imme- 
diate alliance  with  them.  None  were  absent  save 
those  of  Unterwalden  and  Appenzell,  neither  of 
which,  as  Berne  resentfully  noticed,  had  sent  out  a 
single  man.^^  Strasburg  and  Basel  had  furnished 
the  artillery  — pieces  chiefly  of  an  unwieldy  size,  and 
capable  at  the  most  of  being  loaded  and  discharged 
once  an  hour.  The  civic  militia  wore  the  colors  of 
theii  different  towns,  some  white  and  blue,  some  red 
and  green  —  a  variety  of  shades  and  combinations. 
Four  hundred  Austrian  cavalry  were  led  by  William 
Herter,  of  Tubingen,  an  experienced  soldier,  former- 
ly in  the  Burgundian  service,  who,  in  deference  to 
his  master's  rank  and  position  in  the  league,  was 
invested  with  the  chief  command.  But  instead  of 
the  red  cross  of  Austria,  which  might  have  revived 
unpleasant  memories,  the  white  cross,  the  emblem 
of  the  Swiss  Confederacy,  was  adopted  by  the  whole 
army  —  a  politic  compliment  to  those  who  had 
modestly  but  firmly  resisted  all  attempts  to  raise 
them  to  the  rank  of  "  principals "  in  the  war.^" 

''  Knebel,  Iste  Abth.  s.  81.  '"  "  Dann  luengerlci  gcgen  inen 

'^  DeutscnMissiveu-BuchC,  331,     diuacht  und    gebrucht    ward,   das 

348,  MS.  (Archives  of  Berue.)  mau  sy  gern  zu  Uouptsechern  (les 


CHAP,  v.] 


H^RICOURT  CAMPAIGN. 


n 


For  several  days  the  cannon  pounded  away,  with 
small  effect  upon  the  walls.  The  Swiss  soldiers, 
unused  to  waiting,  demanded  a  change  in  the  pro- 
gramme :  they  wished  to  storm  the  works  first  and 
leave  the  Strasburgers  to  batter  them  afterwards. 
The  natives  of  the  Oberland  and  other  high  regions 
were  especially  impatient  They  could  not  so  well 
endure  the  cold  as  those  who,  coming  from  a  milder 
climate,  were  habitually  less  sheltered,'^"  and  they 
were  anxious  to  get  back  to  their  dark  Alpine  val- 
leys before  winter  should  have  sealed  them  up.  "  For 
God's  sake,"  they  cried,  "  send  us  forward  to  the 
assault !  We  had  rather  be  killed  outright  than  lie 
here  freezing."  But  their  leaders  replied  that  they 
were  there  to  do  work  for  Austria,  and  must  conform 
themselves  to  Austrian  methods.^^ 

Scharnachthal,  indeed,  proposed  that  the  Swiss, 
or  a  portion  of  them,  should  go  off  on  a  separate 
expedition.  He  wished,  like  the  council  of  Berne, 
to  get  rid  of  the  restrictions  under  which  the  war 
had  been  proclaimed.  But  the  other  chiefs  declared 
themselves  limited  by  their  instructions  to  the  policy 
and  plan  laid  down  by  the  diet,  and  he  dared  not 
press  them,  lest  he  should  endanger  the  unanimity 
so  important  at  this  stage  of  the  movement.'^ 


.22 


Kriegs  gemachet  hette,  wann  das  sy 
sollichs  mit  grosser  Vernunfft  all- 
wegen  fiirkamcnt,  und  verantwur- 
tent."     Schilling,  s.  134. 

*"  Rodt,  B.  I.  s.  314. 

*'  "  Der  Krieg  wer  der  Her- 
schafft,  der  Willen  und  Gefallen 
wolt  man  auch  darinne  erwarten.'' 
Schilling,  8.  139. 


**  "  So  haben  unser  Eidgenossen 
das  nit  vvellen  gestalten  und  ge- 
meint  dem  abschied  zu  Veldkirch 
und  zu  letzten  ze  Lutzern  gemacht 
nachzukomen.  .  .  .  Do  haben  wir 
si  nit  woUen  umvillig  machen." 
Scharnachthal  to  Berne,  Girard 
MSS. 


20 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA. 


[BOOK  IV. 


The  approach  of  a  hostile  army  put  an  end  to  all 
complaints  and  difficulties.  The  governor  of  Franche- 
Comte,  Henri  de  Neufchatel,  count  of  Blamont  and 
lord  of  Hcricourt,  had  hastily  mustered  the  feudal 
levies  within  reach,  securing  in  addition  the  services 
of  a  large  body  of  recruits  from  Lombardy,  then 
passing  through  the  province  to  the  siege  of  Neuss. 
These  together  gave  him  a  force  of  about  eight  thou- 
sand cavalry  and  four  thousand  foot.'"^^  Not  inclined 
to  offer  battle  to  superior  numbers,  he  occupied  a 
village  a  few  leagues  from  Hericourt  and  intrenched 
his  camp,  intending  to  draw  otT  the  besiegers  by  a 
demonstration,  hold  them  at  bay  in  front  of  his 
works,  and  in  the  mean  time  throw  reinforcements 
and  provisions  into  the  castle. 

Such  devices  were  common  in  medioeval  warfare, 
and  generally,  as  in  the  present  instance,  insured  a 
defeat.  No  sooner  had  the  fires  with  which  the 
Burgundians  were  clearing  a  place  for  their  camp 
given  warning  to  the  allies,  than  they  sent  their 
scouts  to  reconnoitre  while  arranging  their  plan  of 
operations.  The  conclusion  adopted  was  in  accord- 
ance with  the  simple  but  effective  principles  of  Swiss 
tactics.  It  was  agreed  to  leave  a  small  body  of  the 
Alsatian  militia  in  charge  of  the  siege,  and  to  fall 
upon  the  enemy  wherever  he  might  be  found.  Word 
was  brought  that  the  outposts  had  been  attacked. 
It  was  early  in  the  morning  of  the  14th  of  Novem- 


"  Some  of  the  chroniclers  rate  knowing,  makes  it  only  5000.  In  the 
this  force  at  20,000,  whilo  Gollut,  text  we  have  followed  a  letter  from 
who   had  probably  good  means  of    the  council  of  Berne  to  the  king. 


CHAP,  v.] 


HfiRTCOURT  CAMPAIGN. 


21 


^ 


ber.  The  men  were  hearing  mass  and  at  the  same 
time  eating  breakfast.  Drums  were  beat;  the 
priests  shut  their  books ;  the  soldiers  snatclied  their 
weapons.  The  troops  of  Zurich,  being  nearest, 
marched  in  the  van.  Those  of  Berne,  posted  on  the 
opposite  side  of  a  stream,  had  a  long  detour  to 
make. 

Between  the  two  armies  was  a  range  of  heights 
covered  with  woods  and  traversed  by  watercourses. 
The  Swiss,  unacquainted  with  the  ways,  were  guided 
by  a  faint  cannonade,  opened  by  the  enemy,  and 
replied  to,  after  a  time,  by  a  few  field-piecss  which 
Herter  had  succeeded  in  moving  to  the  front. 
Emerging  on  a  plain,  surrounded  by  woods,  they 
saw  before  them  the  glittering  harness  of  the  Bur- 
gundian  cavalry,*^*  drawn  up  in  battle  array,  and 
prepared  for  the  preliminary  skirmishing  by  which 
Blamont's  design  was  to  be  carried  out.  But  skir- 
mishing had  no  place  in  the  Swiss  modes  of  combat. 
While  the  troops  were  reforming  their  ranks  and 
saying  their  preparatory  prayer,  the  corps  of  Berne, 
fiery  youths  not  yet  broken  to  the  yoke  of  discipline, 
came  up  on  the  left,  and,  without  waiting  for  any 
word  of  command,  started  forward  to  the  attack. 
The  others  followed  instantly.  A  regular  front  was 
formed,  but  no  further  dispositions  were  possible. 

Nor  were  any  necessary.  Those  moving  chevaux- 
de-frise,  that  resolute  tread  and  confident  aspect, 
those  deep,  firm  cries  — "  Saint  Vincent  and  Berne ! " 


"  "Sachens    vor    dera    Walde,  Glitzern  im  Harnesch  gut."    H6ri- 
court-Lied,  Schilling,  8.  148. 


22 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA. 


[BOOK  IV. 


"  Saint  Urs  for  Solothurn  !  "  —  produced  their  invari- 
able effect  upon  men  confronted  for  the  first  time 
with  the  appalling  apparition.  The  Burgundians, 
without  waiting  to  meet  it,  broke  and  fled.''^  Some 
squadrons  of  horse,  feudal  nobles  and  their  retainers, 
wheeled  repeatedly  with  the  purpose  of  securing  the 
retreat  of  the  foot ;  and  a  body  of  foot,  eight  hun- 
dred peasants  of  the  lordship  of  Faucogney,  made  a 
stand  for  the  honor  of  their  prince,  to  whom  they 
owed  their  recent  enfranchisement  from  serfdom. 
But  such  as  stood,  stood  only  to  be  slaughtered,  and 
they  who  threw  away  their  arms  and  knelt  for  mercy 
shared  the  same  fate.  To  give  quarter  in  the  heat 
of  combat  was  opposed  to  every  maxim  of  Swiss 
discipline.  There  could  be  no  conceivable  motive 
for  it  but  the  wish  to  obtain  the  ransom-money,  and 
while  two  men  were  securing  a  captive,  or  wrangling 
over  their  claims  to  him,  each  might  have  slain  a 
dozen.  It  was  therefore  forbidden  to  make  prisoners, 
on  the  same  principle  on  which  it  was  forbidden  to 
quit  the  foe  in  search  of  plunder. 

For  the  better  part  of  a  league  the  pursuit  was 
kept  up  without  relaxation,  and  at  every  step  th  i 
spears  and  hal))erds  drank  fresh  blood.  But  butchery 
at  the  best  is  heavy  work,  and  the  unusual  eagerness 
of  the  Swiss  had  abridged  their  powers  of  endurance. 
While  they  wiped  their  sweating  brows  and  bloody 
weapons,  the  Austrian  cavaliers,  who  had  hitherto 
hung   back,   came    creeping    up    along    the    flanks. 

s^  "Die  burgunschen  fluchen  zu  stund,  e,  sy  an  einandren  kamend." 
Edlibach,  s.  144. 


CHAP,  v.] 


H^RICOURT  CAMPAIGN. 


28 


They  were  exhorted  to  push  on  apd  finish  the  work. 
"  Will  you  stand  by  us  ?  "  they  asked.  "  Stand  by 
you  !  ay,  and  lift  you  into  your  saddles  if  you  tumble 
off!"  was  the  somewhat  contemptuous  reply.  So 
encouraged  they  started  forward,  but,  less  furious  or 
less  punctilious  than  the  Swis^,  soon  fell  to  making 
prisoners. 

A  rich  booty  was  found  in  the  camp  —  horses, 
arms,  silk  trappings,  a  quantity  of  silver,  and  what  at 
the  moment  was  most  acceptable  of  all,  a  supply  of 
provisions  ready  cooked  and  of  full-bodied  Burgun- 
dian  wine,  such  as  rarely  found  its  way  down  Swiss 
throats.  That  of  the  choicest  flavor  was  secured  by 
Scharnachthal  for  his  colleagi  es  at  home.  In  the 
village  numbers  of  the  panting  fugitives  had  hid 
themselves  in  cellars  and  lofts.  To  save  the  trouble 
of  hunting  them  out,  the  buildings  were  set  on  fire, 
and,  while  the  flames  crackled,  the  soldiers  quenched 
their  thirst  and  plunged  into  a  mad  carouse.  It  was 
necessary  to  stave  in  the  remaining  casks  before 
their  leaders  could  get  them  back  to  camp. 

Sixteen  hundred  and  seventeen  dead  bodies  were 
counted  the  next  day  on  the  field ;  and  the  ashes  of 
several  hundred  more  lay  undistinguishable  among 
the  heaps  left  by  the  consumed  cottages.  The  vic- 
tors had  not  lost  a  man.^"  Amid  their  rejoicings  the 
Swiss  remembered  somewhat  ruefully  the  large  num- 
ber among  whom  the  booty  must  be  shared.^''     They 

*'  "  Ein  gross  sach  und  nitt  an  official  reports  agree  on  this  point, 

besunder  gottlich  gnad  vollbracht."  *'  Scharnachthal    to  Berne,   Gi- 

Berne  to  the  king,  Deutsch  Mis-  rard  MSS. 
Biven-Buch  C,  334.  MS.  —  All   the 


i 


24 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA. 


[BOOK  IV. 


were  suspected  by  their  allies  of  an  intention  to 
monopolize  the  whole.'^^  To  avoid  dissension,  it  was 
collected  for  removal  to  Basel,  where  commissioners 
would  meet  to  make  an  appraisement  and  settle  the 
distribution.  In  like  manner  the  prisoners,  of  whom 
there  were  seventy  or  upwards,  would  be  valued  ac- 
cording to  their  respective  ability  to  redeem  them- 
selves. Scharnachthal  expressed  his  strong  regret 
that  they  had  not  all  been  "hewn  down;'"^**  and 
the  council  of  Berne  were  equally  indignant,  espe- 
cially on  learning  that  "  they  were  not  all  rich."  ^ 
Basel,  on  the  contrary,  found  an  ample  satisfaction 
in  disposing  of  those  who  were  poor.  Eighteen 
Lombards,  worth  neither  more  nor  less  than  the  ar- 
mor of  which  they  had  been  stripped,  were  charged 
with  heresy,  sacrilege,  sodomy,  or  whatever  else  it 
was  convenient  to  allege  against  them,^*  and  were 
burned  to  death  with  as  much  of  rite  and  ceremony 
as  belongs  to  all  the  forms  of  human  sacrifice,  pagan 
or  Christian.^^ 


2»  "  Die  schweizer  batten  sie  be- 
reits  unter  sicb  allein  vertheilt," 
writes  Knebel  (Iste  Abtb.  s.  89), 
who,  here  as  elsewhere,  is  a  better 
authority  for  the  rumor  than  for 
the  fact. 

"  "Es  wiire  besser  gewesen  man 
hatte  sie  alle  niedergehauen."  Schar- 
nachthal to  Berne,  Girard  MSS. 

^^  "  Ir  sind  bi  Ixxx,  [an  overstate- 
ment] und  nitt  all  rich,  wir  wollten 
es  were  anders  mitt  inen  gehan- 
delt."  Berne  to  Diesbach,  Deutsch 
Missiven-Buch  C,  348,  MS. 

3'  "  Concubitores  masculorum,  et 


mulierum  vulvas  consuentes  .  .  ., 
violatores  ecclesiarum,  .  .  .  effu- 
sores  crismatis  olei,"  &c.,  &e.,  &c. 
Knebel,  Iste  Abth.  s.  107. 

**  The  Swiss  diet  received  the  an- 
nouncement of  this  proceeding  with 
calm  indifference  (Eidgenossische 
Absctiiede,  B.  II.  s.  523).  But 
Schilling  writes  of  it  with  the  unc- 
tion of  a  Dominican :  •'  Das  doch 
nit  allein  Gott  dem  almechtigen, 
und  unserm  Christenlichen  Glouben 
loblich,  sunder  auch  aller  tiitschen 
Ehre  was,  und  ein  Urklinde,  das  sy 
semlicher  Ketzerie  fiend  sind." 


CHAP,  v.] 


BERNE  AND  THE  KING. 


25 


After  the  \ '  ^tory  the  siege  was  resumed ;  bufc  its 
progress  was  as  uiow  as  before.  The  walls,  enor- 
mously thick,  might  be  chipped  away  for  weeks  or 
months  without  being  perforated ;  and  permission  to 
storm  was  still  refused  as  likely  to  result  in  a  heavy 
and  useless  loss  of  life.  It  was  known  that  the 
besieged  would  surrender  on  terms,  but  the  besiegers 
were  loath  to  grant  them  any.  At  length  the  sever- 
ity of  the  weather,  the  impatience  of  the  troops,  and 
a  sickness  which  broke  out  amongst  them,  made  it 
necessary  to  agree  to  a  capitulation.  The  garrison, 
two  hundred  and  fifty  in  number,  after  being  paraded 
over  the  battle-field,  were  reluctantly  dismissed  ;  the 
castle  was  turned  over  to  the  Austrians ;  and  the 
army  scattered  as  quickly  as  it  had  assembled.*' 

"Let  your  schultheiss  give  an  account  of  all  this 
to  the  king ;  it  will  make  to  our  honor,"  were  the 
words  with  which  Scharnachthal  concluded  his  re- 
port.^ The  council,  without  needing  the  suggestion, 
wrote  immediately  not  only  to  Diesbach,  but  at 
greater  length  to  Louis  himself.  Informing  him  that 
the  moment  the  alliance  was  settled,  and  in  conform- 


''  In  this  account  of  the  siege 
and  battle  of  Hericourt,  we  have 
followed  chiefly  the  reports  of 
Scharnachthal,  and  other  leaders,  in 
the  Girard  MSS.,  Blo^sch,  and  Kne- 
bel ;  letters  of  Uerne  in  the  Deutsch 
Missiven-Buch  C,  MS. ;  a  letter  in 
the  Archives  of  Saint-Gall  (Stifts- 
Archiv) ;  and  a  manuscript  chroni- 
cle in  the  Bibliotheque  Cantonale 
VOL.  III.  4 


Vaudoise  —  Cronica  von  dem  Ur- 
sprung  und  alten  Geschichten  der 
Statt  Ziirich,  written  in  1519,  and 
apparently  compiled  from  official 
sources. 

'■'*  "  Lasset  doch  durch  eurem 
Schulthcissen  dies  alles  dem  konig 
kund  machen ;  es  reicht  una  zu 
Ehren.'-    Girard  ilf-S 5. 


26 


BERNE  AND  TIIE  KING. 


[BOOK  vr. 


m 


ity  therewith,  the  troops  had  taken  their  departure 
in  sight  of  his  envoys,  with  whom  this  and  other 
matters  had  been  concerted,'"  they  proceeded  to  give 
that  full  narration  which  he  would  naturally  expect, 
and  which  it  was  their  duty  to  supply.^"  No  report 
was  sent  to  the  emperor ;  nor  did  Frederick,  when 
he  heard  of  the  expedition,  affect  to  consider  it  as 
undertaken  at  his  desire  or  as  tending  to  his  advan- 
tage. But  by  Louis  it  was  accepted  as  faithful  ser- 
vice, an  earnest  of  the  zeal  with  which  his  cause  had 
been  embraced.  He  gave  a  liberal  guerdon  to  the 
bearer  of  the  news,^^  and  sent  back  a  special  messen- 
ger with  a  long  letter  full  of  thanks  and  praises.^ 
His  satisfaction  was  complete.  True,  his  enemy  had 
received  no  wound  that  would  leave  a  permanent 
scar ;  the  immediate  benefit  to  himself  was  as  little 
as  to  the  emperor.  But  blood  had  been  spilled  — 
Burgundian  blood,  by  Swiss  spears ;  and  what  fruit 
that  would  bear  none  knew  better  than  he,  who 
knew  so  well  the  temper  of  the  two  parties. 

It  might  be  feared  that  he  was  too  completely,  too 
easily,  satisfied.  He  seemed  in  some  danger  of  con- 
sidering any  further  exertions  superfluous.  That  on 
his  side  there  had  been  no  symptom  of  a  warlike 
movement,  that  instead  of  the  simultaneous  attack 
which  he  had  promised,  he  had  been  entering  into 
new  negotiations  with  Charles,  was  precisely  what 


"'  "  Mitt  den  wir  das  und  ander        '^  Berne  to  Strasburg,  &c.  Ibid, 

luter  beschlossen."     Deutsch  Mis-  352.  MS. 
siven-Buch  C,  346.  MS.  "«  Ibid.  349.  MS. 

="  Ibid.  334.  MS. 


CHAP,  v.] 


BERNE  AND  THE  KING. 


27 


might  have  been  anticipated.  But  his  slackness  in 
sending  the  expected  pensions  could  proceed  only 
from  that  careless  security  which  was  apt  to  overtake 
him  when  all  seemed  to  be  going  prosperously. 

If  so,  his  confidence  was  premature.  Hardly  had 
the  Swiss  taken  the  leap  when  they  began  to  ask 
themselves  what  they  had  gained  by  it  and  where  it 
would  land  them.  They  were  too  familiar  with  vic- 
tory to  be  dazzled  by  their  exploit.  The  soldiers 
had  not  received  their  stipulated  wages,  for  Sigis- 
mund  too  was  waiting  for  his  pension.  The  booty 
was  still  undivided.  So  far,  the  only  result  of  this 
short  campaign  was  the  sickness  which  the  men  had 
brought  home  with  them,  and  which  they  were 
spreading  among  their  neighbors.^"  And  meantime 
the  king  had  not  stirred.  His  auxiliaries  were  to 
carry  on  the  war  alone,  and  apparently  at  their  own 
expense ! 

Berne  became  uneasy.  The  council  wrote  to 
Diesbach,  inquiring  why  nothing  had  been  attempted 
by  any  of  the  king's  people,  and  conjuring  him  to 
use  his  utmost  ability  and  the  greatest  possible  de- 
spatch in  securing  the  objects  of  his  mission.  He 
would  himself  understand  how  much  they  depended 
upon  him  in  the  present  position  of  this  burdensome 
business,**^  in  which,  as  was  too  evident,  Berne  had 
a  deeper  interest  than  any  other  member  of  the 
Confederacy.* 


41 


^'  Berne  to  Diesbach,  Ibid.  348.  an  uch  mer  dann  vil  is  gelegen." 

MS.  Ibid.  331.  MS. 

*"  "Dann  ir    wol   verstan  nach        *'  "Mercken  doch    das    unnsre 

gestalt  disser  swtirer  louff  das  unns  statt  mer  dann  jemand  anders  ge- 


28 


BERNE  AND  THE  KINO. 


[nooK  IV. 


Addressing  themselves  directly  to  Louis,  they 
earnestly  begged  that  he  would  display  the  same 
activity  which  had  been  shown  by  them.  "Inas- 
much," they  said,  "  as  our  expedition  was  under- 
taken for  your  majesty's  especial  honor,  it  is  right 
that  on  your  part  also  there  should  be  an  earnest 
and  effective  attack."  *^  They  besought  him  to  fin- 
ish the  business  as  soon  as  possible  with  their  schul- 
theiss,  "  a  principal  promoter  of  this  thing,"  *^  and 
expressed  their  confidence  —  therein  revealing  their 
want  of  confidence  —  that  the  latter  would  meet 
with  fair  dealing.** 

No  replies  being  received,  the  anxiety  grew 
deeper.  As  the  matter  now  hung,  Berne  stood 
committed  for  the  good  faith  of  both  parties.  It 
had  pledged  itself  to  the  other  cantons  for  the  ful- 
filment of  the  royal  promises,  and  it  Lad  sent  off 
the  treaty  sealed  only  by  itself,  but  with  an  assur- 
an  e  that  it  was  the  act  of  the  whole  Confederacy 
and  would  be  ratified  by  every  member.  What 
would  happen  if,  through  the  remissness  of  Louis  and 
the  apathy  of  the  Swiss,  Berne  were  left  to  meet 
alone  the  rebound  of  the  ball  \^hich  it  had  set  in 
motion  ?  The  council  continued  their  letters  at  short 
intervals.  They  informed  Diesbach  that  his  silence 
had  brought  them  into  great  embarrassment.     All 


halten  werde."     Ibid,    ubi  supra.  "  "Ein  bcsunder  fiirdrer  disses 

*'  "  Dann  nach  dem  wir  soHchs  ding."    Ibid,  ubi  supra.  MS. 

uwer  k.  m.  zu  besundern  ere  under-  ''■'  "  Und  wol  verstechen  das  ihm 

standen  haben,  so  ist  ouch  billich  dhein  untruw  begegne."     Ibid,  ubi 

das  ufF  ir  sit  ouch  treffenlich  kreftig  supra.  MS, 

angriff  bestechen."  Ibid.  334.  MS.  .    • 


CHAP,  v.] 


BERNE  AND  THE  KING. 


89 


sorts  of  rumors  were  circulating  about  the  king— - 
for  example,  that  he  had  concluded  a  peace  with 
the  enemy  —  which,  though  believing  them  to  be 
groundless,  they  had  no  means  of  contradicting.** 
In  his  letter  of  congratulations  he  had  told  them 
that  he  had  given  orders  to  the  Sire  de  Craon,  his 
lieutenant  in  Champagne,  "  to  be  helpful  to  them  in 
all  ways ; "  but  such  language  was  too  vague  to  give 
them  any  comfort.*"  They  had  written  to  Craon, 
telling  him  that,  "  having  entered  into  the  war  at  the 
king's  urgent  desire,"  they  expected  active  support.*' 
As  they  reflected  on  the  possible  consequences  of 
their  precipitate  action,  they  were  seized  with  a  trep- 
idation. "  The  duke  of  Burgundy,"  they  wrote,  "  has 
still  a  force  in  Franche-Comte.  His  business  at  Neuss 
will  soon  be  ended,  when  he  will  draw  together  all 
his  power  and  march  in  this  direction,  letting  us  per- 
ceive by  his  acts  that  the  injury  done  him  has  gone 
to  his  heart.*^  If,  therefore,  there  be  any  bad  faith 
shown  towards  us,  which  we  will  not  suffer  ourselves 
to  think,  it  will  bring  upon  us  troubles  and  burdens 
from  which   may   God   protect  us."*"      At  present 


**  "Dann  allerley  worten  under 
unsern  eidgnossen  von  des  konigs 
wegen  gebraucht  werden,  das  er  niit 
dem  hertzogen  von  Burgund  soUe 
ein  friden  gemacht  haben,  darumb 
wir  kcinen  grund  kijnnen  verne- 
nien,  das  unns  doch  gantz  unruhig 
macht."    Ibid.  351.   MS. 

"  Ibid.  348.  jys. 

"  "  Als  wir  solich  krieg  besunder 
im  anstechen  des  kunigs  haben  un- 
derstanden,  also  begercn  wir  ouch 


an  uch,"  &e.  Berne  to  Craon,  Ibid. 
347.  MS. 

■"  "  Sin  sachen  vor  Nuss  werden 
sich  bald  enndon,  so  will  er  mitt 
gantzor  macht  heruif  und  sich  in 
solicher  mass  erzdugen  das  merklicb 
gesechen  das  Im  der  getan  schad 
zu  hertzen  gang."  Ibid.  348.   MS. 

*^  "  Sollt  nu  darinn  untruw  der 
wir  unns  doch  zu  denckung  nitt  ver- 
sechen,  gebrucht  were,  wurd  aller- 
ley beswiirnuss  und  irrung  davor 


80 


BERNE  AND  THE  KINO. 


[book  IV. 


tlicrc  was  nothing  so  nccesstiry  as  Diesbach's  imme- 
diate return.  This  would  silence  "the  great  talk" 
throughout  the  Confederacy.  Let  him  take  precau- 
tions on  his  journey  and  come  attended  by  a  guard. 
Geneva  and  other  places  through  which  he  must  pass 
were  full  of  Lombards  on  their  way  into  Burgundy, 
and  neither  the  government  nor  the  populace  could 
be  looked  upon  as  friendly."" 

The  closing  piece  of  advice  was  not  without 
grounds.  Diesbach  so  far  acted  upon  it  as  to  assume 
a  disguise.  But  in  Geneva,  where,  from  peculiar 
motives,  a  strong  hostile  feeling  existed,  he  was 
recognized,  hustled  by  a  mob,  and  obliged  to  run  for 
his  life  —  an  indignity  which  neither  he  nor  Berne 
was  likely  to  forget.  He  reached  home  about  the 
1st  of  January.  No  money  had  been  sent  by  him, 
but  it  was  to  follow  immediately  in  charge  of  an 
embassy.  He  had  brought  the  treaty,  duly  ratified, 
although  the  king  had  still  some  amendments  to 
suggest,  which,  however,  he  would  leave  to  be  settled 
verbally.'*  He  and  all  France  rejoiced  over  the 
victory.  He  had  himself  taker,  "^ome  castles,  and 
had  no  thought  of  making  a  peace,  or  at  all  events 
he  had  concluded  none.'^  He  had  assented  to  a  con- 
ference, but  it  was  merely  idle  words  to  blind  the 


unns  gott  behiit  bringcn."  Ibid,  ubi 
supra.   MS. 

*"  Ibid,  ubi  supra.  MS. 

*'  Eidgeuiissische  Abschiede,  B. 
II.  8.  522. 

°'  "  Und  gantz  keinen  friden  mit 
dem  herzogen  von  Burgunn  gemacht 


noch  beslossen  und  sie  noch  nit  im 
willen  das  zu  thun."  Berne  to 
Strasburg,  &c.,  Deutsch  Missiven- 
Buch  C,  352.  MS.  — The  words  in 
Italics  are  struck  out,  an  indication 
of  doubt,  as  their  insertion  had  been 
of  the  desire  for  assurance. 


CHAP,  V.J 


YOLANDE  OF  SAVOY. 


81 


cnomy  ns  to  his  intentions.  Tlis  communications 
witii  the  Hchultheiss  luul  been  most  satisfactory ;  ho 
was  fully  resolved  to  adhere  to  his  engagements, 
and  in  very  truth  there  was  nothing  to  be  per- 
ceived in  him  but  graciousness  and  entire  good 
faith."^  Having  delivered  this  cheering  report,  Dies- 
bach,  at  the  desire  of  the  council,  proceeded  to  Lu- 
cerne, to  collect  the  ratifications  of  the  cantons. 

But  the  troubles  of  Berne  were  not  yet  over. 
Week  after  week  went  by  without  the  arrival  of  the 
much  desired  gold.  The  agitation  in  the  Confeder- 
acy increased.  Nor  was  it  only  against  the  nmtter- 
ings  of  suspicion  or  the  cries  of  impatience  that 
Berne  had  to  contend.  An  active  enemy  was  in 
the  field.  A  hand  not  unpractised  in  political  ma- 
noeuvring, a  female  hand,  small  and  soft,  but  nimble 
withal,  had  taken  hold  of  the  knot  so  ingeniously 
tied  by  Louis.  The  king's  sister  was  trying  to  undo 
her  brother's  work. 

History  is  seldom  quite  just  to  historical  women. 
It  treats  their  feminine  characteristics,  which  in 
politics  must  be  expected  to  display  themselves  with 
quite  as  much  vigor  as  in  other  spheres  of  activity, 
simply  as  defects;  and  it  is  apt  also  to  forget  that 
the  embarrassments  which  beset  a  woman  are  great- 
er than  those  of  a  man,  who  generally  receives  far 
less  help  in  creating  his.  No  prince  in  Europe  had 
a  more  difficult  game  to  play  than  Yolande  of  Sa- 


*'  "  Und  als  wir  verstan,  so  kbn-    und  gantz  getruwen  willen."    Ibid, 
nen  wir  in  rechter  warheit  anders    ubi  supra.  MS, 
nit  erkonnen  dann  menglich  gnad 


82 


YOLANDE  OF  SAVOY. 


[book  IV. 


voy.  For  neighbors,  all  of  them  eager  to  assist  and 
protect  her,  she  had  Louis  of  France,  Charles  of 
Burgundy,  the  duke  of  Milan,  and  Berne.  At  home, 
as  her  supporters  in  the  regency,  of  which  they 
would  readily  have  relieved  her,  she  had  her  hus- 
band's four  brothers,  the  counts  of  Bresse,  Romont, 
and  Geneva,  and  the  bishop  of  Geneva.  Such  was 
her  position.  Her  policy  is  not  less  easily  indicated. 
Its  simple  object  was  to  preserve  in  security  and 
independence  the  heritage  of  her  son. 

Hence,  though  a  foreigner,  she  was  patriotic ; 
though  a  Frenchwoman  and  the  king's  sister,  she 
had  no  leanings  towards  France.  She  was  a  good 
mother  and  an  equitable  ruler.  Her  children  re- 
ceived the  most  careful  education,  and  her  internal 
administration  was  economical  and  popular.^* 

She  was  not  the  less,  in  quickness  of  intellect  and 
addiction  to  intrigue,  the  "  true  sister  "  of  Louis  the 
Eleventh.^^  She  knew  how  to  plot  and  to  coquet 
—  yet  like  a  woman,  never  with  long  calculations, 
or  precautions  against  opposite  contingencies.  Her 
brother  watched  her  sprightly  motions  with  fraternal 
sympathy.  His  interest  increased  as  he  perceived 
that  she  Avas  going  beyond  her  depth.  He  trembled 
for  her  when  he  saw  her  establishing  an  intimacy 
with  Galeas  Sforza.'"' 


**  See    the  Chroniques  de    Yo-  soeur  du  Roy."    Commines,  torn.  ii. 

lande  de  France,  edited  by  M.  Le'on  p.  19. 

Menabrea  for  the  Royal  Academy        *'  "  Sua  sora  e  una  femina,  e  non 

of  Savoy ;  and  Cibrario,  Instituzioni  intende  larte  del  Duca  di  Milano." 

della  Monarchia  di  Savoia,  p.  114  Depcchcs  des  Ambassadeurs  Mila- 

et  seq.  nais,  torn.  i.  p.  89. 

'*  "  EUe  estoit  tres  saige  et  vraye 


CHAP,  v.] 


YOLANDE  OF  SAVOY, 


33 


But  Yolande  had  the  courage  of  her  sex,  proceed- 
ing from  an  indistinct  appreciation  of  danger  and 
from  boundless  faith  in  a  strong  upholding  arm. 
From  obvious  motives,  and  with  a  dexterous  turn, 
she  had  eluded  the  protection  of  Louis  and  thrown 
herself  on  that  of  Burgund3^  She  felt  herself  safe 
with  Charles,  who  had  no  designs  against  her,  and 
who  did  not  treat  her  as  a  blind  tool.  One  advan- 
tage which  she  derived  from  the  change  was  its  neu- 
tralizing effect  upon  trie  internal  factions.  It  brought 
over  to  her  side  the  count  of  Romont  and  the  bishop 
of  Geneva,  who  were  devoted  to  Burgundy ;  and  it 
drove  the  headstrong  Philip  of  Bresse,  who  carried 
with  him  the  other  brother,  to  desert  his  own  party 
and  ruin  himself  with  his  natural  adherents  by  going 
over  to  his  ancient  enemy,  the  king.  Besides  this 
immediate  gain,  there  was  a  brilliant  hope.  She 
could  indulge  the  dream  that  her  young  Philibert 
would  in  time  be  pitched  upon  as  the  most  suitable 
partner  for  the  Burgundian  heiress. 

Having  chosen  her  side,  Yolande  remained  true 
to  it  when  threatening  combinations  were  beginning 
to  be  formed.  This  is  the  capital  fault  of  her  life, 
condemned  as  such  by  all  historians.  Her  apologist 
is  obliged  to  invent  a  fact,  that  he  may  excuse  so 
extraordinary  a  deviation  from  the  rules  of  sound 
policy.®^     As  the  prospect  thickened,  her  partisan- 


"  The  author  of  the  Chroniques    had  obtained  from  Charles  a  sealed 
de  Yolande  asserts,  but  in  a  man-    promise  to   give  his   daughter    in 
ner  which  betrays  his  own  want  of    marriage  to  the  young  duke, 
knowledge  on  the  point,    that  she 
VOL.  III.  5 


34 


POLICY   OF   SFORZA. 


[BOOK  IV. 


ship  became  more  active.  Woman-like,  she  volun- 
teered her  help  —  such  help  as  a  woman  might  prop- 
erly rentier.  She  conceived  that  she  would  be  doing 
an  essential  service  to  Charles,  as  well  as  to  herself, 
by  winning  over  the  duke  of  Milan,  the  hereditary 
friend  of  Louis. 

Several  years  before  Sforza,  after  vainly  manoeu- 
vring to  exclude  Savoy  from  a  general  peace  of  the 
Italian  states,  had  marched  an  army  to  its  frontiers. 
Venice,  never  partial  to  displays  of  personal  ambi- 
tion in  the  peninsula,  had  immediately  marched  its 
own  army  to  the  frontiers  of  Milan.  Thus  brought 
to  a  standstill,  the  duke  invoked  the  interposition  of 
France,  on  the  grounds  that  his  movement  against 
Savoy  had  been  provoked  by  its  opposition  to  the 
king,  and  that  the  insolent  Venetians  were  the  natu- 
ral enemies  of  all  princes.^^  But  Louis,  who  under- 
stood Italian  politics  too  well  to  meddle  with  them, 
replied  simply  that  he  should  leave  his  interests 
beyond  the  Alps  to  the  sole  care  of  his  ally.^^ 

Since  then  the  combinations  had  altered.  Milan 
and  Venice  were  joined  in  a  league ;  Sforza  and 
Yolande  were  carrying  on  a  confidential  intercourse. 
The  policy  of  Sforza  was  not  deep,  for  it  consisted 
merely  in  deceit.  But,  though  ineffective  for  great 
purposes,  it  enabled  him  to  move  with  ease  and 
safety  among  the  pitfalls  of  diplomacy.  He  listened 
attentively  to  Yolande  while  she  painted  the  advan- 


*^  Instructio   domini  A.  Spinule    Herzoge  von  Mailand,  Notizenblatt, 
ad  Francorum  Regem  ;  Briefe  und     1856,  s.  36,  37. 
Actenstucke    zur   Geschichte     der        "  Sjnnuli's  report,  Ibid.  s.  62.    • 


CHAP,  v.] 


POLICY  OF  SFORZA. 


35 


tages  of  a  union  with  Burgundy.  He  saw  for  him- 
self that  he  derived  none  from  his  union  with  France. 
He  would  only  be  following  the  example  of  all  the 
other  Italian  governments.*"'  He  could  break  the 
treaty  or  hold  to  it  at  his  convenience.  As  soon  as  it 
was  formed,  he  could  despatch  a  secret  message  to 
Louis,  with  assurances  of  continued  friendship  and 
exhortations  to  renew  the  war  against  Charles,  and 
to  press  it  vigorously  while  the  opportunity  was  so 
good.^^  Nor  need  it  prevent  him  from  fanning  the 
flame  in  Switzerland,"^  where  any  commotion  that 
did  not  threaten  to  cross  the  Alps  was  always  wel- 
come. Meanwhile  he  could  keep  an  embass}^  at  the 
court  of  Burgundy,  which  would  take  the  measure 
of  this  far-blazing  meteor  and  calculate  its  course. 
Science  would  profit  by  the  observations. 

Sforza  gave  his  consent.  Yolande  pressed  the 
matter  not  less  vehemently  upon  Charles,''^  whose 
personal  aversion  was  overbalanced,  not  merely  by 
the  gratification  of  detaching  from  Louis  an  old  and 
close  ally,  but  by  the  fresh  facilities  he  would  obtain 
for  his  enlistments  in  Italy.  A  defensive  league  was 
accordingly  formed,  the  two  parties  to  assist  each 
other  in  case  of  necessity  with  a  certain  number  of 
lances  or  a  certain  amount  of  money.  Ambassadors 
fully  empowered  met  at  Montecallerio,  where  the 
treaty  was  signed   on  the  30th  of  January,    1475. 


nblatt, 
62.    • 


™  See  the  remark  of  Commines  ^^  Ibid.  p.  32. 

(torn.  ii.  p.  14)  as  to  the  motives  of  **  See  the  preamble  of  Charles's 

Sforza.  ratification  of  this  treaty,  Lenglet, 

^*  Dcpeches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  torn.  iii.  p.  360. 
27. 


36 


BERNE  AND   SAVOY. 


[book  IV. 


Immediately  afterwards  a  Milanese  envoy,  Giovanni 
Pietro  Panigarola,  crossed  the  mountains  at  the  risk 
of  his  life  in  the  depth  of  the  severest  winter  which 
had  been  known  for  twenty-five  years/"*  traversed  a 
long  line  of  country  swarming  with  loose  parties  of 
soldiery  and  brigands,  and  made  his  way  to  the  camp 
before  Neuss,  whither  many  feet  besides  his  were 
now  wending,  ixnd  on  which  the  eyes  of  all  Eu- 
rope were  intently  fixed. 

This  triumph  of  her  diplomacy  gave  Yolandc  fresh 
spirits  for  a  more  arduous  affair,  one  in  which  her 
own  mterests  were  more  deeply  involved.  The 
friendship  between  Savoy  and  Berne  was  of  ancient 
date.  While  the  Bear  was  a  mere  cub,  it  had  owed 
much  to  the  benignity  of  its  princely  neighbor; 
and  since  its  maturity,  it  had  made  ample  acknowl- 
edgment of  the  debt,^^  which  in  its  own  ursine  fash- 
ion it  was  about  to  repay.  So  strong  was  the  trust 
placed  in  its  good  will  that  the  count  of  Romont, 
when  about  to  assume  the  post  cf  lieutenant-general 
in  the  Netherlands,  had  appeared  before  the  council 
and  requested  permission  to  leave  the  Pays  de  Vaud 
during  his  absence  under  the  protection  of  Berne. 
The  council  accepted  the  charge. 

This  was  in  the  spring  of  1474.  A  few  months 
later,  when  Berne,  confident  of  the  final  success  of 
the  French  intrigue,  was  preparing  to  give  effect  to 


**  Panigarola  to  the  duke  of  Mi-  licam  hand  segniori  studio  contiiiuis 

Ian,  DepGches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  Lncrementis  alucrunt."      Berne   to 

47.  the  regent  of  Savoy,  Moy  27,  1474. 

65 "  Divi  quondam  Sabaudioj  incly-  Lateinisches  MisBiven-Buch  A,  289 

tissimi  duces,  qui  rem  nostrum  pub-  b.  MS. 


ee 
of  GrJ 

«7 

11.    8. 
63   r] 


CHAP,  v.] 


PLOTfc    OF  BERNE. 


87 


the  scheme  at  the  instant  of  its  adoption  by  the  diet, 
it  began  a  quarrel  with  Yolande  about  the  passage 
through  Savoy  of  the  Italian  bands  enlisted  for  the 
Burgundian  service.  The  regent  defended  her  con- 
duct oil  the  ground  that  there  was  no  war  between 
her  allies,  that  a  similar  privilege  had  been  often 
extended  to  Berne  itself,*'"  and  that  she  intended  to 
preserve  a  strict  neutrality,  giving  no  offence  to 
any  party.  She  would  do  everything  to  i-etain  the 
friendship  of  the  Swiaj,  and  she  asked  to  be  allowed 
to  mediate  between  them  and  Burgundy  if  any  dif- 
ferences had  arisen.*''' 

Had  she  made  the  concession  required,  it  would 
have  formed  only  a  step  to  larger  demands.  With  a 
true  strategical  instinct,  Berne  had  already  fixed 
upon  the  Savoyard  territory  on  this  side  the  Alps  as 
the  pivot  both  of  its  communications  with  France 
and  of  its  operations  against  Burgundy.  With  this 
view  it  entered  into  a  secret  correspondence  ^vith 
Philip  of  Bresse,"^  whose  unscrupulous  character, 
enmity  to  Yolande,  and  present  dependence  for  his 
very  subsistence  on  the  bounty  of  the  king,*'"  made 
him  a  ready  and  fitting  agent  in  a  design  of  this  kind. 
A  month  before  war  had  been  declared  against  Bur- 
gundy, Berne  sent  a  small  party  to  surprise  the 
castle  of  Sainte-Croix  in  the  district  of  Grandson, 
while  the  count  of  Bresse,  with  a  hundred  and  fifty 


Q 


tinuis 
lie  to 
1474. 
L,  289 


®®  Letter  of  Yolande  to  the  count  ])o,"  which  are  numerous,  are  in  the 

of  Grujcres,  Menabrea,  appendix,  Lateinisches  Missiven-Buch. 

*"  EidgeniJssische  Abschiede,  B.        ®"  llis   own  acknowledgment  to 

II.  8.  498.  this  effect,  in  the  Depeches  Mila- 

**  The  letters  "  Domino  Philip-  uaises,  torn.  i.  p.  98. 


11 


38 


LERNE  AND  SAVOY. 


[book  IV. 


French  lunces,  made  a  simultaneous  attack  on  the 
town  of  Annecy.  Both  attempts  failed,  in  part 
through  the  vigilance  of  the  bishop  of  Geneva,  who, 
in  reporting  them  to  Yolande,  informed  her  that  his 
brother  had  made  futile  endeavors  to  obtain  his 
adhesion  to  the  plot7° 

After  war  had  been  declared,  Yolande,  with  the 
consent  of  Charles,  but  probably  with  no  expectation 
on  his  part  of  any  good  result,  renewed  her  offers  of 
mediation.  The  diet  answered  coldly  that  the  mat- 
ter concerned  the  Empire  and  the  house  of  Austria ; 
if  the  oj)posite  party  chose  to  make  propositions  to 
the  Swis>Sj  ho  might  do  so,  but  not  through  the  inter- 
vention of  others."^  The  complaint  about  the  Lom- 
bards was  pressed  with  greater  vehemency.  "  These 
troops,"  replied  Yolande,  "  are  not  to  be  used  against 
the  Swiss."  '^  "  They  are  to  be  used,"  retorted  Berne, 
"  against  the  Empire,  of  which  both  you  and  we  are 
members."  '"^  This  was  putting  the  question  on  a  dif- 
ferent ground  from  that  of  treaty-obligations,  and 
Yolande  had  an  obvious  rejoinder.  If  her  dispute 
lay  with  the  Empire,  she  would  settle  it  with  the 
emperor  and  the  electoral  princes.'*  But  Berne  was 
not  disposed  for  argument.  It  declined  further  cor- 
vespondence,  sent  what  it  termed  "  a  last  warning,"  ''^ 
and  obtainea  a  vote  of  the  diet  that  the  Lombards, 


'"  Guichenon,  Hist,  dc  Savoie, 
torn.  ii.  p.  424.  —  Menabroa,  appen- 
dix. 

"  Eidgenossische  Abschiedo,  B. 
II.  s.  523. 

'^  Menabrea,  appendix. 


"  Dcutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  324, 
402.  MS. 

"  Ibid.  372.   MS. 

'*  Ibid.  324, 331,  MS.—  Schilliug, 
s.  215,  216. 


CHAP,  v.] 


POSITION  OF  FKEYBURG. 


39 


on  their  march  through  the  Valais,  should  be  pounced 
upon  and  destroyed.'" 

What  restrained  Berne  from  the  immediate  ful- 
filment of  its  threats,  from  pouring  its  troops  into 
the  neutral  territory  it  desired  to  occupy,  was  not  so 
much  the  suspended  state  of  the  French  treaty  as  a 
necessary  regard  for  the  peculiar  and  delicate  posi- 
tion of  Freyburg.  That  state  had,  for  its  own  con- 
venience, voluntarily  accepted  the  feudal  sovereignty 
of  Savoy.  The  vassalage  was  purely  nominal,  but  it 
involved  at  least  some  compliance  with  the  laws  and 
usages  of  an  intimate  relationship.  Forced  into  the 
war  against  Burgundj^,  Freyburg  struggled  longer, 
yet  under  the  disadvantages  of  its  own  clear  foresight 
of  the  natural  consequences  of  that  war,  against  a 
rupture  with  Savoy.  It  resisted  the  proposal  of 
Berne  for  a  joint  seizure  of  several  places  important 
from  their  geographical  position.  It  entreated  for- 
bearance in  consideration  of  the  regent's  difficult 
situation,  and  it  appointed  envoys  of  its  own  to  assist 
hers  in  obtaining  equitable  terms."''  On  the  other 
hand,  both  for  its  own  security  and  because  it  knew 
all  the  engines  that  were  being  used  and  the  power- 
lessness  of  Yolande  to  withstand  their  concentrated 
pressure,  Freyburg  urged  upon  her  the  necessity 
of  yielding,  and  concurred  with  Berne  in  some  of 
its  menacing  words  and  compidsory  measures.  It 
wished,  however,  nothing  more  than  to  compel  her 
to  the  maintenance  of  an  absolute  neutrality,  forget- 


0 


''•  Eidscmissische  Abschiede,  B.        ''  Girard  it/SSf.  —  Deutsch  Mis- 
II.  8.  523,  526.  siven-Buch  C,  383.  MS. 


40 


BERNE  AND  SAVOY. 


[UOOK  IV. 


m 


ting  that  it  had  been  unable  to  preserve  its  own  neu- 
trality, and  that  for  Savoy  this  would  be  equally  im- ' 
possible. 

Yolande  was  in  a  dilemma.  To  refuse  a  passage 
to  the  Lombards  would  be  to  break  the  alliance 
which  she  looked  upon  as  her  strongest  safeguard 
against  France.  Yet  she  was  fully  alive  to  the  im- 
portance of  maintaining  her  friendly  relations  with 
the  Swiss.  She  resolved  to  spare  no  efforts  for  at- 
taining a  solution  of  the  difficulty.  She  accepted, 
though  with  a  natural  distrust,  the  good  offices  of 
Freyburg.  She  deputed  the  conduct  of  the  affair  to 
the  count  of  Gruyeres,  marshal  of  Savoy,  whose 
estates  bordered  on  Berne,  whose  people  had  allied 
themselves  with  that  canton,  and  who  had  himself 
proposed  to  turn  back  the  Lombards.  She  even 
consented  —  and  her  consent,  we  acknowledge,  ad- 
mits of  no  explanation  save  the  fact  of  her  being  a 
woman  —  that  Philip  of  Bresse  should  have  a  share 
in  the  negotiation.''^ 

Before  such  mediators  Berne  had  no  need  to  con- 
ceal the  real  nature  and  full  extent  of  its  design. 
The  count  of  Bresse  had  gone  for  the  express  purpose 
of  stimulating  mischief  The  count  of  Gruyeres, 
though  he  wished  for  peace,  had  resolved;  in  any 
event,  not  to  endanger  his  estates  by  tftking  part 
against  Berne,  The  principal  demands  were  these  • 
the  regent  in  her  own  name  and  that  of  her  son  to 
declare  immediate  war  against  Burgundy;  all  the 
places,  roads,  and  parses  of  Savoy,  and  especially  of 


"  Rodt,  Die  Grafen  von  Greyers,  s.  318  et  al. 


CHAP,  v.] 


DEMANDS  OF  BERNE. 


41 


the  Pays  de  Vaud,  to  be  opened  to  the  Swiss  armies ; 
the  count  of  Romont  to  be  immediately  recaled; 
twelve  thousand  florins,  in  two  instalments,  to  be 
paid  as  an  indemnity  for  the  insult  to  Diesbach,  and 
three  important  towns  —  Morat,  Yverdun,  and  an- 
other —  to  be  given  up  as  security  until  the  final 
discharge.  These  terms  were  to  be  taken  as  an  ulti- 
matum, and  fifteen  days  were  allowed  for  a  definitive 
answer/" 

Now,  then,  Yolande  had  been  explicitly  informed 
of  her  intended  fate  —  to  be  dragged  at  the  chariot 
wheel  of  Louis,  in  the  midst  of  his  Swiss  myrmidons. 
She  met  these  "  strange  and  dishonorable  requests  "  ^ 
with  a  passionate  refusal.  Two  considerations  in- 
spired her  with  the  hope  of  making  a  successful  re- 
sistance. The  Milanese  treaty  had  just  been  signed : 
she  trusted  that  the  "  triple  alliance,"  which  she 
called  upon  Sforza  to  aniiounce,  would  intimidate 
Berne.^^  Her  second  and  surer  card  lay  in  the 
internal  divisions  of  the  Confederacy,  which  had 
become  a  matter  of  notoriety  abroad,  and  of  which 
she  had  already  prepared  to  take  advantagf^. 

She  did  not  propose  to  separate  her  interests  from 
those  of  Charles.  How  was  it  possible,  when  she 
was  bidden  to  do  so  only  that  she  might  sacrifice 
her  interests  to  those  of  Louis  ?    In  an  appeal  to  the 


"  Jean  Dupont  to  the  duchess  of  "'^  "  Stranee  et  deshoneste  rechi- 

Savoy,    Jan.    28,    1475,   Depeches  este  facte  pei  Bernesi."    Depeches 

Milanaises,  torn.   i.  pp.    14-16.  —  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  19. 

Summons  from  Berne  to  the  duch-  "'  Ibid.  pp.  20, 33,  et  al. 
ess,  Lateinisches  Missiven-Buch  A, 
334.  MS. 


VOL.  III. 


6 


42 


BERNE  AND  SAVOY. 


[BOOK  IV, 


seven  cantons  .she  treated  the  threats  against  herself 
and  tlie  attacks  upon  her  ally  as  proceeding  from  a 
common  source.  Berne,  from  motives  of  its  own, 
had  bred  this  confusion.  Would  the  Confederates 
consent  to  bo  thus  driven  along  by  private  ambition 
and  cupidity  ?  Their  forefathers  had  never  declared 
war  except  from  public  motives,  with  sufficient  cause, 
and  after  ripe  deliberation.  For  herself,  she  would 
spare  no  pains  or  cost  to  restore  quiet,  but  she  would 
resist  the  dictation  of  those  whose  only  object  was  to 
stir  up  strife.®^ 

Agents  were  sent  to  disseminate  these  and  similar 
remonstrances,  and  by  practising  with  influential 
persons  ns  well  as  with  the  people  generally,  to  fo- 
ment suspicions  in  regard  to  France  and  a  jealousy 
of  Berne.^^  Nor  were  these  manoeuvres  altogether 
fruitless.  Even  the  diet,  with  Diesbach  as  its  presid- 
ing genius  and  with  Unterwalden  unrepresented,  felt 
the  pressure  from  without  and  modified  its  previous 
action.  It  was  resolved  that  no  state  should  com- 
mence a  war  against  Savoy  without  the  knowledge 
and  consent  of  at  least  a  majority  of  the  cantons. 
It  was  further  voted  —  perhaps  with  as  little  inten- 
tion as  there  was  obviously  little  power  to  give  effect 
to  the  vote  —  that  the  pensions  which  private  in- 
dividuals were  commonly  believed  to  be  receiving 
from  foreign  governments  had  an  injurious  ten- 
dency, and  should  be  given  up.  These  resolutions 
were  balanced   by  another,  which  might  have  been 


8«  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  372 
et  seq.    MS. 


83 


Schilling,  s.  217,  218. 


CHAP,  v.] 


BERX2  IN  CHECK. 


48 


anticipated,  that  any  canton  receiving  a  communi- 
cation of  whatever  nature  from  the  regent  of  Savoy 
should  bring  it  before  the  whole  Confederacy.^*  Out- 
side the  diet  the  opposition  took  a  more  decided 
form.  The  count  of  Gruy^res,  who  hitherto  had 
done  his  best  to  frighten  the  regent  into  submis- 
sion, now  wrote  that  he  believed  an  accommoda- 
tion to  be  possible.^  A  Milanese  envoy,  sent  partly 
in  compliance  with  Yolande's  request,  gave  more 
precise  intelligence.  The  really  hostile  feeling,  he 
reported,  was  confined  to  Berne.  Five  cantons  were 
decidedly  inclined  to  a  pacification,  both  from  a 
wide-spread  doubt  of  the  sincerity  of  France  and 
from  a  belief  that,  if  any  profit  should  result  from 
the  war,  Berne  would  appropriate  to  itself  the  lion's 
share.^" 

Berne,  meanwhile,  watched  this  counter-agitation 
with  a  sullen  rage.  The  "  burdensome  business,"  the 
load  which  it  was  urging  up  a  steep  hill,  showed,  aa 
it  neared  the  top,  an  increasing  tendency  to  roll 
back.  0  for  a  bar  to  put  beneath  it  and  pre /ent  it 
at  least  from  crushing  its  fatigued  supporters  !  As  a 
temporary  encouragement,  a  circular  was  addressed 
to  the  Confederates,  entreating  them  to  believe, 
whatever  reports  to  the  contrary  might  be  spread, 
that  the  king  had  no  purpose  to  endanger  the  alli- 
ance by  any  unnecessary  delay,  (t  was  a  great  sum 
which  he  had  to  provide.®'     On  its  reception  Berne 


;  .1! 


0 


**  Eidgeuiissische  Abschiede,  B.        ^''  "  Darumb  im  ouch  geburt  die 

II.   t.  52().  sinen  mitt  so  merklicheu  gellt  zu 

'^■'  Depeclies   Milanaises,   torn.  i.  furstechen."      Deutsch     Missiven- 

p.  60.  Buch  C,  369.  MS. 

"«  Ibid.  p.  51. 


44 


THE  FRENCH   PENSIONS. 


[book  IV. 


would  afsomblo  all  the  parties  concerned  and  make 
an  immediate  and  equitable  division.  This  would 
restore  confidence  if  any  dissatisfaction  had  arisen.** 
Meanwhile  let  the  treaty,  which  had  been  drawn 
exactly  as  agreed  upon,  be  ratified  and  sent  to 
Berne,  which  would  take  care  not  to  part  with  it 
until  the  envoys  arrived. 

But  it  was  vain  for  the  head  workmen  to  call 
upon  the  laggers  while  the  engineer  himself  re- 
mained inactive.  The  gold  !  the  gold !  That  alone 
could  furnish  the  required  impetus ;  without  that,  all 
the  long  labor  would  come  to  nought.  Again  the 
council  took  up  the  pen,  and  disclosed  their  trouble 
to  the  king.  The  delays  on  both  sides  weighed  upon 
their  hearts."'*  They  implored  him,  whatever  his 
affairs,  which  they  doubted  not  were  theirs  also,  to 
send  the  envoys  and  money  with  the  greatest  expe- 
dition. "  This  will  strengthen  the  hearts  of  our  Con- 
federates to  go  forward  on  the  road  in  which  we 
have  led  them,  keep  alive  the  practice  against  the 
duke  of  Burgundy,  and  stifie  the  attempts  that  are 
being  made  to  bring  them  back  into  his  friendship."* 
We  on  our  part  spend  all  our  daily  industry  in  striv- 


**  "  Das  wolle  ouch  den  uwern  ob 
jemand  an  solichen  verzug  unwil- 
len  hett  truwerlich  lutern."  Ibid, 
ubi  supra.     MS. 

*'  "  Die  lengerungen  beidesteil- 
len  .  .  .  unser  gemiit  verkumbret." 

'<•  "  Das  selb  mag  zu  der  iibung 
wider  den  hertzog  von  Burgunn 
vast  nutzen,  und  das  hertz  unnsrer 
Eydgnossen,  die  dann  in  mangen 


weg  in  frundschaft  desselben  hert- 
zogen  zuziechen  understanden  war- 
den [qui  variis  coloribus  in  aoiiciti- 
am  ejusdem  duels  reduci  temptan- 
tur],  in  den  weg  den  wir  angevang- 
en  haben  mtirkentlichen  stercken." 
Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  271.  MS. 
—  Lateinisches  Missiven-Buch  A, 
335  b.  MS. 


CHAP,  v.] 


THE  ENVOYS  COMING. 


45 


ing  to  render  our  subjects  and  our  allies  more  ame- 
nable to  your  royal  niajoHty.'"" 

While  this  letter  wa.s  on  its  way  the  royal  envoys 
had  reached  Lyons.  They  hesitated  to  come  for- 
ward, on  account  of  the  insecurity  of  the  route.** 
Here  was  one  mischievous  result  of  the  respite 
granted  to  Savoy,  which,  according  to  Berne,  had 
become  a  mere  thoroughfare  for  troops,  embassies, 
messengers  of  all  kinds,  passing  between  Burgundy 
and  Italy.  The  prince  of  Tarento,  with  a  numerous 
escort,  was  going  to  the  camp  at  Neuss."''  The  Great 
Bastard,  with  a  not  less  numerous  escort,  was  going  to 
Milan  and  Venice.  All  this,  as  the  council  truly  said, 
would  never  have  been  allowed,  if  Berne  had  had 
its  way."*  Luckily  recou'se  could  be  had  to  a  helper 
near  at  hand.  Letters  were  sent  to  Philip  of  Bresse, 
begging  him  for  the  king's  honor  and  advantage, 
and  for  the  furtherance  of  his  own  favor  with  Berne, 
to  provide  for  the  safe  passage  of  the  envoys."^  Mes- 
sage after  message  was  despatched  to  acquaint  them 
with  the  precautions  taken  and  to  hasten  their  steps. 
They  were  told  that  tho  injury  occasioned  by  their 
delay  had  been  great.  Their  coming  was  of  extreme 
importance  for  the  king's  interests,  and  for  baffling 
those  who  were  making  continual  efforts  to  reunite 
the  duke  of  Burgundy  and  the  Swiss.^     It  would 


it- 

0 


^'  "Dann  wir  alien  fliss  tiiglich 
daran  keren  da  durch  uwer  kungli- 
cheu  maiestfit  unnssre  Eydgnossen 
und  wir  geniimer  mogen  sin." 
Deutsch  Missiven-Buch,  ubi  supra. 
MS. 

«*  Ibid.  378.    MS. 


^■•>  Ibid.  374.   MS. 

^*  Berne  to  Lucerne,  Ibid.  383. 
xMS. 

9'  Ibid.  374,  376.  MS. 

"  "Das  ist  ein  sach  die  des 
kungs  nutz  vast  hiicht  und  die  uff- 
sitz  der  so  mitt  tiiglichen  besuch- 


46 


THE  FRENCH  PENSIONS. 


[BOOR  IV. 


uphold  the  languishing  spirit  of  the  Confederates, 
and  bring  into  effectual  operation  the  agreements 
negotiated  by  the  ambassadors  themselves^  The 
council  had  labored  with  all  their  power  to  strength- 
en the  friendship.  They  had  done,  it  was  true, 
only  what  Jieir  duty  to  his  majesty  bound  them  to 
do,  and  what,  with  the  help  of  God,  they  should 
steadily  continue  to  do.°^ 

Berne  now  appointed  a  day  for  the  assembling 
of  the  cantons.  Let  all  the  deputies  be  sent  with 
full  powers.  "  It  will  be  for  our  common  advantage, 
for,  as  wf-  understand,  they  are  bringing  the  money 
with  them." 

Alas!  it  was  necessary  to  strike  out  the  closing 
phrase,  and  substitute  the  words,  "  The  money  lies 
at  Lyons.""'  The  envoys,  the  sire  de  Craon  and 
Gratian  Favre,  who  reached  Berne  on  the  24th  of 
February  and  took  up  their  lodging  at  the  house 
of  Nicholas  von  Diesbach,^*^  had  not  cared  to  intrust 
their  valuable  freight  to  the  escort  of  Philip  of 
Bresse.  This  fresh  cause  for  anxiety  was  turned, 
however,  to   good  account.      The   diet,  revived    by 


ungen  zwuschen  den  hertzogen  von 
Burgunn  unci  die  hern  der  Eyd- 
gnossen  understan,  abstellt."  Ibid. 
377.   MS. 

"'  "  Das  alle  ding  zwuschen  sine 
maiestat  unns  und  unnssre  Eyd- 
gnossen,  die  an  uch  nitt  gehandellt, 
zu  furderlichen  end  gebracht  wer- 
den,  und  dadurch  die  gemiit  unnss- 
rer  Eydgnossen  uffenthallt."  Ibid. 
375.   MS. 

98  "  Und  ist  ouch  das  nicht  un- 


bihlch,  dann  wir  bekennen  uns  des 
pflichtig,  und  wollen  ouch  solichs 
alizit  tun  mit  hilff  gotts."'  Ibid, 
ubi  supra.   MS. 

"*  "  Dann  als  wir  verstand  so 
bringent  si  das  gelt  ouch  mit  inen 
—  So  ligt  das  gelt  zu  Lyon."  Berne 
to  Lucerne,  Ibid.  378.  MS.  The 
Italicized  words  are  struck  out. 

'""  Ibid.  384.  MS.— Dcpdches 
Milanaises,  tom.  i.  p.d2. 


CHAP,  v.] 


THE  TREATY  IN  DANGER. 


47 


the  news,  was  induced  to  take  upon  itself  the  re- 
sponsibility of  the  transmission,  Berne  being  author- 
ized to  conduct  the  arrangements,  and  warning  given 
to  the  Savoyard  officials  to  see  that  no  obstructions 
were  offered.^"^ 

The  storm  had  been  weathered ;  the  danger  was 
over.  Or  was  there  still  a  leak  to  be  overcome  ? 
Berne  had  informed  the  envoys  that  they  would 
find  the  treaty  fully  ratified.  But  it  still  lay  at 
Lucerne,  in  a  very  doubtful  condition.  Three  seals 
at  least  were  still  lacking ;  and  such  was  the  dispo- 
sition manifested  by  some  of  the  cantons  which  had 
taken  the  final  step  that  an  alarm  arose  lest  they 
might  endeavor  to  draw  back.  This  at  least  Berne 
was  determined  not  to  suffer.  The  council  wrote  to 
Lucerne  on  whose  cooperation  they  could  securely 
count,  thanking  it  for  its  true-hearted  furtherance  of 
a  matter  in  which  they  were  so  deeply  implicated,^''^ 
and  beseeching  it  in  the  most  earnest  terms,  by  its 
brotherly  love,  and  as  it  valued  their  honor  and  that 
of  the  Confederacy,  to  keep  the  treaty  in  its  own 
hands,  not  to  yield  to  any  demand  or  solicitation  for 
its  production,  nor  under  any  pretext  to  allow  the 
seals  to  be  removed  or  meddled  with.^""^  In  the  argu- 
ments employed  to  overrule  the  dissentient  voices, 
we  have  found  not  a  single  allusion  to  the  war  as  a 
thing  which  at  all  concerned  the  national  interests 


s 


0 


'*"  Eidgencissische  Abschiede,  B.  "•'  "  So    begeren  wir    an    uwer 

II.  s.  528.  briiderlich  lieb  gar  mitt  besunder 

""^  "  Dann   unns    ouch  vor    an-  hochem  fliss  und  ernst,  so  truwer- 

derngarvild\rangelegen."  Deutsch  lich  wir  jenen  vermogen,  ir  wollen 

Missiven-Buch  C,  404.  MS.  in  bedencken  uwer  und  uunssrer  al- 


48 


THE  FRENCH  PENSIONS. 


[book  IV. 


or  ■which  had  any  other  foundation  than  the  bargain 
with  France.  Two  points  alone  were  dwelt  upon  — 
the  profitable  nature  of  the  transaction  and  the  faith 
already  pledged  for  its  completion.  Berne  assumed 
a  tone  better  suited  to  its  purpose  than  that  of  rea- 
son, writing  in  a  strain  of  mingled  supplication  and 
reproach.  "We  have  given  to  the  king  our  bond 
and  seal  for  our  Confederates,  after  being  fully  em- 
powered by  their  vote.  If  any  of  them  shall  now 
fail  to  redeem  the  pledge,  they  will  inflict  a  wound 
upon  our  honor  —  a  thing  we  have  never  deserved 
from  any  of  them.  We  shall  believe  better  of  them 
than  that  they  will  leave  us  to  sustain  so  heavy  a 
load,  especially  when  so  manj'-,  and  as  we  learn  the 
majority,  have  already  affixed  their  seals."  ^°* 

Such  adjurations  —  backed  by  the  advent  of  the 
gold  —  might  move  the  hardest  breast.  The  diet 
again  took  the  matter  in  hand.  Unterwalden  was 
invoked  to  abandon  its  opposition.  Lucerne  and 
Zurich  were  instructed  to  work  upon  Glarus  and  Zug 
and  induce  them  to  consent  without  regard  to  Unter- 
walden. Final  answers  must  be  given  in  by  the 
night  of  Thursday  after  Easter,  the  30th  of  March. 
If  any  cantons  then  held  out,  a  new  draft  should  be 
prepared,  omitting  the  names  of  the  recusants.'"^ 

But  Berne  could  not  bear  the  thouii^ht  that  there 


ler  eren  unci  zufugens,  solich  versi- 
gelt  eynung  hinder  uch  behalten,  unci 
die  gantz  niemand  uft"  mannung  oder 
ersuch  wie  iech  die  sin  mocht,  hinus 
geben,  ouch  dheins  wegs  zu  gcstat- 
ten  das  die  angehankt  insiegell 
wider  geendert  und  abgestellt,  sun- 


der mitt  geflissnem  ernst  daran  sin, 
damitt  unnssre  brief  und  ere  ge- 
schirmt  were."  Deutsch  Missiven- 
Buch  C,  404.   MS. 

">♦  Ibid.  404,  403.   MS. 

"**  Eidgencissische  Abschiede,  B. 
II.  8.  631. 


CHAP,  v.] 


THE  TREATY  IN  DANGER. 


49 


lere 

|n  sin, 
ge- 
biven- 

ie.  B. 


should  be  a  single  recusant.  Elaborate  letters  were 
prepared.  They  were  sent  by  a  deputation  instruct- 
ed as  to  each  particular  of  the  verbal  explanations 
and  rejoinders  with  which  every  scruple  was  to  be 
turned  and  every  argument  driven  home.  The  con- 
currence of  Lucerne  was  invited  in  this  crowning 
effort  to  bend  the  stubborn  spirit  of  Untervvalden. 
Let  the  people  of  that  canton  call  to  mind  Berne's 
great  and  long-continued  friendship,  which,  by  God's 
grace,  had  been  to  them  not  unprofitable.  Never 
had  there  been  a  serious  dissension  between  the  two 
states;  never  had  one  of  them  done  any  injury  to 
the  other.  And  now  the  seal,  the  faith,  the  honor 
of  Berne,  given  with  the  knowledge  and  consent  of 
its  Confederates,  and  with  a  confident  reliance  upon 
their  intentions,  lay  impawned  and  imperilled  until 
Unterwalden  should  consent  to  their  redemption.^"* 
This  was  not  a  time  for  disunion  among  the  Confed- 
erates, when  princes  and  states  were  joining  together 
in  leagues.  It  was  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  the 
treaty  bound  them  to  persevere  in  the  war  against 
Burgundy.  They  were  simply  obliged,  in  conclud- 
ing a  peace,  to  stipulate  for  the  king's  admission  if 
he  should  wish  to  be  included.     On  this  point  the 


108  "Allen  uwer  fliss  und  ernst 
darun  keren  damitt  solich  verein- 
igung  die  wir  doch  nitt  anders  dann 
mitt  aller  unnsser  Eydgnossen  wuss 
und  willen  uff'genomen  haben,  an 
furer  bewcgung  von  unnssern  lie- 
ben  Eydgnossen  von  Underwalden 
versigelt  ufgericht  were,  dadurch 
VOL.  III.  7 


wir  dann  unnsser  glnubenbrieff,  si- 
gel  und  ere,  die  wir  uflF  unnssern 
lieber  Eydgnossen  gut  vertruwen 
verjiflicht  haben,  behalten  mogen." 
Berne  to  Amman  Hiintzli  of  Unter- 
walden, Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C, 
410.  MS. 


60 


THE  FRENCH  PENSIONS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


rojal  envoys  liad  been  consulted,  and  Berne,  if  re- 
quired, would  guaranty  by  its  own  bond  this  con- 
struction of  the  clause  in  question.  Did  the  case 
concern  Unterwalden,  my  lords  of  Berne  would  spare 
no  cost  or  labor  in  its  service.  Compliance  would 
insure  their  lively  gratitude,  of  which  future  gener- 
ations should  taste  the  fruits.^"' 

If,  after  so  long  a  resistance,  the  authorities  of 
Sarnen  and  Stanz  were  at  last  overborne  by  the 
torrent  of  entreaty,  we  blame  them  not.  Tempta- 
tions to  which  others  had  yielded  had  produced  as 
little  effect  upon  them  as  the  noonday  sun  on  the 
eternal  crust  of  Titlis.  They  had  withstood  not  only 
the  blandishments  of  Berne,  but  the  natural  longings 
ot  a  population  condemned  to  a  perpetual  struggle 
for  a  bare  subsistence  and  excited  by  the  approaches 
of  a  golden  tide  which  its  rulers  were  endeavoring 
to  dam  out.  We  blame  them  not  for  the  concession, 
but  honor  them  for  the  motive  —  that  sentiment  of 
fraternal  unity  which  had  bound  the  Swiss  people 
into  a  nation.  Yet  the  unworthy  advantage  taken 
of  this  sentiment  brought  its  appropriate  curse  in 
subsequent  divisions  and  estrangements,  which  threat- 
ened more  than  once  the  existence  of  the  Confed- 
eracy. 

Having  demeaned  themselves  thus  humbly  in 
their  correspondence  with  the  plebeian  elders  of 
Unterwalden,  my  lords  of  Berne  now  took  their  re- 
venge in  the  harsh  and  bullying  tone  which  they 
assumed  towards  Savoy.     From  the  moment  of  the 


107 


Letters  and  Instructions,  Ibid.  406-414.  MS. 


CHAP,  v.] 


YOLANDE   SILENCED. 


51 


arrival  of  the  French  envoys  Yolande's  chances  had 
sunk  as  rapidly  as  those  oi  her  opponents  had  risen. 
She  had  brought  her  appeal  before  the  diet,  who 
replied  that  they  had  at  present  too  many  affairs  on 
hand  to  refer  for  instructions  to  their  constituents, 
as  was  usual  in  such  cases.  "With  regard  to  the  war 
with  Burgundy,  the  Swiss,  as  they  had  before  told 
her,  were  mere  "  helpers : "  ^^  if  the  emperor  and  the 
other  parties  whose  call  they  had  obeyed  could  be 
induced  to  entertain  ;)ropositions,  an  application 
might  then  be  made  to  the  in  also,  and  they  would 
give  it  proper  consideration.  As  to  her  controversy 
with  Berne,  they  could  only  advise  her  to  live  up  to 
the  terms  of  her  alliance  with  that  state,  affording  to 
the  enemy  no  assistance  or  privilege  of  transit ^°® 

In  other  words  the  diet,  while  ashamed  to  give 
open  encouragement  to  the  violence  of  Berne,  left  it 
to  pursue  its  course,  abstaining  from  further  inter- 
vention. The  passage  of  the  Lombards  was,  as  the 
diet  must  well  have  known,  not  the  real  question  at 
issue.  Yolande's  envoys  at  Berne  reported  that 
they  had  offered  every  possible  concession,  but  with- 
out the  least  effect.  Nothing  would  serve  but  an 
immediate  declaration  of  war  against  Burgundy. 
"  How  can  you  expect  it  ? "  they  urged.  "  The 
houses  of  Burgundy  and  Savoy  are  united  by  kin- 
ship and  by  ancient  treaties.  The  war  is  not  against 
you,  and  you  have  no  direct  interest  in  it.     Nor  do 


""  "BeziigUch  des  Krieges  gegen    Eidgendssische  Abschiede,  B.  II.  8. 
Burguud  seien    wir    nur    Heifer."    535. 

'«»  Ibid.  8.  635,  536. 


0 


52 


THE  FRENCH  PENSIONS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


your  treaties  with  us  justify  a  demand  for  our  partici- 
pation :  if  there  be  any  doubt  on  that  point,  we  are 
willing  to  submit  it  to  your  own  Confederates  and  to 
abide  by  their  decision."  A  flat  refusal  was  returned: 
*'  Declare  war  and  open  the  country  to  our  troops,  or 
take  the  consequences."  ""^  It  was  vain  to  arguo. 
"  They  are  pushed  on  by  the  French  ambassadors," 
said  the  report ;  and  the  Milanese  envoy  ^vrote  to 
the  same  effect."' 

Amongst  Yolande's  advisers  none  could  suggest 
any  means  of  staving  off  the  danger  except  a  liberal 
distribution  of  money."^  But  if  she  had  proved  her 
inferiority  in  negotiation,  how  much  weaker  must 
she  be  in  a  trial  of  this  kind,  matched,  with  her  tiny 
silk  purse,  against  players  who  threw  on  the  table 
a  canvas  bag  full  to  the  brim,  while  they  kept  an- 
other, not  less  heavy,  concealed  in  their  robes  ?  It 
was  commonly  understood  that  the  gold  sent  by 
Louis  amounted  to  thirty  thousand  francs  "•'  —  equal 
to  a  million  and  a  half  at  the  present  valuation."* 
Ten  thousand  belonged  to  Austria,  but  were  stopped 
by  Berne  for  the  promised  wages  of  the  soldiers  in 
the  Hericourt  expedition  —  Sigismund's  "  intentions 
not  being  doubted,"  and  his  quittance  being  demand- 
ed and  given."^  The  remainder  was  assigned  in 
equal  portions  to  the  eight  cantons  with  Freyburg 
and  Solothurn.    In  the  royal  letters  authorizing  this 


"i 


""  Depeches  Milanuises,  torn.  i. 
pp.  72,  73. 

'"  Ibid.   p.  79. 

"«  Ibid.  p.  72,  87,  88. 

"^  Ibid.  p.  79. 


"■•  Zellweger,  s.  55. 

"''  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C, 
416.  MS.  —  Lateinisches  Missiven- 
Buch  A,  361  a.  i¥.S'. 


CHAP,  v.] 


THE  DISTRIBUTION. 


M 


It 

by 

ml 

114 


disbursement,  its  object  was  stated  to  be  "  the  main- 
tenance of  the  Swiss  in  the  '>ervice  of  the  king  in  his 
wars  and  otherwise,"  ""  and  the  payments  were  made 
continuable  "  so  long  as  they  should  be  so  engaged 
in  his  service." "''  Berne,  expressing  the  same  idea 
in  different  language,  gave  a  general  receipt  for  the 
whole  amount,  as  intended  "  to  meet  the  expenses 
which  the  Confederates  had  incurred,  or  might  incur, 
in  doing  the  j^?/eas^<re  of  the  said  king."  '*^  But  these 
twenty  thousand  francs  were  not  all  which  the  lib- 
eral Louis  designed  for  "  servants "  who  were  so 
regardful  of  his  "  pleasure."  Those  who  had  borne 
the  heat  and  burden  of  the  day  were  engaged  —  as 
Berne  had  taken  care  to  remind  him  —  at  a  very 
different  rate  from  the  laborers  for  an  hour.""  He  had 
sent  therefore  another  twenty  thousand  francs,  leav- 
ing the  distribution  to  Diesbach  and  Favre,  by  whom 
a  schedule  was  drawn  up,  and  prefaced  with  the  state- 
ment that  this  was  a  matter  "  not  requiring  to  b^^  made 
public,  but  to  be  kept  secret."  '^"   Of  this  sum  six  thou- 


« 


t 

0 


m 


urg 
this 


c, 

liven- 


118  i<  Poureux  entretenir  en  nos- 
tre  service  ou  fuits  de  nos  guerres 
et  autrerrient."  Lenglet,  torn,  iii,  p. 
378. 

'"  "  Tant  qu'ils  s'entretiendront 
en  nostredit  service."  Ibid,  ubi  su- 
pra. —  A  document  of  the  same  ten- 
or was  probably  sent,  with  its  par- 
ticular pensi(>n,  to  each  of  the  can- 
tons. At  least  we  infer  as  much 
from  the  fiict  that  a  copy,  of  which 
the  original  is  now  missing,  in  the 
Archives  of  Zurich  (Corpus  Fcede- 
rura  Helvctio-Tigurinorum,  MS.) 
specifies  the  pension  of  that  canton 
only.      The   date,   too,   is   May  4, 


while  that  of  the  letters-patent  in 
Lenglet  is  January  2. 

118  «  Pour  nous  aider  h,  supporter 
les  depens  que  faire  et  soustenir 
nous  a  convenu  et  conviendra  pour 
])laire  ledit  roy."  Lateinisches  Mis- 
siven-Buch  A,  361  b.   MS. 

ua  <(  Pvaeterea  habebetis  curare  et 
promere,  quod  ciuitates  et  comnr  "i- 
nitatis  Bernensis,  Zurich,  et  Lucer- 
nensis  in  factis  pensionibus  uberior- 
ibus  stricte  et  fideliter  pro'iidean- 
tur."  Instructions  to  Diesbach, 
Oct.  29,  1474,  Eidgendssische  Ab- 
schiede,  B.  II.  s.  ol7. 

'20  "  Desquels  vingt  mille  francs, 


54 


THE  FRENCH  PENSIONS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


sand  francs  were  assigned  to  Berne,  three  thousand  to 
Lucerne,  two  thousand  to  Zurich ;  to  the  other  can- 
tons and  the  two  allies  —  nothing.  Nine  thousand 
were  thus  left  for  particular  individuals,  and  of  this 
residue  all  but  the  merest  trifle  was  absorbed  by  citi- 
zens of  Berne  and  Lucerne,  chiefly  by  those  of  the 
former  state.  The  two  Diesbachs  and  Jost  von  Sili- 
nen  received  one  thousand  francs  each ;  Scharnach- 
thal  and  a  brother  of  Silinen,  four  hundred ;  less 
conspicuous  persons,  sums  ranging  from  two  hundred 
down  to  twenty  francs.  All  these  sums  were  granted 
in  the  form  of  yearly  "  pensions."  ^'^^  One,  of  three 
hundred  and  sixty  francs,  was  designed  for  Adrian 
von  Bubenberg;  but  it  had  been  forgotten  to  ask 
previously  whether  he  would  accept  it.  Before 
pocketing  their  allowance  the  council  of  Berne  re- 
pealed the  regulation  under  which  the  statute  {igainst 
bribes  was  read  yearly  at  the  opening  of  their  pro- 
ceedings.'-^ For  this  act  we  cannot  but  commend 
them.  When  a  new  god  is  to  be  set  over  the  altdr, 
it  is  but  decent  that  the  liturgy  be  changed. 


A  vein  had  been  opened  and  the  poison  injected. 
Li  time  it  would  course  through  the  whole  system, 
tainting  the  sources  of  life,  checking  its  healthy  de- 
velopment, paralyzing  the  heart  and  the  brain.  "  It 
is  just  one  hundred  years,"  wrote  Heinrich  Bullinger, 
of  Zurich,  in  1574,  "since  the  formation  of  that  alli- 

n'est  besoin   faire  aucune  publica-        '^'  RoUe  arreste  Ji  Berne,  &c.  Ibid, 
tion,  mais  le  tenir  secret."      Len-     pp.  379-381. 

glet,  torn.  iii.  p.  379.  '^^  Rathsmanual,  B.  XVI.    MS. 

(Archives  of  Berne.) 


53:1'!; 


CHAP,  v.] 


THE  AFTER  EFFECTS. 


55 


tein, 
de- 
«It 

iger, 
alli- 

Ibid. 

MS- 


ance  which,  as  is  now  clear  to  all,  was  our  undo- 
ing." '^'  "  The  art  of  corrupting  the  greedy  Swiss," 
says  another  of  their  rount.'ymen,  writing  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  "  has  been  closely  imitated  by  all 
the  successors  of  Louis  the  Eleventh.  No  spot  has 
renained  uninfected ;  and  if  any  place  struggles  to 
purify  itself,  it  becomes  an  object  of  jealousy  to  the 
rest  and  a  prey  to  internal  distractions."  ^^*  Accord- 
ing to  a  computation  made  in  1715,  the  public  and 
private  pensions  paid  down  to  that  year  amounted  to 
1146,868,623  francs ;  and  it  was  believed  that  dur- 
ing a  period  of  less  than  two  and  a  half  centuries 
seven  hundred  thousand  Swiss  had  been  drafted  into 
the  service  of  foreign  states.'-^  This  "  trade  in  Swiss 
blood,"  as  it  was  justly  called,  had  the  natural  effect 
of  keeping  down  the  population,  abridging  the  culti- 
vation of  the  soil,  and  depressing  the  higher  pursuits 
of  science  and  art '""  —  facts  which  received  a  pecu- 
liar verification  in  the  sudden  and  rapid  progress  of 
Zurich  and  Berne,  in  all  these  respects,  during  a  por- 
tion of  the  sixteenth  century,  when  those  cantons 
renounced  their  treaties  with  France.^^'  That  the 
practice   had   a   most   demoralizing   influence    need 


'**  Von  den  Tigurinen  und  der 
Stadt  Zurich  Sachen,  Chron.     MS. 

'-*  Vateiliindische  Sammlungen, 
MS.  (Bibliotheque  Cantonale  Vau- 
doise.)  —  The  struggle  in  which  the 
noble  Zwinglius  lost  his  life  oft'ers  a 
remarkable  instance.  The  whole 
history  of  the  lleforination  in  Swit- 
zerland is  intimately  connected  with 
that  of  the  pension  system. 


lib  a  j)gj.  Handel  mit  Schweizer- 
blut  durch  konigliches  Geld  kostete 
genau  berechnet  von  a.  1480  bis  a. 
1715,  700,000  Schweizer;  bezogen 
wurden  an  (iffentlichen  und  beson- 
deren  Pensionen  im  gedachten  zeit- 
raum  1146,868,623  fr."     Ibid.  iMS. 

'««  Ibid.  i¥S.  — LaufTer,  B.V.  s. 
327-329. 

'*^  Laufier,  ubi  supra. 


0 


M 


THE  FRENCH  PENSIONS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


hardly  be  observed.  It  tainted  the  dealings  of  the 
government  with  foreign  states,  causing  it  to  tram- 
ple upon  principles  which  it  was  bound  to  uphold ; 
and  it  corrupted  the  manners  of  the  people  in  a 
degree  still  traceable  in  spite  of  their  many  excel- 
lent qualities.  How,  indeed,  could  it  be  otherwise 
when  for  so  long  a  period  the  country  was  simply 
a  camp  fcr  the  supply  of  foreign  armies,  an  arena 
for  the  contests  of  foreign  diplomacy,  a  market  for 
supplying  the  shambles  of  foreign  ambition?  It  is 
not  we  who  say  these  things,  but  the  Swiss  them- 
selves.'^^ From  its  first  commencement  and  so  long 
a.^  the  system  prevailed,  every  true  patriot  raised 
hit  voice  to  denounce  it,  scarcely  any  historian  of 
rep  ate  has  mentioned  except  to  deplore  it.  Swit- 
zerland has  at  last  shaken  ofi"  the  yoke,  and  rejoices 
in  her  liberation.  Those  who  find  this  system  per- 
fectly legitimate,  or  who  seek  to  justify  its  introduc- 
tion, have  neither  had  experience  of  its  effects  nor 
any  real  knowledge  of  its  origin. 


"»  The  faithful  and  unrivalled 
delineator  of  the  national  manners, 
Albert  Bitzius,  has  depicted  these 
evils,  under  their  various  aspects,  in 
a  passage  of  surpassing  earnestness. 

"  Was  aus  uns  wiirde,  was  wir 
heim  briichten  in's  Vaterland,  haben 
das  die  je  bedacht,  welche  Schweitz- 
erblut  verkauften,  sold  fiir  die  ei- 
gene  verfallene  Haushaltung,  Brod 
fiir  die  verwahrlosten  Sohne   such- 

voL.  m.  8 


ten  ?  Gerade  dieses  Rcislaufen  un- 
ter  obrigkeitlichera  Garantie  brach 
den  uchten  Schweitzersinn  ;  da  wur- 
den  die  Freien  dressirt,  bis  sie 
knechten  wurden,  bis  sie  schmeich- 
eln,  Stellen  nachjagen  konnten,  da 
wurden  sie  entnervt  durch  fremdes 
Geld  und  fremde  Lasten,  die  Einen 
reich  die  Andern  desto  armer." 
See  Jeremias  Goithelfs  gesammelte 
Schriften,  B.  I.  s.  232-234. 


CHAPTER    VI. 


THE  FRENCU  TREATY.  —  WAR  IN  THE  JURA }  SECOND  CAMPAIGN. 


anen 


14  7  5. 

Thus  the  Swiss  people,  which  had  so  long  held 
princes  at  Pirm's-length,  refusing  to  become  entangled 
in  their  alliances  or  their  disputes,  had  so  widely 
departed  from  its  traditional  principles  as  to  consent 
to  be  henceforth  "  maintained  in  the  service  "  of  a 
foreign  monarch. 

And  this,  we  are  told,  was  commendable  on  their 
part,  or,  at  the  least,  justifiable  and  politic.  Their 
independence,  it  is  said,  was  threatened,  and  resolv- 
ing to  anticipate  the  danger  they  foresaw,  they 
wisely  accepted  the  aid  that  was  offered  in  the  form 
in  which  it  was  needed.     . 

How  far  such  representations  accord  with  the  facts, 
every  reader  of  the  preceding  pages  has  the  means 
of  judging  for  himself  There  had  been,  on  the  part 
of  the  Swiss,  no  manifestation  of  jealousy  or  hostility 
towards  the  duke  of  Burgundy  that  did  not  emanate 
from  Berne.     Why  Berne  had  labored  to  create  such 

VOL.   III.  8  (57) 


1? 

I      ■ 

0 


58 


POSITION  OF  THE  SWISS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


an  enmity  appears  from  its  own  ncknowlcdgincnts. 
Even  now  its  eflbrts  to  spread  this  feeling  had  been 
utterly  fruitless.  It  had  secured  the  adoption  of  the 
treaty  with  France,  but  it  had  not  succeeded  in 
exciting  any  popular  hatred  of  Burgundy.  It  had 
prevailed  over  the  opposition  of  the  other  cantons,  in 
part  by  appealing  to  the  same  base  motives  which 
had  influenced  itself,  in  part  by  the  employment  of 
artifices  and  by  working  upon  that  spirit  of  unity 
and  mutual  concession  which  had  always  been  a 
conspicuous  virtue  of  the  Swiss  character.  But  it 
had  long  since  abandoned  as  hopeless  the  attempt 
to  excite  unfounded  apprehensions.  Bugbears  had 
no  place  in  the  Swiss  imagination.  They  had  none 
in  that  of  Berne  itself  Intimations  of  danger  from 
the  "  triple  alliance "  were  received  by  the  council 
of  that  state  with  characteristic  and  befitting  scorn. 
"  A  handful  of  Swiss,"  they  replied,  "  is  a  match  for 
an  army.  On  our  own  soil,  with  our  mountains 
behind  us,  we  defy  the  world."  ^ 

But  the  summons  of  the  emperor,  their  sympathies 
as  Germans,  their  treaty  with  Austria  —  these  at 
least  were  facts.  Were  not  these  the  predominating 
motives  ? 

We  venture  to  believe  that  no  one  was  more 
astonished  at  the  prompt  obedience  of  the  Swiss  to 
the  imperial  mandate  than  the  emperor.  What  share 
he  had  had  in  sendins;  the  summons  we  are  unable 


'  "  Che  pochi  di  loro  .  .  .  dariano  proveduti,  in  forma  che  venesse  chi 
de  le  botte  ad  niolti  armati.  ...  se  volesse  li  cacciariano."  De- 
Sono  grossi  col  paese  forte  et  ben     peches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  51.  • 


CIIAI*.  VI.] 


THEIR  DUTY  TO  THE  EMPEROR. 


69 


ore 

to 

are 

,ble 


chi 
De- 


to  say.  The  original  document,  still  in  existence, 
bears  the  date  of  the  27th  of  October  —  two  days 
later  than  that  of  the  letter  of  defiance  purporting 
to  be  based  upon  it.'*  But  doubtless  he  was  gratified 
at  learning  tlipt  he  had  loyal  subjects  where  before 
he  had  counted  only  rebels.  If  the  Swiss  were  go- 
ing to  fight  for  it,  there  was  still  hope  for  the  crazy 
old  Empire,  and  he  despatched  the  Count  Hugo  of 
Montfort  to  acquaint  them  and  their  allies  with  his 
preparations  for  relieving  Neuss  and  to  require  their 
attendance.  This  seemed  to  them  a  ;itranf?e  message. 
Had  his  imperial  majesty  not  heard  of  their  expedi- 
tion into  Upper  Burgundy,  undertaken  at  his  com- 
mand, for  the  honor  and  deliverance  of  the  German 
nation  ?  ^  The  coming  on  of  cold  weather  had  pre- 
vented them  from  doing  all  thev  had  intended  ;  but 
they  had  effected  a  diversion  which  would  prove  of 
the  greatest  advantage.  At  present  they  must  stay 
at  home  and  keep  watch.  The  enemy  might  come 
upon  thein  at  any  timej  the  duke  of  Mila. ;,  in  their 
rear,  must  be  closely  looked  after ;  and  the  son  of 


*  The  original  is  in  the  Archives 
of  Lucerne,  with  the  date  very 
plainly  written  —  "  sybenund  zwan- 
zigten  tag  des  monats  Octobers." 
As  the  imperial  envoys  who  ap- 
peared before  the  diet  at  Feldkirch 
were  accredited  to  Sigismund  and 
the  towns  of  the  Upper  Rhine,  it 
may  be  inferred  that  the  summons 
to  the  Swiss  Mas  an  afterthought  — 
not  a  cause,  but  a  result,  of  their 
agreement  to  take  part  in  the  war. 

^  "  Uurzu  unns  dann  nutz  mer 


dan  dieselb  uwer  keysslich  mannung 
die  wir  gehorsamklich  emphangen, 
und  die  ere  und  rettung  des  heilig- 
en  Reichs,  und  besundcr  oucli  unss 
gar  gnadigen  hernn  Ilertzog  Sig- 
mund  von  Oestrich  und  gemeiner 
Tutschen  nation  der  wir  ouch 
zubeglidet  sind,  bewogcn  haben." 
Berne  to  the  Emperor,  April  23, 
Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  438 ; 
and  previous  letter  without  date, 
lb.  3G6.  MS. 


N 


■B) 


i 

c 

0 


60 


POSITION  OF  THE   SWISS. 


[BOOK  rv. 


the  king  of  Naples  had  been  seen  somewhere  about. 
They  trusted  that  the  emperor  would  excuse  them, 
as  they  were  acting  entirely  for  the  good  of  the 
Empire,  and  not  out  of  disobedience  to  their 
natural   lord.* 

An  answer  like  this  would  by  no  means  go  down 
with  a  monarch  of  Frederick's  experience  and  dis- 
cernment. He  scouted  the  notion  that  such  expedi- 
tions as  that  of  Hericourt  would  do  anything  for  the 
preservation  of  the  Rhineland.^  They  would  tend 
rather  to  draw  the  enemy  in  than  to  drive  him  out.^ 
If  the  parties  to  the  league  of  Feldkirch  cared  any- 
thing for  the  security  of  the  Empire,  let  them  send 
him,  in  the  proportion  of  their  respective  means, 
twenty  thousand  men.  Then  the  war,  instead  of 
being  spread  and  prolonged,  would  be  narrowed 
down  and  brought  to  a  quick  conclusion,  and  all  who 
had  shared  in  it  would  share  also  in  the  benefits  of  a 
common  peace.'' 

Surely  this  was  sound  reasoning,  and  peculiarly 
applicable  if  the  Swiss  had  any  personal  interest  *at 


*  Ibid.  438,  il/.Sf.  — Zellweger  has 
printed  this  letter,  but  with  the  dis- 
figurements too  characteristic  of  his 
copies. 

°  "  Dann  dos  bemelten  herrezugs 
halb  werden  wir  bericht  da-^s  der 
nit  anders  denn  ufF  ein  straufF  und 
verwustung  oberburgund's  ein  kurtz 
Zyt  fiir  genommen  syn,  das  uns 
denn  nit  fruchtbarlich  noch  rattsam 
bedunkt."  Letter  of  the  Emperor 
to  the  Council  of  Strasburg,  in 
Knebel,  Iste  Abth,  s.  93. 

®  "  Und  ir  domit  den  Krieg  vom 


Hertzogen  von  Burgund  mer  uff 
iich  und  iiwere  zugewanten  den  ab 
iich  leitent  und  zieheud."  Ibid,  ubi 
supra. 

'  Letter  of  the  Emperor  to  Sigis- 
mund,  Jan.  25,  1475.  MS.  (Stifts- 
Archiv,  Sanct-Gallen.)  —  A  similar 
communication,  in  March,  to  the 
Swiss,  Eidgendssische  Abschiede, 
B.  II.  s.  528.  —  See  also  Wursteisen, 
8.  442 ;  and  two  letters  of  Duke 
Albert  of  Saxony  in  Miiller,  Reichs- 
tag-Theatfum,  Theil  II.  s.  689,  690. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


THEIR  DUTY  TO  THE  EMPEROR. 


61 


stake.  All  Germany  was  going  to  join  j  the  pecu- 
niary aid  of  France,  if  that  were  indispensable,  had 
been  secured ;  and  the  Swiss  were  not  a  sluggish 
race,  requiring,  like  the  Dutch,  to  be  coaxed  or 
driven  to  the  pursuit  of  their  own  policy. 

It  was  agreed  in  the  diet  that  the  emperor  ought 
not  to  be  treated  with  disrespect;^  that  honorable 
means  should  be  sought  for  evading  compliance  with 
his  oppressive  request.®  An  embassy  might  be  sent, 
explanations  offered,  a  promise  given  to  take  the 
subject  into  further  consideration.  In  this  manner,  it 
was  suggested  by  Berne,  the  matter  might  be  pro- 
tracted until  the  occasion  had  passed.'"  Two  or 
three  cantons,  though  strongly  disinclined,  would 
consent  to  go  if  the  majority  were  so  minded,  and 
provided  the  emperor  would  pay  them  for  their 
trouble.  The  majority  voted  eniphatically  to  stay  at 
home.  It  included  those  cantons  in  which,  if  any- 
where, the  German  sentiment  had  a  real  existence. 
But  there  was  a  difference  —  as  the  Swiss  at  least 
could  see  —  between  being  Germans  and  being  im- 
perialists. They  instinctively  discerned  what  the 
correspondence  of  the  time  reveals,  that  the  Austrian 
emperor  still  looked  upon  them  with  the  same  eyes 
as  ever.  "  Let  him  confirm  our  liberties ! "  said 
Unterwalden,  and  others  echoed  the  cry ;  "  until  he 


i 


0 


*  •'  Es  soil,  damit  die  kaiserliche 
Maiestiit  nicht  verachtet  werde,  eine 
Botschaft  .  ,  .  geschickt  werden." 
Eidgenbssisclie  Abschiede,  B.  II.  s. 
519. 

®  '■*  Damit  man  mit  Ehren  solchen 


schweren  Zuges, . . .  iiberhoben  wiir- 
de."    Ibid.  s.  526. 

'"  "In  Hoffnung,  die  Sachen 
mochten  sich  inzwischen  da  unten 
veriindern  und  der  Zug  unterblei- 
ben."    Ibid.  8.  630. 


m 


POSITION  OF  THE  SWISS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


does  so,  we   are   not    bound    to   help  or  to  obey 
him."" 

The  case  of  Austria  and  the  free  towns  was  no 
doubt  stronger.  The  Swiss  had  bound  themselves  by 
treaty  to  assist  in  protecting  Alsace.  Shortly  alter 
they  had  returned  home  the  marauders  were  back  in 
their  old  haunts.'^  As  soon  as  the  spring  had  opened 
the  fire  again  blazed  along  the  frontier.  The  prin- 
cipality of  Montbelliard,  which  had  been  taken  into 
the  Lower  League  at  the  express  request  of  Berne, 
was  completely  ravaged  with  the  exception  of  the 
chief  town.^^  In  the  bishopric  of  Basel  several 
walled  places  were  captured,  and  all  the  villages, 
forty  in  number,  between  Blamont  and  Porrentruy, 
were  burned  in  a  sin«jle  night.  The  unfortunate 
prelate  found  that  he  was  losing,  instead  of  gaining, 
territory,  and  declared  loudly  that  he  could  do  no 
more,  foi^  "  the  bag  was  empty."  '*  A  conference  was 
called,  a  new  expedition  was  planned,  and  again  the 
Swiss  were  appealed  to  for  help.  They  received  the 
application  at  about  the  same  time  as  they  received 
that  of  the  emperor,  and  they  answered  it  in  much 
the  same  manner.  They  resolved  to  parry  it  with 
excuses.*®     What  was  ultimately  done,  by  whom,  and 


"  "  Wir  seien  den  Zug  zu  thun 
nicht  schuldig,  da  die  Freiheiten 
niemals  bestiitigt  worden,"  &c. 
Ibid,  ubi  supra. 

'*  Knebel,  Iste  Abth,  s.  90. 

"'  Duvernoy,  Ephemerides,  p. 
161. 

'*  Blicsch,  B.  II.  s.  278.  —  Wur- 
Bteisen,  s.  444,  445. 


'*  "  Ebenso  soil  man  . . .  trachten, 
sich  des  Zuges  wegen  zu  entschul- 
digen,  zu  dem  wir  von  dem  Fiirsten 
von  Oesterreich  und  von  un  em 
Bundesgenossen  von  Basel  und 
Strassburg  gemahnt  sind."  Eid- 
gendssische  Abschiede,  B.  II.  s. 
526. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


THE  FRENCH  TREATY. 


ith 
md 


ten, 
hul- 
sten 
em 
und 
Eid- 

I.    8. 


why,  will  appear  in  its  proper  place.    At  present  the 
cantons  unanimously  refused  to  stir. 

In  all  this  we  do  not  consider  the  Swiss  as  charge- 
able with  duplicity,  except  in  so  far  as  double  speak- 
ing and  double  acting  were  necessary  results  of  the 
position  in  which  they  were  placed.  That  position 
they  themselves  had  accurately  defined.  They  had 
entered  into  the  war  as  the  auxiliaries  of  Austria, 
but  at  the  instance,  and  for  the  benefit,  of  France. 
Therefore,  the  real  measure  of  their  assistance  must 
be,  not  the  necessities  of  the  emperor  or  of  Sigis- 
mund,  but  the  conditions  of  their  agreement  with 
Louis.  Let  us  look,  then,  at  the  treaty,  now  finally 
ratified,  and  try  to  understand  its  precise  meaning 
and  import. 

As  we  have  before  said,  the  treaty  did  not  bind 
the  Swiss  to  prosecute  a  war  against  Burgundy.  It 
provided  only  that,  in  the  event  of  their  becoming 
involved  in  such  a  war,  the  king  was  to  join  in  it, 
and  that,  if  they  were  menaced  with  an  attack,  he 
should  come  to  their  assistance;  unless  indeed  he 
were  prevented  by  some  immediate  danger  at  home, 
in  which  contingency  —  hardly  to  be  apprehended  — 
he  was  to  pay  a  forfeit  of  eighty  thousand  francs. 

By  another  clause  they  agreed  to  furnish  him,  in 
time  of  need,  with  a  body  of  troops  at  a  stipulated 
rate  of  payment.  In  regard  to  this  point  —  which 
seemed  to  him  of  great  importance  —  he  obtained 
from  Berne  engagements  of  a  more  positive  and 
binding  tenor.  On  the  other  hand,  his  own  obliga- 
tion to  assist  his  allies  in  a  time  of  peril  —  a  point 


Ml  . 


It: 


u 


POSITION  OF  THE  SWISS. 


[book  IV. 


deemed  by  him  of  minor  importance  —  was  by  the 
same  private  contract  with  Berne  rendered  vaguer 
and  less  stringent.^" 

Without  reference  to  any  of  these  matters,  and 
"so  long  as  he  should  live,"  the  king  would  pay  to 
his  allies,  "  in  testimony  of  his  affection  for  them," 
yearly  pensions  to  the  amount  of  twenty  thousand 
francs.  If  this  language  is  to  be  construed  literally, 
the  character  of  Louis  has  been  much  misappre- 
hended ;  not  subtlety,  but  softness,  must  have  been 
its  distinguishing  trait.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  it  was 
not  so  construed  by  either  of  the  parties.  Louis  had 
made  provision  for  the  payment  only  "so  long  as 
the  Swiss  should  continue  in  his  service ; "  and  they 
had  acknowledged  the  payment  as  a  reward  for 
executing  "  his  pleasure." 

What,  now,  was  the  essential  force  of  this  arrange- 
ment, and  its  bearing  upon  the  war  with  Burgundy? 
By  the  Swiss  the  pensions  were  regarded  as  in  the 
nature  of  what  is  termed  by  lawyers  "a  general 
retainer,"  in  consideration  of  which  they  had  ranged 
themselves  on  the  kii.ig's  side  and  wore  bound  to 
respond  to  his  call  when  his  cause  should  come  up 


'®  Here  is  the  most  important 
clause  ;  "  Nous  asseurons,  intcrpre- 
tons  et  declarons  que  ledit  Seigneur 
Roy  ne  se  doit  aucunement  mettre 
en  peine  pour  le  secours  do  la 
Ligue,  sinon  au  cas  qu'il  en  soit  par 
eux  I'cquis  :  et  encore  en  ce  cas,  ne 
leur  doit  donner  secours  contre 
leurs  ennemis,  sinon  en  tant  qu'ils 
eussent  si  grande  puissance  que 
lesdits     Seigneurs    de     la     Ligue 


pressez  et  en  urgente  necessity, 
eussent  bcsoin  necessairement 
d'estre  secourus,  et  ne  pussent  au- 
trement  resister  a  leur  ennemy." 
Declaration  plus  ample,  &c.  Len- 
glet,  torn.  iii.  p.  371.  See  also  the 
"  Lettres  en  interpretation,"  Ibid, 
p.  375  ;  and  the  remarks  of  Ilerr 
Segesser,  Eidgenossische  Abschiede, 
B.  II.  8.  605. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


THE  FRENCH  TREATY. 


65 


au- 

the 
tbid. 
[lerr 
lede, 


for  trial.  "Whenever  he  should  himself  take  the  fi'  id, 
engaging  the  main  forces  of  the  enemy,  bringing  the 
question  to  a  decisive  issae,  they  would  perform  their 
part,  by  creating  diversions  and  by  supplying  him 
with  troops.  This  course  he  had  been  expected  to 
take  at  the  very  outset  "  In  full  reliance  upon  his 
promises,"  they  had  sent  out  the  expedition  "con- 
certed with  his  ambassadors."  But  it  seemed  that 
they  had  mistaken  his  intentions.  He  was  not  yet 
ready  for  the  struggle.  "  When  the  truce  had 
expired,"  so  he  now  gave  out,  "  he  would  prosecute 
the  war  with  the  utmost  vigor."  ^''  In  this  case  they 
too  would  suspend  operations.  So  long  as  he  re- 
mained inactive  they  would  be  unemployed,  though 
still  "  maintained  "  or  retained,  "  in  his  service."  ^^ 

What  could  be  safer  than  such  an  arrangement? 
The  Swiss  were  not  going  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the 
conflict,  to  take  upon  themselves  the  risks  and  the 
charges.  If  ever  the  harassed  enemy  should  turn 
upon  them,  Louis  would  interpose  to  secure  them 
against  harm. 

But  they  had  yet  to  fathom  the  policy  of  the 
man  with  whom  they  were  dealing.  They  were  not 
commonly  aware  that,  in  addition  to  the  general 
retainer,  he  was  payiiig  a  special  retainer,  of  equal 
amount,  of  which  the  larger  portion  went  to  Berne, 
while  most  of  the  cantons  received  not  a  fraction  of 


"  "  Dice  che  finite  le  treugue 
deliberava  seguire  la  guerra  et  tare 
pill  perforzo  che  potessr  per  premere 
et    fare   venire    alia    razoue    esso 


Ducha  de   Brugogna."    Ddpeches 
Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  27. 

'*  In  the  16th  century  engage- 
ments of  this  kind  had  become  com- 
mon. . 


i 


<i' 


0 


VOL.  ill. 


9 


66 


POSITION  OF  THE  SWISS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


it.  His  immediate  object  had  been  gained  when 
the  Swiss  consented  to  become  auxiliaries  in  the 
war.  His  profounder  design,  that  of  converting 
them  into  principals,  slipping  out  of  his  own  engage- 
ments, throwing  upon  them  the  burdens  and  the 
dangers,"*  was  to  be  effected  by  the  operation  of 
those  additional  grants  which  "did  not  require  to 
be  made  public,  but  to  be  kept  secret."  It  was  the 
"duty"  of  Berne  to  render  the  Swiss  "more  ame- 
nable to  his  majesty,"  to  spread  assurances  of  his 
"entire  good  faith,"  to  "keep  alive  the  practice 
against  the  duke  of  Burgundy,"  and  to  urge  its 
Confederates  forwards  by  "  the  road  in  which  it  had 
first  led  them." 

For  the  accomjjlishment  of  this  object  the  main 
resource  lay  in  that  spirit  of  concord  and  mutual 
helpfulness  on  which  Berne  had  already  drawn  so 
freely  and  effectually.  Let  danger  hover  over  one 
community  and  the  others  would  fly  to  its  support. 
An  indirect  aid  would  spring  out  of  the  craving  for 
booty  and  the  readiness  for  adventure  which  were 
also  among  the  national  characteristics,  and  which 
Berne  had  recently  taken  pains  to  foster.  While 
snow  still  lay  upon  the  passes,  parties  from  that 
canton,  Solothurn,  and  Bienne,  had  made  several 
forays  into  the  Jura,  driving  before  them  on  their 
return  immense  drovea  of  cattle  and  sheep.^"  Soon 
the  contagion  spread.  The  poor  herdsmen  of  Unter- 
walden  in  particular,  despite   all  efforts  to  restrain 


"  See  Zellweger's  remarks,  Ver- 
such,  &c.,  8.  53. 


^  Schilling,  s.  163,  164. 


CHAV.  VI.] 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA. 


67 


for 
were 
vliich 
V^hile 
that 
veral 
their 
Soon 
liter- 
train 


them,  rushed  in  crowds  across  the  Briinig,  and, 
guided  by  a  wild  thirst  for  phmder,  fell  upon  neutral 
and  even  friendly  territory.  At  this  point  the  diet 
became  alarmed,  Freyburg  raised  an  outcry,  and 
Berne  found  it  necessary  to  interpose,  lest  its  own 
influence  and  management  should  be  swept  away 
in  the  general  confusion.'^* 

A  more  regular  expedition,  not  openly  organized 
by  the  council,  but  conducted  by  two  of  its  members, 
started  about  the  end  of  March.  Fourteen  hundred 
men,  chiefly  from  Berne  and  Solothurn,  passed 
through  the  county  of  Neuchatel,  committing  many 
excesses,  descended  into  Franche-Comte  through  the 
narrow  pass  of  the  Brenet,  plundered  the  wealthy 
Abbey  of  Montbenoit,  devastated  the  country  round, 
and  at  last  fell  upon  the  town  of  Pontarlier,  which 
they  carried  at  the  first  assault.  The  garrison  took 
/efuge  in  a  neighboiing  castle ;  but  this  too  was 
immediately  stormed,  most  of  the  defenders  being 
put  to  the  sword.  A  large  amount  of  valuables, 
including  money  and  plate,  were  found  stored  in  the 
castle ;  but  the  captors,  instead  of  providing  for  the 
security  of  their  spoil,  fell  to  quarrelling  about  the 
division  and  engaged  in  drunken  frays.  Meanwhile 
a  force,  considerably  magnified  by  rumor,  was  ap- 
proaching to  cut  off*  their  retreat."^- 

Here   was    an   opportunity   such    as   Berne    had 


"  Girai'dMSS. — Eidgenossische  Deutsch    Missiven-Buch    C,   422- 

Abschiede,  B.  II.  s.  527,  534,  et  al.  425,  429.  Jlf/S.  —  Schilling,  8.  164, 

—  BlcDsch,  B.  II.  8.  273.  165. 

^^  Letters  of  the  Council  of  Berne, 


.1 

0 
0 


68 


PONTARLIER  EXPEDITION. 


[book  IV, 


sought  and  labored  for."''  The  council  ordered  an 
immediate  levy  of  twenty-five  hundred  men,  and 
sent  notice  to  their  Confederates  of  the  alarming 
emergency  which  had  accidentally  arisen.  It  was 
now,  they  wrote,  not  a  question  of  assisting  the 
emperor,  but  of  giving  succor  to  their  own  country- 
men, who  stood  in  instant  peril.-*  Nor  had  thoy 
miscalc  dated  t  le  tffect  of  such  a  summons.  Lucerne 
got  ref  ' V  vi  ht  hundred  men,  with  wagons  and 
other  eq>  'yr^^^tit^.  From  Schwytz  came  a  promise 
of  proportionate  .•^\-^  Other  cantons,  though  less 
prompt,  showed  a  favorable  disposition,  and  the  diet 
passed  a  vote  recommendatory  of  a  general  arming.^*' 
Elated  with  their  success,  the  council  despatched  a 
letter  to  William  von  Diesbach,  who  had  gone  on  a 
mission  to  France,  stating  what  had  been  done,  and 
expressing  their  hope  that  the  operations  to  follow 
would  be  "advantageous  to  the  king  and  to  them- 
selves."*'' Their  own  troops  took  the  field  without 
delay,  Nicholas  von  Diesbach,  whom  Scharnachthal 
had  just  succeeded  as  schultheiss,  assuming  the  com- 
mand in  person.  Scarcely  had  he  started  when 
word  was  brought  that  the  party  at  Pontarlier  had 
beaten  off  the  enemy,  and  having  afterwards  evac- 


^^  "  Uiessbach  sah  wohl  voraus, 
dass  irgend  eiii  solcher  Raubzug  in 
Gefahr  koin.neii  musste,  und  er 
wus^ste  es,  dass  die  Regierungen  in 
der  Schweiz  ihre  Eidgennssen  in  der 
Noth  nicht  ohne  Hiilfe  lassen  woU- 
ten  noch  durften."   Zellweger,  s.  56. 

•*  Raihsmanual.  MS.  (Archives 
of  Berne.) 


"'"  DeutschMis8iven-BuchC,432. 
MS. 

**  Eidgenossische  Abschiede,  B. 
II.  s.  o'So. 

27  "'Wollen  dann  furder  in  dem 
Vdd  arbeitten  und  handeln,  das  wir 
hoffen  den  kung  und  unns  erschies- 
sen  solle."  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch 
C,429.  MS.  .    ' 


illfc;,;. 


CHAF.  VI.] 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA. 


69 


.26 


p,432. 
L  B. 


uated  and  set  fire  to  the  town,  were  now  on  their 
wa}?  home.  Instead  of  rejoicing  at  this  intelligence, 
the  council  received  it  as  a  serious  calamity.  Its 
fatal  bearing  on  their  own  plans  was  in  fact  obvious. 
They  sent  off  a  despatch  to  the  leaders,  expressing 
their  astonishment  and  disgust,  and  charging  them 
on  peril  of  their  lives  to  remain  where  they  were  and 
put  themselves  under  Diesbach's  orders.'^*'  Hoping 
by  a  vigorous  pull  to  overshoot  the  rock  and  get 
again  into  smooth  water,  they  announced  to  their 
Confederates  their  purpose  not  to  abandon  the  mo  ■ 
ment,  but  on  the  contrary  to  send  still  further  i\i- 
enforcements,  on  the  ground  that  the  honor  of  Fr:i  e 
had  been  compromised  by  the  retreat,  and  musL  r  '^  v 
be  retrieved  by  a  more  extended  enterprise.*" 

But  this  was  counting  upon  a  degree  of  du  J  iiy 
which  exceeded  that  of  the  Swiss  nature.  The  prep- 
arations in  progress  were  immediately  abandoned. 
In  spite  of  all  the  urgings  of  Berne's  representative, 
the  diet  stubbornly  refused  to  send  troops  to  the 
relief  of  men  who  were  no  longer  in  any  danger. 
They  had  not  been  empowered,  the  deputies 
declared,  to  sanction  any  operations  for  a  mere 
military  purpose.  Such  expeditions  were  a  burden 
which  the  Confederates  had  no  right  to  sustain, 
seeing  that  the  war  was  one  in  which  they  were 
nothing    more    than    helpers.      "  These    and   other 


I'l     :*."'• 


0 


dem 
las  wir 
Ichics- 
1-Buch 


^*  "  Kan  anns  nit  gnug  befionib-  Botschaft  ussgefertigt]  sich  zu  uch 

den,  das  die  knecht  so  in  Ponterlier  zu  I'iigen  bi  veriierung   ir   leben." 

gewesen  ganntz  abgewichen   sind,  The  Council  to  N.  von  Diesbach, 

den  vrv  solichs  niemer  wellen  ver-  Ibid.  s.  435.   MS. 
gr  ssea.  So  haben  wir  [ihnen  unsser         °"  Ibid.  432  et  ol.  MS. 


70 


PONTARLIER  EXPEDITION. 


f  BOOK  IV. 


words  of  the  like  kind  are  the  answer  they  have 
given  us,"  wrote  the  council  in  extreme  dudgeon  to 
Diesbach.''"  "Even  our  brothers  of  Lucerne,  who 
were  all  in  readiness  to  move,  and  to  whose  fidelity 
we  had  espof^ially  appealed,  explaining  to  them  our 
motives  for  the  proceeding,  talk  in  a  similar  strain. 
They  have  consented,  however,  to  call  another  diet 
for  a  final  determination.  What  they  will  decide  we 
know  not,  but  see  to  our  deep  regret  little  chance  of 
any  good  result.  We  would  that  our  Confederates 
would  bethink  themselves  of  their  obligations  to  us 
and  to  our  forefathers,  from  whom  in  their  own 
necessities  they  never  failed  to  receive  comfort  and 
aid." '' 

The  Bear  was  becoming  surly  and  dangerous,  as 
was  customary  with  him  when  his  milder  advances 
had  been  repulsed.  In  a  full  meeting  of  both 
branches  of  the  council  it  was  resolved,  with  or 
without  the  aid  of  the  other  cantons,  to  go  on  with 
the  enterprise,  and  not  expose  the  state,  by  an 
enforced  relinquishment  of  its  plans,  to  ridicule  and 
loss  of  influence.  Two  thousand  fresh  troops  were 
raised ;  Solothurn  and  Bienne  were  called  upon  for 
their  contingents;  a  sharp  demand  was  addressed 
to  the  Austrian  authorities  in  Alsace,  who  had  taken 
no  notice  of  a  previous  summons ;  ^^  and  Freyburg 


'°  "  Besunder  diewil  si  doch  nitt 
mer  dann  helfl'er  sycii,  alles  mit 
mer  worten."    Ibid.  4;ju.   M8. 

^'  "  Das  uuns  vast  hoch  bekum- 
bert,  und  woUten  wol  die  ding  wur- 
den  bald  bedacht,  und  gegen  uniis 
gehandelt  ah  unnsser  vorderu  und 


wir  zu  trost  und  handthabung 
gemeiner  Eydtgnosscliaft  allzit  ha- 
ben  gepHcgcn."  Ibid.  435  ct  seq. 
j\IS.  —  This  letter  is  printed  in 
Schilling,  but  with  omissions  that 
materially  affect  the  sense. 
^^  Ibid,  ubi  supra.  MS. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA. 


71 


received  a  peremptory  missive,  with  which,  after 
another  vain  attempt  at  remonstrance  and  dissuasion, 
it  found  itself  obhged  to  comply.'" 

On  the  22d  of  April  the  diet  again  assembled  at 
Lucerne,  the  deputies  bringing  with  them  full  and 
unequivocal  instructions.  Lucerne  itself —  a  sharer 
with  Berne,  though  in  a  limited  degree,  in  the 
"special  retainer"  —  had  been  aroused  to  a  proper 
sense  of  its  obligations,  and  now  declared  its  purpose 
to  take  part  in  the  expedition,  on  the  simple  ground 
that  it  could  not  consistently  with  honor  abandon 
one  of  its  Confederates.  But  in  this  declaration  it 
stood  alone.  Zurich  and  every  other  canton  in  suc- 
cession —  except  Glarus,  which  had  abstained  from 
sending  any  representative — denounced  in  emphatic 
terms  the  course  pursued  by  Berne,  as  arbitrary  and 
full  of  peril  to  the  whole  Confederacy.  It  had  been 
s.ettled  long  ago,  they  said,  that  no  place  should  un- 
dertake any  foreign  enterprise  without  the  common 
consent.  Nothing  could  be  more  unjust  than  that  a 
single  state,  acting  without  the  counsel  or  concurrence 
of  the  rest,  should  jeopardize  the  interests  and  the 
safety  of  all.^*  They  had  never  expected  that  Berne 
would  take  it  upon  herself  to  make  the  Confederates 
principals  in  the  war.^^     It  was  not  their  war,  it  was 


■'■'  Giranl  MSS.  "  Bern,  Luzern, 
und  Solothuin  brachen  auf  und 
Freyburg  niusste  folgcn." 

•'*  "  Uri :  .  .  .  Es  scheme  ihm  un- 
billig  und  bckiimniere  es,  dass  ein 
einzelnes  Ort,  ohne  der  Andeni 
Willen  und  Rath,  einen  solchen 
Kiiegszug  vornelime,  wozu  alle  An- 


dern  Leib  und  Gut  setzcu  sollten." 
Eidgenbssische  Abschiede,  B.  II.  s. 
538. 

^^  "  Zurich :  ...  So  hiitten  sie 
sich  versehen,  Bern  h'atte  nicht  so 
cilfcrtig  gehandelt  und  uns  da- 
durch  zu  Hauptsiichern  des  Krieges 
gemacht." 


0 
0 


72 


rONTARLIER   EXPEDITION. 


[BOOK  IV. 


Austria'8  —  .so  at  least  they  had  always  been  told ;  and 
any  assistance  which  might  be  rendered  by  them  was 
to  be  paid  for  under  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty.'"' 
They  would  have  gone  to  the  rescue  of  their  coun- 
trymen at  Pontarlier.  Nay,  most  of  them  were  still 
instructed  to  coincide  with  the  general  wish,  what- 
ever it  might  be,  rather  than  create  dissension.  But 
as  it  appeared  that  they  were  all  opposed  to  the  pol- 
icy of  Berne,  it  was  for  her  to  yield,  and,  now  that 
her  men  had  got  off  without  dishonor,  to  countermand 
her  reenforcements  and  take  counsel  with  her  Con- 
federates.'"'' 

Meanwhile  Diesbach,  after  recovering  Pontarlier, 
had  descended  towards  the  plains  of  Franche-Comte. 
But  the  well-fortified  town  of  La  Riviere,  where  he 
met  with  a  repulse,''**  offered  an  obstruction  to  his  fur- 
ther advance ;  and  a  strong  body  of  cavalry,  which 
moved  around  him  at  pleasure,  though  without  ven- 
turing (M  attack,  made  it  prudent  for  him  to  retreat. 
Having  completed  the  destruction  of  Pontarlier  and 
burned  "  many  beautiful  villages "  on  his  route,  he 
retired  through  the  Val  de  Travers  to  Neuchatel,  and 
there  waited  for  a  force  more  adequate  to  the  cam- 
paign which  he  had  planned  with  his  colleagues;'" 

It  had  been  from  the  first  the  darling  project  of 
Berne  to  get  command  of  the  chief  passes  and  forti- 
fied places  of  the  Jura.     In  the  case  of  Neuchatel,  as 


^*  "  Unterwalden :    Auch  wisaen  ^*  Letter  of  the  duke  of  Burgun- 

sie  nichts  unders  als  dass  der  Krieg  dy,  in  Luburre,  torn.  i.  p.  360. 

des  Fursten  von  Oesterreichs  sei,"  ^^  Schilling,  s.  167.  —  Letters  of 

&c.  Berne  in  the  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch 

^^  Ibid,  ubi  supra.  C.  MS. 


X 


b\ 


cii.vr.  VI.] 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA. 


73 


;1,  as 

rgun- 

TB    of 

-Buch 


in  that  of  Bionne,  military  operations  were  unneces- 
sary for  til  is  object.  Tlie  people  of  the  former  state, 
like  those  of  the  latter,  had  old  alliances  and  sympa- 
thies with  Berne,  and  their  rulers  had  participated  in 
the  connection.  The  last  count,  John  of  Freyburg, 
had  died  iii  the  service  of  the  Swiss.  The  present 
possessor  of  the  fief,  ilodolph,  margrave  of  Ilochber^^, 
whose  claim  to  the  succession  was  far  from  clear, 
counted  on  the  alliance  of  Berne  as  his  best  support 
against  the  right  of  reversion  vested  in  the  house 
of  Chcllons.*"  Yet,  as  the  owner  of  many  estates  in 
Franche-Comte,  he  was  a  vassal  of  Burgundy.  He 
had  held  a  command  in  the  Burgundian  army,  and 
had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  negotiations  for 
the  Austrian  marriage  and  the  schemes  connected 
with  it.*^  He  stood  high  in  the  confidence  of 
Charles,  and  was  supposed  to  be  devotedly  attached 
to  him.  His  son,  a  godson  of  Philip  the  Good, 
had  been  educated  at  the  court  and  was  now  serv- 
ing before  Neuss.  Thus  Rodolph's  position  was 
closely  analogous  to  that  of  the  constable  Saint-Pol. 
But  with  less  ambition  than  the  constable,  he  was 
a  more  dexterous  politician.  On  the  outbreak  of 
hostilities  he  had  hastened  to  Berne  and  thrown 
himself  on  the  generosity  of  the  council.  Repre- 
senting the  considerations  which  must  prevent  him 
from  taking  open  part  with  them,  he  offered  to  put 

*"  See    Boyve,    Annales     histo-  Gingins,  Recherches  sur  la  Maison 

riques   de   Neuchute)    et  Valangin,  de  Chalons,  p.  231. 

torn.  ii.  p.  42  et  soq.  :  Purry,  Ex-  ■*'  Chmel,  Urkunden,  &c.  B.  I.  — 

traits  des  Chroniques  ou    Annales  Schweiz.  Museum. —  Miiller,  Beichs- 

des  Chuuoiucs  de  Xeuchutel,  p.  19 ;  tags  Theatrum. 
VOL.  III.                         10 


.1 

0 


74 


POSITION  OF   NEUCIIATEL. 


[BOOK  IV. 


4 


hims(3lf  and  his  subjects  under  their  jDrotection, 
leavin":  it  to  their  discretion  so  to  exercise  their 
power  as  to  enable  him  to  preserve  an  apparent 
neutrality.*'  Berne,  which  had  as  keen  an  appetite 
for  protectorates  as  the  duke  of  Burgundy  himself, 
readily  accepted  the  trust.  While  it  fixed  upon 
Neuchatel  as  the  convenient  head-quarters  of  its 
intended  enterprises,  it  promised  to  refrain  from  call- 
ing for  active  Jiid  unless  in  a  case  of  necessity.'*'  It 
warned  off  the  bands  of  freebooters  from  Bicnne  and 
other  places  which  were  falling  upon  Neuchatel  as 
lawful  prey ;  "  and  it  even  made  vain  endeavors  to 
restrain  the  excesses  of  its  own  troops,  who,  in  their 
passage  through  the  county,  spoiled  and  robbed  with- 
out compunction,  disregarded  of  their  ancient  disci- 
pline in  a  war  which  they  naturally  considered  one 
of  plunder  and  brigandage.''^ 

From  Neuchatel  there  is  a  choice  of  two  routes  by 
which  to  traverse  the  great  natural  barrier  between 
Switzerland  and  France.  The  more  direct  is  through 
the  long  and  elevated  Val  de  Travers,  which  lies  be- 
hind the  principal  ridge,  and  gradually  contracting 
finds  an  outlet  in  one  of  the  remarkable  defiles  so 
frequent  in  the  Jura.  An  easier  but  more  cu'cuitous 
course  leads  at  first  along  the  base  of  the  mountains 
and  the  shore  of  the  lake,  and  descends  into  the  plain 
fertilized  by  the  waters  of  the  Talent  and  the  Orbe  ; 


«  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  320         *^  Deutsch  Missiven-nuch  C,  432, 

-322.   MS.  et   al.    iliS.— Eidgendssische  Ab- 

"  Ibid.  327.   MS.  schiede,   B.   II.    s.  527,  529,    534, 

'*  Bk'sch,  B.  II.  s.  276.  — Rodt,  536. 
B.  I.  8.  358. 


CHAP,  VI.] 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA. 


75 


then  ascending  the  valley  of  the  Orbe  —  the  widest 
as  well  as  the  most  conveniently  situated  of  all  the 
passes  —  it  crosses  the  watershed  and  joins  the  first- 
mentioned  voute  in  the  mountain  gateway  of  La 
Cluse,  which  offers  the  only  passage  in  this  part  of 
the  chain  to  the  western  slopes  and  the  plain  beyond. 

On  both  these  routes  the  scenery  is  beautiful, 
though  very  dissimilar.  Highly  picturesque  but 
contracted  views  —  wild  precipices,  frightful  gorges, 
nest-like  basins  and  grassy  vales  —  are  characteristic 
of  the  one ;  while  the  other  commands  a  wide  ex- 
panse of  lakes  and  hills,  vineyards  and  towns,  with 
distant  horizons  of  snow-clad  Alps.  The  Val  de  Tra- 
vers  is  seen  perhaps  to  most  advantage  when  the 
moonlight  has  lent  an  additional  weirdness  to  its  jag- 
ged walls  and  mysterioup  hollows.  But  it  is  in  the 
softness  of  the  summer  evening  that  the  traveller 
up  the  banks  of  the  Orbe  turns  and  lingers  while 
the  tide  of  golden  light  sweeps  across  the  panorama, 
pouring  its  waves  upon  the  glistening  summit  of 
Mont  Blanc  and  the  guardian  peaks  of  the  Valais. 

The  Val  de  Travers,  lying  wholly  within  the  county 
of  Neuchatel,  was  already  in  the  possession  of  Berne, 
which  had  garrisoned  the  small  posts  overlooking  the 
defiles.  The  territory  on  the  other  route  was  under 
the  sovereignty  of  Savoy.  Here  too  a  right  of  free 
passage  or  of  temporary  occupation  would  perhaps 
have  satisfied  Berne.  But  the  regent,  as  we  have 
seen,  had  resisted  all  demands  of  this  nature ;  and 
even  had  her  compliance  been  extorted,  force  would 
still  have  been  required  to  carry  it  into  efiect.     Most 


0 


'til 


76 


HOUSE  OF  CHALONS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


of  the  towns  and  castles  on  this  route  belonged  to  the 
house  of  Chalons,  and  had  been  bequeathed  by  Louis 
the  Good,  prince  of  Orange,  to  his  two  younger  sons, 
Louis  and  Hugh,  both  of  whom  were  bound  to  the 
duke  of  Burgundy,  not  only  by  the  ties  of  allegiance, 
but  by  those  of  personal  affection  and  gratitude.  His 
friendship  for  them  dated  from  his  own  youth.  He 
had  then  promised  that  whenever  it  should  please 
God  to  give  him  the  power,  they  should  receive  sub- 
stantial proofs  of  the  sincerity  of  his  regard.'"'  This 
promise,  like  all  his  promises,  had  been  faithfully  kept. 
He  had  protected  them  against  the  usurpations  of 
their  half-brother,  William  of  Orange  ;'*^  he  had  re- 
lieved them  from  confiscations  occasioned  by  the  ra- 
pacity of  his  own  father  ;  *^  and  he  had  promoted  their 
interests  at  the  court  of  Savoy.  To  the  elder  brother 
in  particulair,  Louis  of  Chateau-Guyon,  who  had  en- 
tered his  service  in  boyhood  and  had  attended  him 
in  all  his  expeditions,  Charles  seems  to  have  been 
more  stron^rly  attached  than  to  any  other  member  of 
his  household.     Letters  are  still  extant  in  which  he 


**  "  Et  quand  il  plaira  h  Dieu  de 
me  donner  le  povoir,  je  I'y  monstre- 
ray  Tauiour  et  bcnne  afl'ection  que 
j'ay  a  ly."  Letter  of  the  count  of 
Charolais  to  Louis  princu  of  Orange, 
in  Clerc,  Essai  dt  I'Hist.  de  la 
Franche-Comte,  torn.  ii.  p.  520. 

"  The  violent  and  unscrupulous 
character  of  this  prince  is  estab- 
lished by  the  "  Interrogatoires " 
printed  by  M.  Clerc.  The  penal- 
ties which  he  incurred  by  procuring 
the  death  of  his  father's  intendant 
at  Nozeroy,  were  remitted  by  Philip 


the  Good,  perhaps  at  the  solicita- 
tion of  Berne,  which  interested  it- 
self very  strongly  in  William's  be- 
half. See  llucliat,  Memoircs  pour 
le  Siccle  XV.  MS.  (Stadt-Biblio- 
thek,  Berne.) 

■"*  In  tlie  decree  of  remission,  to 
avoid  any  appearance  of  reflecting 
on  his  father's  memory,  Charles  as- 
signed as  tnu  grounds  the  long  and 
fiiithful  services  rendered  to  the 
house  of  Burgundy  by  the  deceased 
Louis  of  Orange. 


-^^ 


CHAP,  vr.] 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA. 


77 


speaks  of  the  young  nobleman  with  a  tenderness 
which  has  been  thought  foreign  to  his  character.*" 
His  affection  for  him,  we  are  told,  was  that  of  an 
elder  brother,  and  we  shall  see  hereafter  with  what 
devotion  it  was  r  paid. 

It  was  not  preiended  that  any  acts  of  hostility  had 
proceeded  from  the  places  which  Berne  was  now 
about  to  attack.  Freyburg,  appealed  to  by  the  re- 
gent to  prevent  the  violation  of  her  rights,'"'  sent  a 
message  to  the  couwcil  of  Berne,  declaring  its  inten- 
tion to  recall  its  troops  and  protesting  against  the  ex- 
pedition as  tantamount  to  a  war  against  Savoy.  The 
council  answered  this  communication  with  smooth 
professions  and  assurances.  They  pretended  entire 
ignorance  of  Diesbach's  design,  but  were  confident  he 
would  do  nothing  inconsistent  with  honor.  "It  is 
important,"  they  wrote  to  Diesbaeh  in  explanation, 
"  that  we  should  have  the  cooperation  of  our  allies ; "  ^^ 
and  they  therefore  left  it  to  "  his  wisdom,"  whether 
or  not  to  make  any  alteration  of  the  plan.  A  few 
weeks  later  Freyburg  accepted  the  pension  assigned 
to  it  under  the  French  treaty,  returning  a  suitable 
acknowledgment  of  the  "  honor  "  conferred  upon  it 
Thenceforth  it  could  have  little  riirht  to  offer  obstruo 
tions  to  the  proceedings  of  Berne 


52 


53 


•"'  This  is  the  remark  of  M.  Clerc, 
by  whom  the  letters,  unimportant 
in  other  respects,  have  been  printed. 

""  DepGches  Milanaises,.toin.  i.  p. 
117. 

*'  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  445. 
MS. 

'"■  Girard  MSS. 

"^  The    silencing    efl'ect    of    the 


French  gold,  in  a  case  where  the 
amount  was  much  smaller,  but  where 
the  opposition  also  had  been  pro- 
portionably  weaker,  is  thus  noticed. 
"  Es  brachte  diejeingen  zum  Schwei- 
gen,  welche  vor  dem  miichtigen  ller- 
zog  und  dem  arglisten  KOnig  warn- 
ten."    Bla^sch,  B.  II.  8.271. 


78 


CAPTURE  OF  GRA^IDSON. 


[uoom:  jv- 


Between  six  and  seven  thousand  men,  inci'idirj*;  a 
reonfoicement  from  Basel  as  well  as  Luceinr*.  i*e!e 
now  collected  at  Neuchatel,  from  which  they  set  out 
on  the  26th  of  April,  taking  the  road  along  the  mar- 
gin of  the  lake.  Near  its  extremity,  and  directly  in 
the  line  of  march,  stood  the  castle  of  Grandson,  a 
large,  square,  battlemented  structure,  built  in  or 
before  the  eleventh  century,  and  long  the  seat  of 
a  line  of  warlike  barons,  of  whom  the  last  and  proud- 
est, Otho  of  Grandson,  had  fallen  in  a  judicial  duel 
in  the  year  1399.  The  gray  masonry  still  remain^i 
entire ;  but  the  interior  has  been  converted  into  a 
tobacco  factory,  and  a  railway  passes  through  the 
now  unguarded  precincts.  The  town,  lying  8ome- 
what  in  the  rear  of  the  castle,  was  further  protected 
by  a  wall.  There  was,  however,  no  sufficient  g  irri- 
son,  for  there  had  been  no  timely  apprehensions  of  an 
attack.  At  the  last  moment  the  commander,  Pierre 
de  Joigne,  had  called  in  the  neighboring  peasantry  to 
aid  in  the  defence. 

The  Swiss  advanced  with  their  usual  careless  dar- 
ing. The  foremost  partv ,,  '  "vo  hundred  in  number, 
had  no  sooner  come  \ip  •h:.a  they  sprang  forward 
and  assaulted  the  outworks.  When  a  dozen  of  them 
had  fallen  they  desisted  from  the  attempt,  and,  on 
the  arrival  of  the  main  body,  the  leaders  judged  it 
necessary  to  open  a  siege.  Basel  had  sent  some 
artillery,  and  heavier  pieces  were  expected  from 
Berne.  But,  as  at  Hericourt,  the  cannon  produced 
little  effect,  and  the  impatient  and  confident  troops 
insisted  on  permission  to  storm.     A  gate  in  the  town 


CH.W.  Vt."] 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA, 


79 


to 


ed 
in 


wall  was  forced,  and  the  a  ^sailaiits,  pouring  in,  drove 
the  panic-stricken  crowd  of  burghers  and  peasants 
through  the  streets  and  into  the  lake  beyond.  The 
castle  would  still  have  been  capable  of  a  lengthened 
resistance.  But  the  garrison,  overcome  with  terror, 
offered  to  surrender  if  allowed  a  free  exit  with  all 
their  effects.  To  save  time  these  terms  were  granted, 
tho  gh  not  scrupulously  kept,  everything  of  value 
beir.g  appropriated  by  the  conquerors.^*  When  next 
besieged.  Grandson  would  have  other  defenders,  and 
would  be  more  stoutly  maintained. 

After  several  smaller  strongholds  had  been  cap- 
tured and  burned,  the  invaders  pushed  forv/ard 
towards  Orbe,  a  place  of  great  importance  both  from 
its  strength  and  position.  Situated  on  a  limestone 
promontory  infolded  by  the  river,  it  commanded  a 
high  road  by  which  the  Romans  had  maintained  their 
communications  with  Gaul,  and  which  had  long  been 
the  most  frequented  route  in  the  whole  chain  of  the 
Jura.  On  the  brow  of  the  eminence  stood  a  castle 
of  great  antiquity  and  size.  Dating  from  the  Mero- 
vingian times,  it  had  been  the  scene  of  many  an 
historical  incident,  including  the  famous  partition  of 
territory  between  the  three  sons  of  the  Emperor 
Lothaire.  Two  of  the  smaller  towers  are  the  oi  y 
fragments  of  this  ancient  edifice  that  now  exist ;  but 
thirty  years  ago  its  ruins  covered  the  broad  espla- 
nade, from  which  the  eye  ranges  over  a  lovel;-  and 
almost  boundless  vieW;  embracing  the  basin  of  Le- 
man  with  its  rivers  and  towns  and  the  snowy  Alps 

'*  Ei'Jjjenossische  Abschiede,  B.  II.  s.  551,  552. 


Q 


.1'    •:■    r,.  V.| 


80 


CASTLE   OF  ORBE. 


[BOOK  IV. 


both  of  Berne  and  Savoy.  By  the  princes  of  the 
house  of  Chrdons  Orbe  was  justly  regarded  as  the 
chief  link  in  the  chain  of  their  possessions.  They 
had  expended  immense  sums  in  the  repair  and  embel- 
lishment of  the  castle,  and  had  recently  taken  precau- 
tions against  the  contingency,  which,  however,  was 
not  considered  imminent,  of  an  attack  by  the  Swiss.'"' 
The  garrison  consisted  of  between  three  and  four 
hundred  picked  men,  including  thirty  knights  and 
men-at-arms.  Munitions  of  all  kinds  had  been 
abundantly  stored ;  and  Nicholas  de  Joiix,  a  man  of  a 
loyal  and  intrepid  spirit,  had  been  intrusted  with  the 
command.  When  summoned  by  the  enemy,  he  re- 
plied that  he  and  his  companions  were  well  provided 
with  the  means  of  defence,  and  in  any  event  would 
rather  die  in  combat  than  imitate  the  "cowards  of 
Grandson." 

The  town  however  surrendered,  thus  exposing  the 
castlf  on  its  least  defensible  side.  To  punish  the 
burghers  and  prevent  the  enemy  from  reaping  the 
full  advantage  ol'  this  act,  the  garrison  threw  lighted 
combustibles  on  the  roofs,  and  eighteen  houses  were 
burned  before  the  Swiss  could  extinguish  the  flames. 
An  assault  was  immediately  delivered,  but  repulsed 
with  considerable  loss.  Among  the  slain  was  the 
executioner  of  Berne,  a  person  of  much  consideration 
in  that  t  »wn,  where  his  loss  was  greatly  lamented.^" 

**  Lclter  of   Louis  of  Chateau-  Messrs  de  Berne  furent  bien  mar- 

Guyon,  in  Gini.nns,  Hist,  de  la  Villa  rys."     Chronique  des  Clianoines  de 

d'Orbe  '^t  dn  son  ChiUeau.  Neuchatel,  Sehweiz.  Gcschichtforsch- 

f'"     "  O'cstoil    uii     des    vaillans  er,  B.  VIII.  s.  229.  —  See  also  the 

hommes    de    la    dile    armee  dont  remarks  of  Sinner,   Voyage    histo- 


CHAP.  VI.] 


CAPTURE  OF  ORBE. 


81 


the 
the 
the 

tited 
ere 

Imes. 

tlsed 

the 

ition 

^ed.^'^ 

mar- 

lips  de 

iorsch- 

ko  the 

histo- 


The  assailants  then  opened  a  fire,  not  with  the  hope 
of  effecting  a  breach,  but  to  drive  the  defenders  from 
the  outer  walls.  Some  difficulty  was  found  in  bring- 
ing the  guns  to  bear,  and  they  were  at  last  hoisted 
into  the  steeple  of  the  principal  church,  which  rocked 
with  each  discharge.  A  rush  was  then  made,  and 
after  a  long  and  valiant  resistance,  the  garrison  were 
forced  to  take  refuge  in  the  towers  surrounding  the 
spacious  courtyard.  In  each  of  these  a  desperate 
conflict  was  kept  up.  There  was  no  request  for  quar- 
ter, and  no  thought  of  granting  it.  Whenever  the 
defenders,  overpowered  by  numbers,  fell  alive  into 
the  enemy's  hands,  they  were  driven  to  the  battle- 
ments and  compelled  to  leap  over.  De  Joux,  with 
the  last  remnant  of  his  force,  still  occupied  the  main 
tower.  Yielding  ground  inch  by  inch,  they  reached 
a  projecting  balcony  near  the  summit,  and  barricaded 
the  approach.  But  the  Swiss,  mounting  still  higher 
by  an  interior  stairway,  rained  down  a  shower  of 
missiles  which  soon  rendered  the  position  untenable. 
Putting  himself  at  the  head  of  his  troop,  De  Joux 
burst  open  the  door  and  rushed  into  the  midst  of  his 
foes.  His  head  was  instantly  cloven  with  a  halberd. 
All  his  companions  met  the  same  fate.  After  a  four 
hours'  struggle,  with  a  loss  on  the  side  of  the  assail- 
ants of  twelve  killed  and  forty  wounded,  the  capture 
was  complete.  Not  a  man  of  the  garrison  remained 
alive.®''  A  hundred  and  twenty  gory  bodies  lay 
strewn  along  the  passages  and  chambers,  while  two 

rique  et  litteraire  de  la  Suisse  Oc-        "'  "  Le  tout  par  leur  grand  or- 
cidentale,  (Neuchutel,  1791.)  gueil  et  folle-ouUre  cuidance,  pen- 

VOL.  III.  11 


1.^ 


Q 


82 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA. 


[BOOK  IV, 


or  three  hundred  mangled  corpses  were  heaped  upon 
the  paved  courtyard  or  on  the  jagged  rocks  at  the 
foot  of  the  exterior  wall.  So  bold,  so  bloody  were 
the  Swiss! 

The  fame  of  this  exploit  spread  terror  amongst  the 
neighboring  population.  Echallens,  a  Burgundian 
enclave  in  the  Pays  de  Vaud,  opened  its  gates  at  the 
summons  of  a  small  detachment.  The  lord  of  La 
Sarraz,  an  old  ally  of  Berne  and  brother-in-law  of 
Adrian  von  Bubenberg,  came  in  person  to  solicit  ex- 
emption from  ravage  for  his  castle  and  estates.  As 
he  'vas  not  a  vassal  of  Burgundy,  the  request  was 
complied  with ;  and  on  the  same  ground  the  strong 
town  of  Les  Clees,  a  few  miles  above  Orbe,  obtained 
permission  to  remain  neutral.  Leaving  this  place  on 
their  left,  the  Swiss  took  the  steep  road  ascending  to 
Jougne,  which  stands  in  a  defile  near  the  summit  of 
the  pass.  The  town  surrendered.  The  garrison  at 
first  refused,  but  losing  courage  on  the  enemy's  ap- 
proach, began  to  scramble  from  the  walls,  leaving 
rheir  commander  to  open  a  parley.  But  the  Swiss 
were  not  to  be  thus  defrauded  of  their  prey.  Rush- 
ing forward,  they  drove  back  the  fugitives,  and  then 
aiding  each  other  with  their  long  spears,  which  they 
thrust  into  the  chinks  of  the  masonry,  climbed  to  the 
top  in  sight  of  the  intimidated  foe.  From  two  to 
three  hundred  men  were  found  in  the  castle,  and  not 
one  was  spared.     The  officers  were  beheaded ;  the 


mg 


mgs 


68 


sant   mieulx    faire    que    ceulx    de    chatel,  Schweiz.  Geschichtforscher, 
Grandson,"  is  the  humane  comment    B.  VIII.  s.  229. 
of  the  priestly  chronicler  of  Neu- 


CHAP.  VI.J 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN. 


83 


at 
ap- 


others  were  driven  to  the  parapets  and  made  to 
spring  over  on  to  the  rocks  below.*^ 

Full  possession  of  the  pass  had  now  been  secured  ; 
for  Pontarlier,  on  the  opposite  descent,  was  already 
in  ruins.  It  was  not  deemed  advisable  to  advance 
into  the  plains,  where  bodies  of  cavalry,  while  avoid- 
ing battle,  would  have  made  it  difficult  to  procure 
supplies  or  carry  off*  booty.  Garrisons  were  posted 
in  the  conquered  places,  and  the  Swiss  returned  home 
through  the  Pays  de  Vaud.  In  all  the  towns  on  their 
route  —  Romont,  Payerne,  Morat,  and  others  —  they 
met  with  hospitable  entertainment.  The  trembling 
population  sought  to  propitiate  the  formidable  neigh- 
bors whom  it  no  longer  dared  to  look  upon  as  friends 
or  allies.^^ 

At  the  pressing  invitation  of  Berne,  the  troops  of 
Lucerne  took  their  way  through  the  former  town, 
where  they  were  greeted  with  processions  and  feast- 
ings  and  extraordinary  marks  of  cordiality.  In  this 
demonstration  Berne  had  a  twofold  purpose.  It 
wished  to  bind  more  closely  to  itself  the  only  mem- 
ber of  the  Confederacy  which  had  stood  by  it  dur- 
ing the  last  movement,  and  to  intimate  to  the  others 
the  danger  which  they  ran  of  forfeiting  its  friendship. 
Such  manoeuvres  had,  however,  no  effect  save  that  of 


0 


'>»! 


c 


^*  The  authorities  for  this  brief 
but  vigorous  campaign  are  Schilling; 
the  Chronique  de  Neuchatel  printed 
in  the  Schweiz.  Geschichtforscher  ; 
letters  of  Berne  in  the  Deutsch  Mis- 
siven-Buuh  C.  MS.  ;  letters  from 
the  camp,  in  Knebel,  Iste  Abth.  pp. 
140,  142.  See  also  Gingins,  Hist. 
d'Orbe. 


*'  "  Par  cy-devant  avoient  tous- 
jours  plus  este  en  leur  grace  que 
nul  de  leurs  voisins ;  .  .  .  toute  fois 
plus  par  doubte  que  aultrement  leur 
furent  par  eulx  presente  vivres  et 
toutes  choses  necessaires."  Chron. 
de  Neuchatel,  Schweiz.  Geschicht- 
forscher, B.  VIII.  s.  233. 


84 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA. 


[BOOK  IV. 


widening  the  breach.  Finding  after  the  recent  diet, 
that  no  attention  was  paid  to  their  appeals,  the  six 
cantons  had  privately  deliberated  on  their  own  course. 
In  answer  to  a  somewhat  brusque  inquiry  as  to  the 
meaning  of  their  secret  conferences,  they  disclaimed 
any  intention  of  constituting  a  separate  league,  but  at 
the  same  time  declared  that  they  had  come  to  an 
agreement  to  remain  vmited  in  their  opposition  to  the 
policy  of  Berne.""  They  proceeded  to  draw  up  a 
memorial  representing  the  perils  to  which  the  country 
was  exposed  by  being  forced  into  a  deadly  war  on 
behalf  of  other  powers."^  Tliey  also  brought  forward 
fresh  proposals  of  mediation  which  they  had  received 
from  the  regent  of  Savoy. 

This  communication  was  received  with  an  expres- 
sion of  sullen  contempt."^  The  hirelings  of  France 
had  other  interests  to  care  for  than  those  of  the  Con- 
federacy. They  were  preparing  their  report  to  the 
king*'^  of  the  operations  undertaken  and  successfully 
prosecuted  "  for  his  advantage  and  their  own."  They 
had  soared  beyond  the  narrow  notions  of  liberty  and 
independence,  and  could  endure  the  coldness  of  their 
Confederates  while  assured  of  the  continued  " 
ciousness  "  of  their  royal  patron. 


gra- 


*"  "  Da  hant  Sy  Uns  verantwurt : 
es  sye  war,  Sy  haben  sich  dazcmal 
geeint,  das  dcr  VI.  Ort  dheins  on 
das  Ander  uns  nachziechen  solte ; 
.  .  .  witer  habend  Sy  dhein  Verei- 
nigung  gemacht."  Rathsbuch.  MS. 
(Archives  of  Lucerne.) 


*'  Eidgenossische  Abschiede,  B. 

.    S.  000. 


dz  niyn 
haben." 


II 

"^  "Mit  me  worten  ala 
Herren    wol    verstanden 
Rathsbuch.   MS. 

"^  Letter  of  Berne  enclosing  re- 
port of  Diesbach.  Deutsch  Missi- 
ven-Buch  C,  460.  MS. 


CHAPTER    VII. 


ALLIANCE  BETWEEN  FRANCE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  — LEAGUE  AGAINST 
BURGUNDY  IN  OPERATION.  —  SIEGE  OF  NEUS8  CONCH  DED.— 
CHARLES  AND  THE  ESTATES  OF   FLANDERS. 


14  75. 

From  the  zealous  agents  let  us  turn  our  glance 
upon  the  principal. 

"His  language  is  ambiguous,"  wrote  a  Milanese 
envoy  commissioned  to  penetrate  the  royal  purposes. 
"  It  is  however  perfectly  certain  that,  while  doing  all 
he  can  by  promises  of  money  and  assistance  to  incite 
the  Germans  to  war,  ho  will  not  the  less  use  every 
effort  to  maintain  his  own  truce."  ^ 

This  policy  was  not  only  instinctive  but  well  con- 
sidered and  profound.  "  I  can  have  no  peace  in  my 
kingdom"  —  thus  he  pondered  the  matter  —  "if  I 
have  war  with  the  duke  of  Burgundy.  He  can  tor- 
ment me  on  every  side."  "^     England,  Aragon,  Brit- 


0 


'  C.   da   BoUa   to   the   duke  of  Pieces  historiques,  torn,  xviii.  (Bib. 

Milan,    Feb.    3,    147a,    Depeches  Imp.,  Paris)  —  apparently  a  mem- 

Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  28.  orandum   dictated   to   a   secretary, 

*  "  Qui     le    tourmente   de   tons  or  else  the  minute  of  a  delibera- 

costes."     Sur  I'utilite  de  I'alliance  tion  in  council, 
de     I'Empereur,    Legrand    MSS., 

(8S) 


^>. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-S) 


h 


// 


.<^ 


^ 


/- 


,*^ 


5^ 


<    <^ 


.%,^^ 


I/. 


1.0 


1.1 


liilM    12.5 

■50  "^^     MI^B 

£  lif   112.0 


11-25  iu 


II 


12.2 


1.6 


V 


Z 


Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14S80 

(716)S73-4S03 


4p 


> 


86 


POLICY  OF  LOUIS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


tany,  a  disaffected  nobility,  would  have  no  terrors 
but  for  Mm ! 

As  he  reflected  on  his  past  struggles,  he  fell  into 
a  plaintive,  half-querulous  tone,  "/  have  had  con- 
tinual war  these  ten  years  last  Lent,  while  the  Ger- 
mans are  but  just  beginning  ! "  ^  It  was  but  reason- 
able that  he  should  have  a  respite,  which  he  would 
well  employ  —  in  preparations  for  the  decisive  hour 
when  he  might  step  in  and  sweep  away  the  fruits. 

With  prophetic  confidence  he  looked  forward  to 
an  event  the  announcement  of  which  would  act  upon 
him  like  a  trumpet-call.  "  The  duke  of  Burgundy," 
he  was  often  heard  to  say,  "  exposes  himself  to  all 
the  hazards  of  battle.  One  of  these  days  a  random 
bolt  or  cannon-ball  will  carry  off  his  head."  *    Then  — 

Meanwhile,  however,  other  contingencies,  of  a  less 
agreeable  nature,  were  to  be  provided  for.  His  old 
dread  of  an  English  invasion  was  about  to  be  realized. 
The  preliminary  arrangements  had  been  completed ; 
and  though  delays  might  intervene,  the  reality  of  the 
approaching  crisis  could  no  longer  be  doubted  or 
avoided.  Louis,  therefore,  got  ready  to  meet  it.  He 
made  a  large  addition  to  his  forces,  and  increased 
the  taxes  to  such  a  degree  as  to  raise  apprehensions 
of  a  popular  revolt' 

But  his  activity  was  not  confined  to  a  single  point. 
Whatever  might  be  the  dangers  ahead,  he  was  not 

'  Inconveniens  qui  peuvent  ar-  venira  uno  giorno  qualche  nerettone 

river  de  cette  alliance.    Ibid.  MS.  o    spingarda    che   line    portare  il 

*  "  Dicendo    sea    M.    come   fa  capo."    Depeches  Milanaises,  torn, 

spesse  volte  che  stando  esso  Ducha  i.  p.  28. 
in  continui   pericoli   della    guerra        *  Ibid.  p.  29. 


OHAP.  vn.J 


TREATMENT  OF  KING  REN^. 


87 


Qe 


disposed  to  let  slip  the  opportunity  afforded  by  an 
interval  of  security.  Among  other  matters,  he  found 
leisure  for  investigating  the  affairs  of  old  King  Rene, 
whose  childless  and  in  all  respects  forlorn  condition 
excited  his  sympathy.  Louis  decided  on  relieving 
him  of  Anjou,  and  made  known  his  intention  by 
a  sudden  irruption  with  an  overwhelming  force." 
Rene,  who  was  then  residing  in  the  province,  heaved 
a  sigh,  wrote  a  mild  remonstrance,'  and,  having 
packed  up  his  palette  and  brushes,  betook  himnelf 
to  Provence.  Louis  discovered  that  he  had  claims 
also  on  Provence  —  claims  of  an  intricate  kind, 
requiring  a  deluge  of  citations,  proofs,  replications, 
a  regular  process  in  short,®  which  must  at  least 
estdblish  his  right  to  the  reversion  on  Rene's  death. 
The  heir-expectant,  Charles  of  Maine,  nephew  of 
Rene,  came  to  Paris  to  petition  and  protest.  He 
was  immediately  placed  under  a  secret  but  strict 
surveillance.  "  If  he  show  any  symptom  of  re- 
moving," wrote  Louis  to  his  police,  "lay  hands  on 
him  at  once.  Station  guards  within  a  circle  of  ten 
or  twelve  leagues,  in  case  he  she  'd  try  to  get  away 
in  disguise.  If  he  have  any  of  his  uncle's  people 
about  him,  bid  them  go  off,  and,  if  they  refuse,  send 
them  to  me  or  —  throw  them  into  the  river."  ^ 

In   another  quarter  he   showed    himself   at  this 
period  equally  vigilant  and  prompt.     By  the  recent 


1^ 

0 
0 


torn. 


*  De  Troyes,  p.  111.  umen.     Some  of  the  earlier  pieces 

'  Legrand  MSS.    Pieces  histo-     are  printed  in  Lenglet. 
rlqucs,  torn,  xviii.  ^  Two  letters  to  Bressure,  first 

'  Ibid.,  and  in  subsequent  vol-     undated,  second  dated  Feb.  21,  in 

Legrand  MSS. 


88 


POLICY  OP  LOUIS. 


[book  IV. 


CHAP. 


ill 


marriage  of  Ferdinand  of  Aragon  and  Isabella  of 
Castile,  these  two  states,  so  long  inimical  to  each 
other,  had  become  virtually  one.  Aragon  was  the 
ally  of  Burgundy,  Castile  of  France ;  but  the  change 
in  their  internal  relations  must  of  course  affect  their 
foreign  policy.  It  was  accordingly  intimated  to  the 
French  monarch  that,  if  he  wished  to  preserve  the 
friendship  of  Castile,  he  would  do  well  to  surrender 
Roussillon  to  its  rightful  owner,  Aragon ;  in  case  of  a 
refusal  the  Castilian  envoys  were  ordered  to  open  a 
negotiation  with  Burgundy.'*'  Louis  received  this 
message  as  a  friendly  warning  and  instantly  acted 
upon  it.  He  removed  the  governor  of  Roussillon, 
whose  leniency  in  punishing  a  late  revolt  had  ren- 
dered him  an  object  of  suspicion,  and  appointed  a 
more  trusty  successor  with  detailed  instructions  how 
to  proceed.  "Raze  all  fortresses  not  required  for 
defence.  Build  a  citadel  at  Perpignan.  Drive  out 
all  the  nobles  who  have  ever  fought  against 
France,  and  confiscate  their  estates.""  When  he 
had  thus  tightened  his  grasp,  he  was  ready  to  talk 
about  a  surrender. 

The  only  question  that  had  any  perplexities  for 
this  ready-witted,  fertile-minded  king  was,  whether 
he  should  seek  an  alliance  with  the  emperor  for 
mutual  assistance  against  Burgundy.  On  the  one 
hand  he  feared  that,  without  some  encouragement 


'°  Synopsis    of    instructions   to  "  Instructions      to     Bouchage, 

Don  Ferrand  de  Pulgar,  dated  Feb.  March  23,  printed  in  Lenglet,  torn. 

8,  and    read    to  Louis   at  Paris,  iii.  p.  372  et  seq. 
March  18.    Ibid.  MS. 


CHAP,  vn.] 


TREATY  WITH  THE  EMPEROR. 


89 


of  the  kind,  Frederick  would  either  never  take  the 
field  at  all,  or  would  speedily  come  to  terras  with 
the  eneniy.^2  On  the  other  hand  he  reflected  that 
the  emperor,  old,  unenterprising,  poor  in  purse  and 
still  poorer  in  spirit,  could  not  be  relied  upon  to  per- 
form his  own  share  of  the  engagement,  while  he 
would  probably  make  troublesome  demands  upon 
his  ally.^''  "With  the  Swiss  and  their  allies,"  rea- 
soned Louis,  "I  am  perfectly  safe;"  their  move- 
ments—  instead  of  obliging  me  to  take  part  in  the 
war  —  will  constrain  the  duke  of  Burgundy  to  renew 
the  truce.'^  But  how  can  I  trust  to  the  emperor, 
who  pays  no  regard  to  his  promises  and  thinks 
nothing  of  leaving  his  allies  in  the  lurch  ? "  ^®  Here 
was  certainly  good  ground  for  hesitation:  princes 
who  were  faithless  to  their  promises,  and  who  left 
their  allies  in  the  lurch,  were  not  desirable  partners 
— for  Louis  the  Eleventh.  Nevertheless  the  counter- 
considerations  prevailed.  "If  an  agreement  be 
patched  up,  the  duke,  in  concert  with  the  Bretons 
and  the  English,  will  return  more  powerful  than 
ever."  He  must  therefore  be  kept  in  Germany,  as 
far  from  the  French  soil  as  possible.  An  embassy  was 
accordingly  sent,  and  a  treaty  concluded.  Thirty 
thousand  German  troops  would  march  to  the  relief 


0 


lage, 
lorn. 


"  Sur    l'utiHt6  de  I'alHance  de  '*  "  Le  Due  en  craindra  plus  d'ea 

TEmpereur,  Legrand  MSS.  rompre  la  treve."    Ibid.  MS. 

"  Inconveniens  qui  peuvent  ar-  '*  "  II  est  peu  fidele  en  ses  pro- 
river  de  cette  alliance.     Ibid.  MS.  messes,  et  qui  ne  se  soucie  point 

**  *•  Le  Roy  ne  doit  cependant  de  reparer  ce  que  son  ma'  que  de 

craindre  nulletnent  de  s'allier  aux  parole  luy  a  fait  perdre."  Ibid.  MS, 
Suisses  et  Allemands."    Ibid.  MS. 


VOL.  m. 


la 


90 


POLICY  OP  LOUIS. 


[BOOK  TV, 


of  Neuss.  Thirty  thousand  French  troops  would 
invade  Luxembourg.  Joint  operations  were  to  fol- 
low until  the  rebellious  vassal  of  both  crowns  should 
have  been  overwhelmed  and  crushed.  Neither  of 
the  contracting  parties  would  listen  to  proposals  of 
peace  without  the  knowledge  and  concurrence  of 
the  other  — "  on  the  word  of  an  emperor ;  on  the 
word  of  a  king."  What  stronger  pledge  could  be 
exacted?^'' 

Still  another  move,  and  Louis  hoped  that  he 
might  pause  to  await  the  issue  of  his  combinations. 
His  rival's  back  being  turned,  he  could  now  make  a 
fresh  and  more  vigorous  effort  to  bring  over  Lorraine 
to  his  side.  This  time  he  threw  his  line  with  a 
wider  sweep  than  before.  The  allurements  held  out 
by  his  immediate  agents,  the  Sire  de  Craon  and 
others,'^  were  not  the  only  means  to  which  he  had 
recourse.  He  called  upon  his  Swiss  friends  to  use 
their  exertions,  and  through  their  intervention  he 
brought  an  influence  to  bear  more  potent  than  his 
own  persuasions.^®  The  presence  in  Lorraine  of  the 
Burgundian  garrisons,  and  the  passage  through  that 
province  of  Charles's  Italian  mercenaries,  furnished 
the  towns  of  the  Rhineland,  incited  by  Borne,  with 
the  same  grounds  for  intimidation  as  Berne  had 
itself  employed  in   the  case   of  Savoy.    Rene  was 


"  For  the  instructions,  treaties,         '*  "  Ne  faillit  pas  h  luy  promettre 

ratifications,     and     supplementary  qu'on  en  feroit  un  grant  homme." 

articles    reducing  the   number  of  Commines,  torn.  i.  p.  322. 
troops,  see  Lenglet,  tom.  iii.,Muller,         '®  Berne    to    Basel,   Fritag    vor 

Reichstags  Theatrum,  B.  II.,  and  Palmam,  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C, 

Chmel,  B.  I.  399.  MS. 


OHAP.  VII.] 


MANCEUVRES  IN  LOBRAINE. 


91 


told,  as  Yolande  had  been  told,  that,  in  a  conjuncture 
like  the  present,  he  must  not  expect  to  preserve 
his  neutrality.^"  Unless  he  separated  himself  from 
Charles  he  would  incur  the  enmity  of  a  powerful 
league,  embracing  his  liege  lord  the  emperor  and 
all  the  states  and  princes  of  Germany.  On  the  other 
hand  he  need  have  no  fears  about  renouncing  his 
engagements  with  Burgundy.  If  in  peril,  he  would 
have  the  support  of  the  whole  coalition,  and  in 
particular  the  Most  Christian  King  would  guaranty 
his  safety.^^  Cornered  and  perplexed,  Rene  con- 
sulted with  his  principal  vassals  —  parties  like  him- 
self to  the  Burgundian  alliance,  distrustful  like  him- 
self of  both  the  emperor  and  the  king,^~  but  unable 
to  suggest  any  means  of  escape.  War  being  un- 
avoidable, Le  who  was  weakest  and  most  exposed 
must  side  with  the  strongest  and  most  menacing.^' 
As  a  further  and  less  humiliating  excuse  he  could 
allege  any  acts  of  misconduct  which  might  appear 
to  have  been  committed  by  the  Burgundian  troops. 
His  complaints  on  this  score  and  the  answer  they 
received  will  be  noticed  hereafter.  Before  yielding 
entirely  to  the  concentrated  pressure  he  was  power- 
less to  withstand,  he  endeavored  to  secure  himself  by 
secret  covenants,  of  which  the  immediate  value  was, 


iM 

{ 


'Ui 


0 


kmettre 
bmme." 


Ig   vor 
luch  C, 


*°  "  S'il  ne  s'en  departoit,  ilz 
estoient  deliberez  plus  tost  de  luy 
faire  la  guerre  que  de  souffrir  ledict 
passage."  Dialogue  de  Lud  et 
Chretien,  p.  19. 

="  Ibid.  pp.  19,  20. 

'■'^  "  Qui  de  guierres  ne  s'assu- 
roient  ne  au  secours  de  I'empereur, 


ny    pareillement    du    roy."    Ibid, 
p.  19. 

*^  "  Considerant  qu'il  n'y  auoit  ay 
de  plus  preste,  ny.plus  seure  .  . . 
que  celle  de  sesvoisiiis,  et .  . .  puis- 
qu'il  falloit  estre  en  guerre,  tant  par 
ladicte  alliance  que  pour  la  requeste' 
de  I'empereur."    Ibid,  ubi  supra. 


it 


;:) 


92 


SIEGE  OF  NEUSS. 


[book  IV, 


that  they  enabled  the  French  king  to  announce  to 
the  Swiss  that  he  had  added  the  duke  of  Lorraine 
to  the  long  list  of  his  "  servants."  ^* 

Heedless  apparently  of  the  machinations  around 
him,  the  duke  of  Burgundy  had  been  all  this  while 
immersed  in  the  labors  of  a  single  enterprise.  The 
seasons  had  rolled  round,  and  Neuss  was  still  un- 
taken  but  still  besieged.  Its  protracted  resistance 
■was  not  entirely  owing  to  the  resolution  of  the 
defenders.  Winter  had  brought  them  a  relief,  not 
in  the  expected  shape  of  an  imperial  army,  but  in 
storms  and  floods,  which  had  swept  away  the  dikes 
and  other  works  of  the  besiegers  and  thrown  a  belt 
of  water  and  swamp  around  the  belejiguered  town.*^ 
The  camp,  which  had  hitherto  been  brilliant  and 
gay,  sports  and  pomps  filling  up  the  intervals  of 
labor  and  combat,  had  now  become  a  scene  of  dismal 
privations,  which  proved  a  c  revere  tax  on  the  spirits 
of  the  army.  Imprisoned  in  mire  and  slush,  with 
rain  and  snow  for  their  jailers,  the  languishing 
cavaliers  were  haunted  by  recollections  of  the  ban- 
quets, the  balls,  and  the  belles  of  Bruges.'^"  Their 
leader,  "  a  man  of   steel,"  "  active   as    a    swallow," 


^*  "  Der  sie  sin  diner  und  in 
synem  schirm."    Girard  MSS. 

*^  Wierstraat.  —  Lamarche. 

26  «  Penses  se  nos  pavilions, 
glachds  et  cergies  de  nege  sont 
estuves  d'AUemaigne,  .  .  .  se  les 
paves  de  nos  rues  oil  somes  enfangics 
jusques  k  genous,  est  le  marchie  de 


Vallenchiennes.  Oii  est  le  diner 
launie  au  son  de  la  cloche  ?  Elas ! 
oil  sont  dames  pour  nous  entretenir  P 
.  .  .  Les  drogheries,  bagueries  et 
banqucs  de  Bruges  nous  sont  es- 
carsement  partis."  Letter  of  the 
count  of  Chimay  to  Chastellain, 
Haynin,  torn.  ii.  p.  256. 


CHAP.  VII 

insensi 

wonde 

Colo 

affairs 

men,  ^ 

When 

to  beg 

many  1 

soon 

Lorrain 

tions  w 

was  sti 

aid,  wh 

remain 

the  mo 

Should 

hostile 

themsel 

imperial 

Swiss,  d 

from  th 

France.'* 

No  so 

the  line 

the  can 

the   app 

where  e 


"  Ibid.  2 

*»  "  Den: 

werden,  .  .  , 

dem  Rin  li< 

veld  gebrocl 


CHAP.  VII.] 


STATE  OF  THE  BESIEGEIiS. 


93 


25 


!  diner 
Elas! 
tenir  ? 
ies  et 
nt  es- 
af  the 
tellain, 


insensible  to  cold,  hunger,  and  fatigue,  excited  their 
wonder  rather  than  their  emulation.^' 

Cologne  had  taken  advantage  of  this  turn  of 
affairs  to  throw  in  a  reenforcement  of  six  hundred 
men,  with  a  much  needed  supply  of  ammunition. 
When  the  spring  opened  it  was  necessary  for  Charles 
to  begin  his  operations  anew.  Time  pressed.  Ger- 
many had  at  length  begun  to  stir.  England  would 
soon  require  his  cooperation.  The  manoeuvres  in 
Lorraine  were  beginning  to  interrupt  his  communica- 
tions with  the  Burgundies  and  with  Italy.  Flanders 
was  still  deaf  to  his  demands  and  supplications  for 
aid,  while  Savoy  was  imploring  aid  to  enable  it  to 
remain  stanch  to  his  cause.  On  the  other  hand 
the  motives  for  persisting  were  stronger  than  ever. 
Should  he  triumph  in  the  face  of  obstacles,  the 
hostile  combinations,  it  was  thought,  would  fall  of 
themselves.  The  Rhineland,  unshielded  by  the 
imperial  aegis,  would  submit  to  its  destiny.^*  The 
Swiss,  deprived  of  any  pretext  for  war,  would  desist 
from  their  attacks  and  dissolve  their  alliance  with 
France.'^ 

No  sooner,  therefore,  had  the  floods  subsided  than 
the  lines  were  drawn  more  closely  than  ever,  and 
the  camp  resumed  its  former  animation.  It  wore 
the  appearance  of  a  thriving  and  populous  town, 
where  every  kind  of  business,  professional  as  well  as 

"  Ibid,  254  et  seq.  Emperor  to  the   Swiss,  Eidgenos- 

'*  "  Denn    solte    NUss  verloren  sische  Abschiede,  B.  II.  s.  528. 

werden,  ...  so  were  alles  das,  so  an        ^°  Dcpeches   Milanaises,  torn.  L 

dem  Rin  ligt,  hin  und  wurde  das  p.  79  et  al. 

veld  gebrochen."    Message  from  the 


(M 


SJ«! 


(. 


94 


SIEGE  OF  NEUSS. 


[BOOK  ir. 


OUAP.  VI 


mechanical,  was  as  regularly  carried  on  as  in  the 
midst  of  peace.''"  Provisions  flowed  in  with  in- 
creasing abundance,  two  great  market-places  be- 
ing occupied  by  the  booths  of  the  country-people, 
and  the  strictest  justice  and  order  enforced  by  the 
provost-marshals,  who  held  their  court  beneath  the 
convenient  shelter  of  a  lofty  gallows-tree.  All 
further  attempts  to  send  supplies  or  reenforcements 
into  the  town  proved  not  only  abortive  but  dis- 
astrous. Parties  from  Cologne,  hovering  around 
with  this  intent,  were  cut  off  and  hunted  down ; 
while  single  messengers,  endeavoring  to  communi- 
cate, were  either  captured  alive  or  so  closely  tracked 
that  they  could  only  elude  pursuit  by  throwing 
themselves  into  the  Rhine.  The  bombardment  too 
had  now  begun  to  tell.  Ere  long  the  whole  of  the 
outer  wall  lay  in  ruins.  Positions  were  seized  com- 
manding the  bastions  of  the  two  principal  gates, 
and,  while  a  lively  fire  was  kept  up  from  towers 
erected  for  the  purpose,  a  mine  was  pushed  forward 
under  the  inner  defences.  The  detection  of  this  last 
danger  spread  a  panic  among  the  besieged.  For 
the  first  time  there  was  a  general  sinking  of  courage, 
and  many  were  in  favor  of  surrendering  if  terms 
could  still   be  obtained.^^     But  Hermann   of  Hesse, 


**  Mol'net,  the  Mag.  Chron. 
Belg.,  Fugger,  and  other  chronicles 
are  full  of  details  on  this  matter. 
The  Venetian  ambassador  wished 
to  have  a  picture  of  the  camp  to 
take  home  with  him,  and  Charles 
accordingly  caused  one  to  be  paint- 
ed.   Unfortunately  on  the  way  it 


fell  into  the  hands  of  Sigismund  of 

Austria.    See  Knebel,   Iste  Abth. 

8.  102. 

31  "  Myslieh  malchs  gemocde  wart 

dar  bynnon  dorch  groissc  zweyuart. . . 
Deyls  Iicttcn  slch  erghouen  wall! 
zu  hoeren  nac  der  vyand  tayall 
ind  sprach  zo  halden  vp  genayd." 
Wierstraat,  a.  61. 


who  1 
own 
fiiilure 
his  wh 
a   bod 
kept 
were 
the  be 
them, 
made 
grew 
within 
stood 
of  mai 
win? 
But  th 
Christn 
been  c( 
had    b( 
ground 
the  chic 
tastelesi 
on  this 
for  lack 
on  the 


"  Lacon 
die  Gesch 
B.  IV.  s.  4( 

=■=>  Repor 

B.    II.    8.    2 

von  Epting 
s.  160,  161 


CIUP.  VII.J 


STATE  OF  THE  BESIEGED. 


95 


who  had  in  his  pocket  the  imperial  promise  of  his 
own  advancement  to  the  see  in  case  of  Rupert's 
failure  to  recover  it/^  had  fully  resolved  to  stake 
his  whole  fate  on  the  issue.  It  was  discovered  that 
a  body  of  Italians  who  had  charge  of  the  mine 
kept  careless  watch.  A  surprise  was  planned,  tl  j 
were  driven  out,  and  the  works  destroyed.  Still 
the  besiegers,  in  spite  of  all  attempts  to  dislodge 
them,  held  the  ground  which  they  had  gained  and 
made  slow  but  steady  progress.  Their  assaults 
grew  bolder  and  more  incessant,  the  sallies  from 
within  shorter  and  feebler.  Although  the  town 
stood  in  no  danger  of  absolute  famine,  the  scarcity 
of  many  articles  was  severely  felt  Of  corn  and 
win-  there  was  sufficient  to  last  for  many  months. 
But  the  last  wholesome  meat  had  been  eaten  on 
Christmas  Day.  Four  hundred  horses  had  since 
been  consumed,  and  but  five  remained.  The  mills 
had  been  destroyed  by  the  enemy's  fire.  Un- 
ground  and  uncooked  corn,  swollen  in  water,  formed 
the  chief  article  of  food,  and  was  rendered  still  more 
tasteless  by  the  want  of  salt.  The  stoutest  pined 
on  this  innutritions  diet;  the  sick  were  dying  fast 
for  lack  of  medicines,  and  the  stock  of  powder  was 
on  the  point  of  exhaustion.^ 


0 
0 


^^  Lacomblet,  Urkundenbuch  fiir  and  Molinet,  passim ;  a  letter  of 

die    Geschichte  des    Niederrheins,  Panigarola,  in  the  Depeches  Mila- 

B.  IV.  8.  466.  naises,  torn.  i.  p.  107  ;  and  Com- 

'^  Report  from  Neuss,  in  Bleesch,  mines  (who  had    his  information 

B.  II.  s.  278. — Letter  of  Ludwig  from  one  of  the  garrison),  torn.  i. 

von  Eptingen,  in  Knebel,  Iste  Abth.  p.  335. 
s.  160,  161.     See  also  Wierstraat, 


,tiil 


96 


SIEGE  OF  NEUSS. 


I  BOOK  IV. 


onAr 


Such  was  the  state  of  afTuirs  at  the  beginning  of 
May.  The  assailants  calculated  on  forcing  an  en- 
trance within  fifteen  days.^  The  inhabitants  acknowl- 
edged that  now,  if  ever,  the  long-promised  succors 
must  be  brought.^ 

Yet  if  the  moment  was  critical  for  Neuss,  it  was 
also  criticid  for  Charles.  His  truce  with  France  had 
just  run  out  through  his  own  refusal  to  prolong  it 
Counting  on  a  speedy  release  from  his  present  entan- 
glement, obliged  in  any  event  to  keep  his  engage- 
ments with  England,  he  was  neither  to  be  diverted 
by  the  attacks  of  the  Swiss,  on  the  effect  of  which 
the  king  had  so  confidently  counted,  nor  to  be  moved 
by  the  direct  solicitations  of  his  rival,  who  besought 
him  to  lake  his  own  time  for  the  prosecution  of  his 
German  projects,  assuring  him  —  all  treaties  to  the 
contrarv  notwithstanding?  —  that  he  would  meet  with 
no  molestation  from  the  French  side  while  so  en- 
gaged."'" Louis,  consequently,  to  his  deep  regret,^' 
found  himself  compelled  to  bear  an  active  part  in  the 
prosecution  of  his  own  schemes.    He  could  not  indeed 


"*  Commines,  ubi  supra.  —  Dd- 
pSches  Milunaises,  torn.  i.  p.  133. 

^*  "  Sy  secorso  non  gy  fosse  non 
se  poterebeno  piu  tegnire."  John 
Irmy  to  the  duke  of  Milan,  Ddpeches 
Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  129.  —  "Es 
ist  ouch  syt  umb  sy  gewesen  in  zu 
helfen."  Letter  of  Ludwig  von  Ep- 
tingen,  in  Kneb"l,  Iste  Abth.  s.  161. 
— "  Naerre  was  nye  verloren  die 
Stat."    Wierstraat,  s.  71. 

3«  "  Le  Roy  sollicitoit  fort  de 
I'alonger,  et  qu'il  feist  h  son  ayse  en 
Allemaigne :  ce  que  ledict  due  ne 


voulut  faire,  pour  la  promesse  qu'il 
avoit  faicte  aux  Anglois."  Com- 
mines, torn.  i.  p.  313  ;  and  p.  320. 
—  See  also,  for  a  full  account  of  the 
negotiation,  Molinet,  tom.  i.  p.  110 
et  seq.  Also,  in  the  Legrand  MS  8. 
(Pieces  historiques,  tom.  xviii.),  a 
counter-proposition  from  Charles, 
very  convenient  for  himself,  yet  of- 
fered only  on  condition  that  his 
allies  should  assent. 

*'  "  Pourquoy  le  Roy  eut  tres 
grant  regret."  Commines,  tom.  i. 
p.  325. 


briuj 

to  ac 

port 

inim< 

const 

the   ( 

Craoi 

throu 

out  ii 

His  p; 

ble  pi 

with  j 

avoidc 

decisis 

sluggif 

there, 

of  the 

nearer 

assemt 

after 

hostile 

the  du 

being- 

defianc 

mitted 

to  all  n 

tion. 

seen,  fo 

sistible 

^'De 
VOL.  ii: 


CHAF,  vn.] 


CHARLES  IN  PERIL. 


97 


'il 


qu 
Com- 

320. 
of  the 
p.  110 
MSS. 
iii.),  a 
harlcs, 
yet  of- 
at  his 


bring  himself,  perhaps  from  the  mere  force  c''  habit, 
to  act  in  concert  with  his  allies  or  give  them  tlie  sup- 
port which  he  had  promised.  But  he  ordered  an 
immediate  advance  of  all  the  forces  which  he  kept 
constantly  posted  on  the  frontiers.  One  army,  under 
the  duke  of  Bourbon,  was  to  invade  Burgundy ; 
Craon,  the  governor  of  Champagne,  would  penetrate 
through  Lorraine  into  Franche-Comte ;  the  king  set 
out  in  person  to  take  the  commfind  in  Picardy.''* 
His  plan  appeared  to  be  to  strike  at  the  most  assaila- 
ble points,  leaving  to  others  the  task  of  grappling 
with  an  adversary  whose  closer  hug  he  instinctively 
avoided.  He  did  not  in  fact  look  for  any  speedy  or 
decisive  result  in  Germany.  Pride  on  the  one  side, 
sluggishness  on  the  other,  obstinacy  on  both,  would 
there,  as  he  supposed,  lead  to  a  long  continuance 
of  the  present  confusion.  The  event  was,  however, 
nearer  than  he  imagined.  The  imperial  army  had 
assembled  and  was  actually  on  the  move.  Herald 
after  herald  had  arrived  at  Charles's  camp  with  the 
hostile  messages  of  the  electoral  princes.  Now,  too, 
the  duke  of  Lorraine,  under  the  immediate  peril  of 
being  involved  in  the  fate  of  his  ally,^"  sent  in  his 
defiance,  expelled  the  Burgundian  garrisons,  and  ad- 
mitted a  body  of  French  troops.  Thus  the  league, 
to  all  appearance,  was  in  full  and  triumphant  opera- 
tion. From  the  passes  of  the  Jura,  where,  as  we  have 
seen,  fortress  aftor  fortress  was  falling  before  the  irre- 
sistible assaults  of  the  Swiss,  to  the  plains  of  Artois, 


'   (' 


c 

0 


="•  De  Troyes,  pp.  115,  117. 
VOL.  III.  13 


'•"  Basin,  torn.  ii.  p.  343. 


98 


THE  LEAGUE  IN  OPERATION. 


[BOOK  IV. 


where  Louis  had  already  begun  to  operate,  every 
part  of  the  Burgundian  dominions  was  simulianeous- 
ly  threatened  j  and  Charles,  instead  of  holding  a  van- 
tage-ground from  which  to  repel  attack,  stood  in  the 
very  centre  of  his  gathering  foes.  The  world,  which 
always  reasons  rapidly  in  such  cases,  considered  him 
lost.  He  had  refused,  it  was  said,  to  budge,  while  the 
way  of  retreat  was  still  open;  nothing  now  could 
save  him  from  annihilation.*'^ 

He  exhibited,  however,  no  signs  of  dismay.  Perils 
which  he  lacked  the  genius  to  anticipate  and  neutral- 
ize, he  had  at  least  the  boldness  to  confront.*^  He 
trusted  to  his  subjects  at  home,  under  Romont,  Rous- 
sy,  and  his  other  lieutenants,  to  keep  the  French  at 
bay  till  he  could  go  himself  to  the  rescue.  Intelli- 
gence of  the  latest  movements  of  the  Swiss  —  owing 
to  the  disturbed  state  of  the  roads,  which  were  now 
indeed  completely  closed  —  had  not  yet  reached  him. 
Having  heard  of  their  retreat  from  La  Riviere,  and 
judging  by  their  usual  habits  as  well  as  by  what 
he  knew  of  their  internal  discords,  he  felt  assured 
that  they  would  not  long  continue  in  the  field.*'  The 
imperial  avalanche  about  to  descend  upon  him,  he 
awaited  with  a  coolness  exasperating  to  those  who 
had  looked  forward  to  the  treat  they  would  derive 
from  the  spectacle  of  his  terror.     Frederick,  he  was 


mg 


*°  Ibid.  pp.  343-347.  — Dd|)cches  suorum  Gerraanorum  adventum  ex- 

Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  127.  spectabat."    Basin,  torn.  ii.  pp.  341, 

■*'  "  Inter  tantas  cnras  atque  an-  348. 

gustias    .    .    .    velut    inipavidus."  ''*  Letter  to  Claude  du  Fay,  May 

"  Constanter  et  perseveranter  in  sua  10,  Labarre,  torn.  i.  p.  360. 
obsidione  persistens,  imperatons  et 


CHAP.  VII.] 


CHARLES  UNDISMAYED. 


99 


reported  to  have  said,  had  done  him  a  great  honor 
in  calling  out  against  him  the  whole  power  of  the 
Empire;  the  house  of  Burgundy  had  never  before 
received  such  a  mark  of  distinction.^''  He  exhorted 
his  troops  to  constancy,  avowing  his  purpose  to  seek, 
rather  than  avoid,  an  encounter.^*  To  the  electoral 
messengers  he  gave  a  courteous  hearing,  and  replies 
in  which  he  strove  to  vindicate  his  motives,  while 
accepting  the  challenge  which  honor  forbade  him  to 
decline.  He  had  made  no  war  on  the  Empire  or  the 
emperor ;  he  too  was  a  German  prince,  and  in  seek- 
ing to  reinstate  the  dethroned  archbishop,  was  not 
merely  fulfilling  the  obligations  of  kinship  and  alli- 
ance, but  upholding  the  common  rights  of  the  elect- 
ors.*' The  defiance  of  Lorraine  touched  him  more 
nearly.  But  it  was  very  differently  received  from 
that  which  seven  months  before  had  come  from  the 
Swiss.  Instead  of  disconcerting  his  schemes,  it 
opened  a  new  and  easier  way  to  their  accomplish- 
ment. "  By  Saint  George  you  bring  us  good  tidings  ! " 
he  said  to  the  trembling  emissary,  and  unclasping  a 
rich  mantle  from  his  own  shoulders  bade  him  take  it, 
with  a  purse  of  gold,  for  his  guerdon.*^ 

The  emperor,  though  much  censured  for  the  tardi- 
ness of  his  preparations,  had  at  least  made  a  timely 


c 

0 


May 


*^  Knebel,  Iste  Abth.  s.  122. 

**  Basin,  torn,  i,  p.  348. 

*'  Miiller,  Reichstags  Theatrum, 
B.  II.  8.  681,685,  et  al. 

•'"  Comment  le  due  de  Lorraine 
enuoya  deffier  le  due  Cliarles,  con- 
temporary report  in  Legrand  MSS., 


Pifeees  historiques,  torn.  xvii.  — 
See  also  Remy,  Discovrs  des  choses 
advenves  en  Lorraire,  depuis  le  de- 
cez  du  due  Nicolas,  iusques  {l  celuy 
du  due  Rend  (Pont-ii-Mousson, 
1605,  4to),  p.  9. 


100 


THE  LEAGUE  IN  OPERATION. 


[book  IV. 


beginning.  Even  before  tbe  siege  was  actually 
opened  he  had  announced  his  intention  to  take  the 
field  in  person,  and  had  stipulated  with  Cologne  and 
the  other  places  most  nearly  interested  for  a  monthly 
subsidy  to  cover  his  expenses.*''  In  the  autumn  he 
had  issued  his  summonses  and  manifestoes.  A  media- 
tor had  then  stepped  in.  The  king  of  Denmark,  on 
his  way  back  from  a  visit  to  Rome,  had  volunteered 
his  services  in  preserving  the  peace  of  Christendom, 
and  had  spent  three  months  in  going  backwards  and 
forwards  on  this  laudable  mission.  Under  the  dis- 
couragements of  the  winter,  Charles  was  not  indis- 
posed to  an  accommodation  which  might  enable  him 
to  withdraw  without  loss  of  reputation.  But  he  was 
told  that  no  proposition  on  his  behalf  could  be  enter- 
tained, that  no  further  intimation  of  the  imperial  will 
would  be  vouchsafed,  while  his  tent  remained  pitched 
and  his  banner  unfurled  on  the  sacred  soil  of  the 
Empire.*®  For  the  duke  himself  this  answer  was 
sufficient.  But  the  royal  negotiator  persevered  until 
he  had  learned  the  terms  it  was  intended  to  impose. 
To  escape  the  penalties  of  his  presumption,  Charles 
must  renounce  and  deliver  up  his  treaties  with  Ru- 
pert, disclaim  all  right  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of 
Germany,  and  refrain  from  any  hostilities  against  Si- 


"  Miiller,  Reichstags  Theatrum, 
B.  II.  8.  649. 

*^  "  Er  mag  selbs  verstan  all  die 
will  der  Ilerzog  zu  veld  ligt  mit  uss- 
gerahmtem  panner  und  gczolt,  das 
uns  nit  fvifjt  und  Rchimpflich  were 
yemauds  zu  gunncn  in  den  sachen 


zu  tedigen  noch  zu  deraselben  zedel 
antwurt  zu  gtjben.  Ist  er  aber  uss 
dem  llich  mit  sinem  veld  abziechen, 
alsdonn  wollen  wir  mit  unsern  kur- 
fursten  und  fursten  zu  rat  Averdcn." 
Letter  of  the  emperor  to  Sigismund, 
MS.  (Stifts-Archiv,  Sauct-Galleu.) 


«  Yr 


CHAP.  VIT.] 


GATHERING  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 


101 


zetlel 
uss 
then, 
Ikur- 
llcn." 
[und, 
m.) 


gismund  or  Sigismiind's  allies,  leaving  his  grievances, 
the  force  of  which  was  graciously  conceded,  to  the 
arbitration  of  the  emperor.*"  Who  would  have  expect- 
ed that  at  this  stage  of  his  career,  Frederick  was  about 
to  shine  forth  as  a  second  Barbarossa  ? 

He  had  found  it,  however,  no  easy  matter  to  over- 
come the  incoherence  and  disjointed  action  of  the 
huge  machine  over  which  he  presided.  Diets  had 
been  convened  and  postponed  ;  troops  had  been 
levied  and  countermanded.  The  king  of  Hungary 
could  not  think  of  abandoning  his  alliance  with  Bur- 
gundy, unless  his  own  right  to  the  crown  of  Bohemia 
were  first  conceded.  The  duke  of  Juliers  pleaded 
his  proximity  to  the  enemy's  states  as  an  excuse  for 
his  neutrality.  The  elector  palatine  boldly  pro- 
claimed that  his  sympathies  as  well  as  his  interests 
lay  on  the  opposite  side.^  Even  the  cities  were  not 
all  of  the  same  mind.  The  people  of  Treves,  having 
tasted  the  munificence  of  the  Burgundian  court  and 
experienced  the  good  effects  of  the  Burgundian  disci- 
pline, had  shown  ever  since  a  strong  desire  to  culti- 
vate Charles's  friendship.  At  their  request  he  had 
recognized  their  neutrality  and  given  orders  that 
they  should  be  treated  with  the  same  consideration 
as  his  proper  subjects.^^ 

Yet  in  spite  of  all  such  defections  and  delays,  fif- 
teen electoral  and  other  princes,  sixty-five  counts, 
and  four  thousand  nobles  of  lower  degree   had   at 

*'  Vergleichs     Project,     Miiller,  *'  Letters  to  Claude  du  Fay,  Jan. 

Reichstags  Theatrum,  B.  II.  s.  679.  3  and  March  31,  Labarre,  torn.  i. 

^^  Ibid.   s.    G91,   C96,    et    al.  —  pp.  356,  308. 
Chmel,  B.  1,  s.  433-438. 


*it, 


Q 


102 


THE  LEAGUE  IN  OPERATION. 


[BOOK  rv. 


length  collected  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cologne. 
These  with  their  followers  constituted  the  cavalry, 
while  the  infantry  was  chiefly  made  up  of  the  contin- 
gents of  sixty-eight  free  towns.  The  whole  army, 
according  to  the  lowest  computation,  numbered,  when 
it  n eared  the  scene  of  action,  forty  thousand  men.^'^ 
For  two  centuries,  it  was  reported,  there  had  been  no 
such  gathering  of  the  imperial  vassals.^'  The  artille- 
ry and  the  wagons  were  numerous  beyond  precedent. 
Nothing  was  lacking  but  unity  and  discipline.  The 
troops  of  different  states  availed  themselves  of  the 
opportunity  for  deciding  their  hereditary  quarrels; 
and  bloody  brawls,  which  it  was  forbidden  to  speak 
of  outside  the  camp,^*  were  of  daily  occurrence.  To 
counterbalance  this  defect  a  high  state  of  confidence 
prevailed.  All  vaunted  their  determination  to  anni- 
hilate the  invader,^^  while  not  the  slightest  doubt  was 
entertained  that  a  large  French  force  was  advancing 
to  join  them.'"'  Among  the  most  fiery  leaders  were 
the   archbishops   of  Treves  and   Mayence,   and  the 


'*  Letter  of  Panigarola  to  the 
duke  of  Milan,  Notizeiiblatt,  1856, 
8.  .'.'•1.  —  Conf.  Miiller,  lleichstags 
Theatrum,  B.  IL  s.  703,  and  llodt 
(from  a  manuscript  Bericht  an 
Constanz),  B.  I.  s.  3U2,  394,  where 
the  figures  give  a  total  of  about 
50,000.  By  niottof  the  chroniclers 
the  number  is  set  as  high  as  80,000. 
This  is  explained  by  a  passage  in.  a 
contemporary  letter,  which  says  the 
number  is  reckoned  at  oO,()0()  to 
60,000,  "  andre  minder,  aber  die 
erste  rede  was  mit  80,000."  Kne- 
bel,  Iste  Abth.  s.  148.    The  list  of 


proposed  levies,  which  included  a 
large  Swiss  force,  amounted  to 
130,000.     Chmel  B.  L  s.  421-425. 

*^  "  La  potentia  di  Alamagna  che 
CO  anni  pasati  non  si  troua  cosi 
unita."  Panigarola  to  the  duke  of 
Milan,  Notizenblatt,  s.  111. 

"*  "  Item  dass  hiefur  niemand 
kein  rumor  anh(;b  by  verlierung  sins 
leben  !  "  Kaiserliche  Verordnung, 
in  Knebcl,  Iste  Abth.  s.  146. 

"  Basin,  torn.  ii.  pp.  339,  340. 

"'  Letter  of  the  duke  of  Saxony, 
Mittwoch  nach  exaudi,  Miiller, 
Reichstags  Theatrum,  Th.  Ii  s.  103. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


THE  IMPERIAL  ARMY. 


103 


bishop  of  Munster,*''  —  the  first  inflamed  by  the  oppo- 
sition of  his  own  people,  the  last  by  some  personal 
pique  against  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  whom  he  in- 
tended, it  was  said,  to  single  out  and  engage  in  deadly 
combat.^^  Duke  Albert  of  Saxony,  a  brave  and  hon- 
est gentleman,  who  startled  his  associates  by  giving 
out  that  he  had  come  to  fight  but  not  to  plunder,^" 
carried  the  great  standard  of  the  Empire  as  the  rep- 
resentative of  his  brother,  the  elector  Ernest.  The 
post  of  generalissimo  devolved  as  of  right  on  the 
margrave  of  Brandenburg,  the  veteran  "  Achilles  of 
Germany  "  and  the  hero  of  innumerable  fights,  who 
had  never  shown  his  back  to  an  enemy  but  once. 
This  was  when  his  wars  with  Nuremberg  had  brought 
him  into  collision  with  the  Swiss,  on  which  occasion, 
like  so  many  of  his  noble  contemporaries,  he  had  fled 
with  precipitation.*'® 

A  detached  force,  consisting  of  the  militia  of  Co- 
logne, Basel,  and  other  free  cities,  had  already  de- 
scended the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine,  to  operate  on 
the  enemy's  flank  and  seize  the  opportunity  when  he 
should  be  engaged  with  the  main  host  of  penetrating 
into  the  town.  Signals  were  devised  to  inform  the 
besieged  that  the  hour  of  their  deliverance  was  at 
hand.  Hollow  balls  were  thrown  across  the  river 
into  the  meadow  at  the  foot  of  the  wall.  Two  fell 
short ;  the    third,  after  a  sharp  tussle,  was    carried 


'  0 


0. 

tony, 

iiller, 

103. 


"  Mayer  (Annales,  fol.  416) 
speaks  most  irreverently  of  these 
warlike  prelates,  as, "  satrapas  inter 
milites,  asinos  inter  simias." 

*"  Ibid,  ubi  supra. 


**  Sachsischer  Bericht,  in  MUller, 
Reichstags  Theatrum.  B.  II.  s.  685. 

"o  J.  MUller,  Hist,  de  la  Confcd. 
Suisse,  torn.  vii. 


104 


THE  LEAGUE  IN  OPERATION. 


[BOOK  IV. 


off  by  the  Burgundians.  After  nightfall  a  stealthy 
search  being  made  along  the  bank,  a  ball  which  had 
dropped  into  the  water  was  picked  up  and  carried 
in.  It  contained  the  cheering  missive,  "  Neuss,  be  of 
good  comfort :  thou  art  saved  !"  "* 

Meanwhile  the  main   army  proceeded    down  the 
left   bank,  attended   by  a  large  fleet  of  boats.    Its 
progress  corresponded  with  its  composition,  and  re- 
sembled the  coasting   voyages  of  primitive  naviga- 
tors.   After  a  short  and  extremely  cautious  advance 
a  halt  of  several  days  was  employed  in  preparations 
for  a  further  move."'     At  Zons,  two  leagues  south  of 
Neuss,  it  rested  eleven  days,  awaiting  wistfully  but 
vainly  the  arrival  of  the  French  reenforcements.     On 
the  morning  of  the  24th  of  May  it  again  got   upon 
its  legs,  marched  about  two  miles  through  a  forest, 
and  having  reached  an  open  plain,  proceeded  to  form 
a  new  encampment  at  what  was  judged  a  safe  dis- 
tance  from  the  enemy's  lines.     The  ground  si  ped 
gently  towards  the  Rhine  from  a  sandy  eminence  on 
the  left,  which  was  partially  occupied,  but  not   in- 
trenched.    The  right  wing  projected  from  the  main 
body,  en  potence,  with  its  back  to   the   river,  which 
seems  to  have  been  considered  the  best  line  of  re- 
treat.    A  ditch  was  dug,  a  palisade  erected,  and  the 
wagons,  five  thousand  in  number,  were  so  ranged  as 
to  form  an  enclosure.    A  covered  wagon,  or  horse- 
litter,  used  by  the  infirm  emperor  as  a  travelling 
equipage  by  day  and  a  couch  by  night,  was  wheeled 


*'  Wierstraat,  a.  69,  70.  397  et  seq. ;    and  Miiller,  Reichs- 

^^  See  the  details  in  Hodt,  B.  I.  s.    tagsTheatrum,  B.  II.  s.  703. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


IMrERIAL  CAMP  ATTACKED. 


105 


lich 
re- 
the 
as 


into  the  centre.  Tents  and  pavilions  were  set  up. 
Horses  were  unsaddled  and  armor  laid  aside.  All  was 
in  disarray  and  entire  security,  when  suddenly  the 
boom  of  cannon  was  heaid,  and  balls  came  plunging 
through  the  tents  and  ricochetting  among  the  wagons.^ 
On  hearing  of  the  emperor's  approach  Charles  had 
manifested  great  satisfaction.  Within  the  la^t  few 
days  the  tidings  from  other  quarters  had  much  in- 
creased his  anxieties.  Louis  was  meeting  with  less 
resistance,  and  snatching  more  rapid  successes,  than 
had  been  anticipated.  The  duke  of  Lorraine,  with 
his  French  auxiliaries,  had  crossed  the  frontiers  of 
Luxembourg  and  laid  siege  to  several  fortresses,  one 
of  the  strongest  of  which,  Pierrefort,  had  capitulated 
at  the  first  summons,  to  Charles's  extreme  indigna- 
tion." To  add  to  his  embarrassments,  Earl  Rivers, 
the  brother-in-law  of  the  English  monarch,  had  ar- 
rived to  inform  him  that  Edward,  in  readiness  to 
embark,  expected  his  assistance.*^  Thus  time  had 
become  the  most  important  element  in  his  calcula- 
tions. The  capture  of  Neuss,  were  it  still  possible, 
would  yield  him  no  substantial  fruit,  for  he  would 
have  neither  leisure  nor  opportunity  to  follow  it  up 
as  he  had  originally  contemplated.  He  had  been 
thrown  on  the  defensive,  and  to  regain  the  offensive 


iichs- 


^  Letter  of  Duke  Albert  of  Sax- 
ony, in  Miiller,  Reichstags  Thea- 
trum,  B.  II.  8.  704.  —  Letter  of  the 
duke  of  Burgundy  to  the  Sire  du 
Fay,  May  27,  Labarre,tom.  i.  p.  360, 
et  seq.  —  Letter  of  Ludwig  von  Ep- 
tingen,  in  Knebel,  Iste  Abth.  a.  159. 
VOL.  III.  14 


**  Letter  to  the  Sire  du  Fay,  gov- 
ernor of  Luxembourg,  May  10.  La- 
barre,  torn.  i.  p.  360. 

'*  Ancienne  Chronique,  Lenglet, 
torn.  ii.  p.  216.  —  Depeches  Mila- 
naises,  torn.  i.  p.  133. 


I 

0 


106 


THE  LEAGUE  IN  OPERATION. 


[nOOK  IV. 


he  must  extricate  himself  from  his  present  position, 
and  turn  his  arms  in  another  direction.  Simply  to 
break  up  his  camp  and  retire  before  an  exulting  foe, 
would  involve  danger  as  well  as  disgrace.  He  must 
first  try  the  fortunes  of  battle,  and  conceiving  that 
the  opportunity  was  now  presented  to  him,  he 
eagerly  embraced  it."® 

His  army,  in  spite  of  its  losses  during  the  siege, 
had  been  fully  maintained  at  its  original  strength. 
About  half  of  it,  however,  must  be  left  in  the  camp 
and  on  the  island,  to  repel  any  sallies  of  the  garri- 
son and  the  concerted  attacks  of  the  forces  across 
the  river.  The  remaining  troops,  twelve  thousand 
in  number,  he  divided  into  two  corps.  In  the  centre 
of  the  first  he  stationed  the  English  archers,  the 
flower  of  his  infontry,  "interlaced"  with  pikemen, 
while  the  wings  were  formed  of  cavalry,  chiefly 
Italian.  The  squadrons  of  the  handes  d'ordojinance, 
the  elite  of  the  horse,  constituted  the  centre  of  the 
second  corps,  with  archers,  pikemen,  and  other  in- 
fantry on  the  flanks.  Reserves  of  cavalry  were 
attached  to  each  corps.  The  count  of  Chimay  had 
the  command  of  the  vanguard,  Humbercourt  of  the 
rearguard.  They  were  directed  to  cross  the  Erft, 
which  flowed  in  the  rear  of  the  camp,  by  a  ford, 
which,  though  narrow  and  deep,  afforded  firm  foot- 
ing. A  bridge  somewhat  higher  up  was  reserved 
for  the  artillery,  of  which  there  were  eighty  pieces."' 

86  «  Alegro    et    tanto    di    bona  Notizenblatt,  s.  1 10. 
uoglia  quaiito  si  potesse  dire  spe-        "'  Ibid.  —  LeUer   of  Charjes   to 

rando  dar  la  bataglia  ali  inimici."  the  Sire  du  Fay,  Labarre,  torn.  i. 

Panigarola  to  tlie  duke  of  Milan,  p.  361. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


IMPERIAL  CAMP  ATTACKED. 


107 


Having  given  his  orders,  Charles  proceeded  to  arm 
himself  cap-a-pie,  conversing  at  the  same  time  in 
a  strain  of  gayety  with  the  Milanese  envoy,  Paniga- 
rola."®  He  then  passed  into  a  private  chapel  adjoin- 
ing his  pavilion,  and  after  performing  his  devotions, 
mounted  a  fleet  courser  and  galloped  off  to  join 
his  troops. 

He  found  them  drawn  up  in  good  order  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Erft ;  and,  in  spite  of  their  great 
inferiority  of  numbers,  their  bearing  and  discipline 
were  such  as  to  justify  the  bold  purpose  of  their 
chief."*  A  survey  of  the  enemy's  position  showed 
that  his  right  wing,  being  the  nearest  and  most 
exposed,  had  taken  particular  precautions  against 
an  attack.  It  was  strongly  intrenched,  and  all 
the  artillery  had  been  posted  in  this  quarter,  with 
the  exception  of  a  battery  which  had  been  sent 
across  the  Ehine  and  so  planted,  somewhat  lower 
down,  as  to  enfilade  the  approaches  along  the  shore 
without  being  itself  liable  to  capture.  For  these 
and  other  reasons  equally  sound,  Charles  determined 
to  march  obliquely  by  his  own  right  and  fall  upon 
the  enemy's  left.'"  In  this  way  his  approach  was 
made  under  shelter  of  a  wood.  He  pushed  forward 
a  park  of  artillery,  which,  as  soon  as  it  gained  the 


0 


"^  "  In  mia  presentia  si  armo  da  gio,  e  certo  non  vidi  mai  gente  deli- 
capo  a  piede    motegiando  sempre  berata  o  di  morire  o  di  tornare  con 
con  mi .  .  .  Rideua  e    pariua  che  victoria  e  andare  con  tanto  animo 
jubilasse."      Panigarola,    Notizen-  como  quest!."     Ibid.  s.  111. 
blatt,  s.  1 10,  1 1 1.  '"  Letter  of  Charles,  Labarre,  torn 

69  "  Forono  circa  xij""  combatenti  i.  p.  362. 
ellecti  et  in  puncto  como  San  Geor- 


108 


THE  LEAGUE  IN  OPERATION. 


[BOOK  nr. 


edge  of  the  open,  began  to  fire  with  good  effect. 
The  Gormniis  IokSI  about  sixty  men  nnd  a  great 
number  of  horses.''*  Scarcely  a  t«nt  was  left  stand- 
ing. P"  *heir  own  confession  they  were  completely 
surp  ;  and  it  might  have  been  possible,  by  an 
immediate  and  vigorous  onslaught,  to  force  their 
camp  and  throw  them  into  hopeless  disorder. 

But  the  courtesy  of  feudal  tactics  did  not  sanction 
such  rough  manoeuvres.  It  was  only  the  Swiss  who 
were  in  the  habit  of  assaulting  fortified  camps. 
Charles's  notion,  which  accorded  with  the  com- 
mon practice,  was,  by  a  slight  display  of  force,  to 
draw  out  the  hostile  army  and  bring  on  a  more 
equal  engagement.  With  this  view  he  ordered 
forward  the  archers  and  pikemen  of  the  vanguard 
under  Galeotti  and  Sir  John  Middleton,  while  the 
count  of"  ^ampobasso,  with  some  squadrons  of  horse, 
stood  ready  to  support  them.  Before  engaging,  the 
English  soldiers,  following  a  national  custom,'^'  pros- 
trated themselves,  traced  the  sign  of  the  cross  upon 
the  earth  and  reverently  kissed  it.  The  Burgun- 
dians  crossed  themselves  on  the  breast,  with  their 
eyes  directed  to  heaven.  Charging  up  the  sandy 
hill  before  mentioned,  they  drove  off  the  force  there 
stationed  and  continued  the  pursuit  to  the  foot  of 
the  opposite  slope.  The  Germans  to  the  number 
of  two  or  three  thousand  issued  from  their  defences, 
and  the  assailants  retreated  in  their  turn,  but  rallied 


"  Letter  of  Ludwig  von  Epting-    Miiller,  B.  II.  s.  704. 
en,  in  Knebel,  Iste  Abth.  s.  159. —        "  "  A  leur  coustume."    Letter  of 
Letter  of  Duke  Albert  of  Saxony,  in    Charles,  Labarre,  torn.  i.  p.  362. 


CHAP.  VII,] 


IMPERIAL  CAMP  ATTACKED. 


109 


under  cover  of  the  cavalry,  which,  nrlvancing  with 
the  cry  of  "  Our  Lady,  Saint  George,  and  Burgundy !" 
sent  the  imperialists  flying  back,  and  followed  them 
to  the  verge  of  the  intrenchments. 

The  artillery  meanwhile  had  continued  to  play, 
and  that  of  the  Germans  at  length  opened  in  reply. 
Being,  however,  badly  served,  it  inflicted  little 
damage,  though  it  made  a  tremendous  noise." 
Charles,  who  had  chosen  a  conspicuous  position, 
was  exposed  to  the  hottest  of  the  fire.  His  total 
indifference  to  danger,  the  coolness  with  which  he 
continued  to  make  his  dispositions  and  watch  the 
enemy's  motions  while  the  balls  were  flying  close 
around  him,  kindled  a  spark  of  enthusiasm  in  a 
breast  not  much  subject  to  such  emotions.  "  He 
is  short  in  stature,  but  his  soul  is  imperial ;  nor  did 
I  ever  see  any  one  so  courageous,"  wrote  the  am- 
bassador Panigai  da,  who  was  observing  the  combat 
from  a  safer  spof*  A  second  sally  on  the  part  of 
the  Germans  ended  like  the  former  one.  At  last 
they  showed  a  disposition  to  accept  the  challenge 
presented  to  them,  by  unfurling  the  imperial  stan- 
dard and  coming  out  in  sufficient  numbers,  of  horse 
as  well  as  of  foot,  to  maintain  the  field.  The 
margrave    of  Brandenburg   chanced   to   be  absent; 


r 

{ 

0 


'^  "  In  tnodo  che  pariua  un  in- 
ferno et  chel  mondo  per  troni  e 
focho  douesse  ruynare. . . .  Lartiglia- 
ria  grossa  continuamente  lauorara, 
.  . .  ma  inutilmente  c  non  cosi  bene 
como  quella  di  questo  S.  che  li  bres- 
sagiaua  tuto  il  longo."  Letter  of 
Pauigarola,  Notizenblatt,  s.  111. 


''*  "  Ha  un  animo  cesarco  e  po  de 
la  persona,  ne  mai  uidi  cobi  assicu- 
rato  como  la  Signoria  soa,  che  le 
springarde  e  bombarde  le  li  uolauano 
a  furia  a  torno  al  caualo,  e  non  le 
stimaua  etiam  che  li  fosse  dicto, 
essendo  de  li  pn'mi.  .  .  .  Uole  uedere 
tuto,  ne  stima  periculo."    Ibid. 


110 


THE  LEAGUE  IN  OPERATION. 


[nooK  IV. 


but  the  fiery  bishop  of  Munster  and  the  duke  of 
Saxony,  who  had  armed  himself  very  deliberately 
while  his  tent  was  getting  knocked  about  his  ears/" 
led  them  on.  The  Burgundian  skirmishers  were 
di'iven  in  ;  and  the  right  wing  of  the  first  corps, 
with  the  reserves  of  the  second,  which  had  been 
ordered  up  to  support  it,  fell  back  in  confusion. 
But  the  ducal  guard,  which  next  received  tb'> 
attack,  stood  firm.  The  disordered  troops  were 
rallied  and  reformed  by  Charles  in  person.  Putting 
himself  at  the  head  of  a  fresh  squadron,  he  extended 
his  lines  still  farther  to  the  right,  so  as  completely 
to  overla'p  the  enemy's  left.'"  He  then  ordered  a 
general  charge.  The  descending  sun  shone  full  in 
the  faces  of  the  Germans.  The  wind  being  also 
from  the  west,  a  cloud  of  dust  rolled  towards  them 
as  their  foes  advanced.  They  broke  at  the  first 
shock.  Seven  or  eight  hundred  of  the  cavalry, 
being  cut  off  from  the  main  body,  fled  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Cologne.  Two  or  three  thousand  of  the  foot 
rushed  towards  the  Rhine,  and,  in  the  struggle  to 
embark,  pushed  each  other  into  the  stream,  where 
many  were  drowned.  Meanwhile  the  bulk  of  the 
army  had  taken  refuge  within  the  enclosure,  where 
they  prudently  resolved  to  abide.'''' 


J !: 

5  i 


"  "  So  genotte  die  Schosse  uf  uns 
durch  und  neben  vnd  obir  unser 
Gezelt  gingen,  diweil  wir  uns  anzo- 
gen."  Letter  of  Duke  Albert  of 
Saxony  in  Muller,  Reichstags  Thea- 
trum,  B.  II.  s.  704. 

^^  "  Tirasmes  h  tout  ledit  es- 
cadron  k  la  droicte  maiu  de  nous  . . . 


pour  charger  h  nostre  gauche  main." 
Letter  of  Charles,  Labarre,  torn.  i. 
p.  363. 

'^  The  authorities  for  this  en- 
gagement are  Charles's  letter,  May 
27,  Labarre,  tom.  i.  pp.  360-364 ; 
Letter  of  Fanigarola,  June  4,  No«i- 
zenblatt,  1856,  s.  110-112  ;  duke  of 


OIIAP.  VII.] 


PAPAL  MEDIATION. 


Ill 


a 


to 


in. 


Finding  that  such  was  their  purpose,  Charles  now 
prepared  to  storm  the  cauip.  He  distributed  the 
artillery  so  that  its  fire  iniglit  tell  upon  the  weakest 
points."**  But  before  his  arrangements  were  com- 
pleted night  had  settled  down,  compelling  his  army 
to  withdraw  to  its  own  quarters.  lie  intended  to 
renew  the  attempt  on  the  following  day.  But  when 
the  morning  came,  and  he  had  begun  drawinj^j  out 
his  forces,*"  a  messenger  arrived,  nay,  a  dens  ex 
machind  descended,  to  harmonize  the  strife. 

It  was  still  common,  in  the  15th  century,  for  con- 
tending princes  to  invoke  the  interposition  of  that 
power  which  claimed  to  represent  the  Deity  and 
administer  the  divine  government  on  earth.  Louis 
of  France,  with  his  habitual  preference  for  moral 
and  indirect  agencies  over  the  coarser  modes  of 
litigation,  would  gladly  have  referred  all  questions 
to  the  decision  of  God's  vicegerent,  to  whose  be- 
nignity he  had  commended  himself  by  his  profound 
piety  and  by  his  ample  concessions  on  all  points  of 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.*'  When,  therefore,  a  papal 
bull,  promulgated  in  October,  1473,  had  enjoined 
upon  the  French  king  and  the  duke  of  Burgundy 


Saxony's  letter,  Friday  after  Corpus 
Christi,  Miiller,  Ueichstugs  Thea- 
trum,  B.  II.  8.  704,  705  ;  Letter  of 
Ludwig  von  Eptingen,  in  K.iebel, 
Iste  Abth.  8.  159,  160.  There  are 
few  discrepancies.  Charles's  ac- 
count is  the  clearest,  and  not  the 
most  favorable  to  his  own  side. 

'*  "A  cette  intention  feismes 
B^parer  nostra  artillerie  es  lieux  oil 
plus  on  pouvoit  ofieudre  les  def- 


fendeurs  dudict  charroy."  Charles's 
letter,  Labarre,  torn.  i.  p.  363. 

"  "  Le  lendemain  au  matin  .  . . 
le  due  assembla  ses  batailles,  et 
se  prepara  pour  marcher  comma 
dessus."    Molinet,  torn.  i.  p.  133. 

•"^  There  are  numerous  letters, 
overflowing  with  paternal  afl'ection, 
from  Sixtus  IV.  to  Louis  XI.  in  the 
Legrand  MSS, 


0 


112 


LEAGUE  IN  OPERATION. 


[BOOK  IV 


the  duty  of  living  in  concord,  and  denounced  the 
pains  of  excommunication  against  whichever  of 
them  should  first  violate  the  peace,  it  was  received 
by  the  former  prince  with  filial  deference.  He 
ordered  it  to  be  registered  by  the  Parliament, 
despite  the  opposition  of  that  body  on  the  ground 
that  it  conflicted  with  the  liberties  of  the  French 
crown,^'  and  he  caused  it  to  be  proclaimed  with 
sound  of  trumpet  on  the  frontiers  of  his  rival's  ter- 
ritory. The  duke,  on  the  contrary,  showed  no  such 
submissive  spirit.  He  entered  a  formal  j)rotest  and 
forwarded  an  apj)eal,  couched  in  the  strongest  terms, 
to  the  Holy  Father  and  the  Sacred  College.  The 
bull,  he  said,  though  professing  to  be  based  on  certain 
briefs  of  an  earlier  date,  had  been  fulminated,  with- 
out any  express  authorization,  by  a  papal  legate  at 
the  French  court,  in  the  presence  of  the  chancellor 
and  other  officers  of  the  crown.  It  recited  many 
things  that  were  false,  and  omitted  many  things 
that  were  pertinent  and  true.  It  pretended  to 
decide  a  cause  one  side  only  having  been  heard, 
and  while  nominally  directed  against  both  parties, 
it  was  so  framed  as  to  be  applicable  to  one  alone.^^ 
These  representations,  coupled  with  an  intimation 
that  in  case  of  further  proceedings,  the  cardinals  in 
the  Burgundian  interest,  including  those  of  several 
allied  states,  would  at  once  quit  Rome,  brought  the 
matter  to  a  sudden  halt.^ 


*'  Hist,  de  Bourgogne,  torn.  iv.  ^^  Sacramorus  d'Arimino  to  the 

p.  415.  Duke   of    Milan,    Home,   April  3, 

"'  Acte  d'appel  interjettd  par  le  1474,  Ddpeches  Miianaises,  torn.  i. 

Due  de  Bourgogne,  Lenglet,  torn.  pp.  3-5. 
iii.  pp.  262-270. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


PAPAL  MEDIATION. 


113 


Among  those  who  had  objected  to  this  measure 
was  the  emperor.    His  views,  however,  had  changed 
with   his    position;    and    he    too   would   fain    have 
aroused   the   sleeping  thunders   of  the  Vatican,  to 
arrest  or  intimidate  "  the  disturber  of  Christendom," 
whose  insolent  aggressions  formed  the  chief  impedi- 
ment  to    the    immediate    prosecution   of    a   grand 
crusade   against  the   Turks.**      It   was   at   least  in- 
cumbent on  the  pope  not  to  allow  an  agitation  like 
the  present  to  go  on  without  some  display  of  his 
paternal  oversight  and  authority.     One  legate,  em- 
powered to  bring  about  a  general  settlement  of  the 
imperial  difficulties,   including  the  affairs  of  Poland, 
Hungary,  Bohemia,  the  Palatinate,  and  Cologne,  had 
returned,  after  a  year's  absence,  with  the  frank  con- 
fession that  he  had  failed  in  every  part  of  his  gigan- 
tic  task.^^     His   successor,  the  bishop  of  Forli,  had 
recently  received  a  special  commission  to  arbitrate 
between  the  emperor   and    the  duke  of  Burgundy. 
Having   reached    the   imperial    head-quarters   about 
the  middle  of  May,  he  had  proceeded,  after  a  brief 
conference,  to   the  Burgundian   camp.     A  pompous 
reception   was   accorded   to   him,   and    in   a   public 
audience,   attended    by   several  foreign   envoys,   he 
delivered  an  oration  in  Latin,  appealing  to  Charles, 
as  the  most  renowned  and  powerful  of  princes,  the 
main  reliance  of  the  Apostolic  See  and  the  object  of 
its  cordial  affection,  not  to  obstruct,  by  any  schemes 


1 1 


0 


*■•  This  is  a  frequent  strain  with    Cardinalis,  Mliller,  Reichstags  Thea- 
Knebel  and  simihir  chroniclers.  trum,  B.  II.  s.  604. 

*^  Epistohi  de  Negotiatione  Marei 
VOL.  III.  Id 


114 


PAPAL  MEDIATION. 


[BOOK  IV. 


of  personal  advantage,  that  great  design  which 
needed  only  his  participation  to  insure  its  happy 
issue.  The  duke  chose  to  make  his  reply  in  the 
Italian  language,  on  the  plea  that  he  had  only  a 
soldier's  familiarity  with  the  Latin.^  His  want  of 
fluency  in  the  former  tongue,^''  as  he  was  scholar 
enough  to  feel,  would  he  less  offensive  to  learned 
ears  than  any  solecisms  in  the  lotter.  While  demur- 
ring to  the  high-flown  compliments  bestowed  upon 
him,  as  ill  according  with  the  partiality  recently 
shown  to  his  rival,  "  the  perjured  monarch  of  France," 
he  declared  it  to  be  indeed  the  truth  that  he  had 
always  acted  as  became  a  religious  prince  and  a 
faithful  servant  of  the  Church.  His  present  enter- 
prise was  itself  a  proof  of  this.  Its  object  was  the 
restoration  of  a  prelate  who  had  received  the  papal 
investiture,  and  it  had  been  sanctioned,  and  even 
encouraged,  by  papal  briefs  which  he  was  ready  to 
produce.^^  The  real  assailants,  the  real  disturbers, 
were  the  emperor  and  his  partisans.  It  was  to 
them  that  the  legate  should  carry  his  admonitions 
to  peace.  For  himself,  though  not  disposed  to  make 
any  overtures,  he  was  prepared  to  listen  to  any  just 
and  honorable  proposals.^" 

With  this  answer,  which  he  appeared  to  consider 
satisfactory,  the  legate  returned  to  try  his  eloquence 


^^  "  Ne  il  latino  li  era  familiare,  ^^  "  Ad  instantia  de  la  Sta  de  n. 

saluo  di  soldato."     Letter  of  Pani-  s.  il  papa  como  per  piu  soi  breue  e 

garola,  May  IG,  Notizenblatt,  s.  82.  stato  monito  e  pregato,  che  si  pono 

"'  "  Faceudo  inteiidere  che  essa  vedere,  li   quali    Ihanno   assai  ad 

lingua  li  era  difficile  n  longo  parllare,  questo  excitato."     Ibid, 

como  e  vero  aliquanto  incognita."  "*  Ibid.  s.  80-83. 
Ibid. 


I 


CHAP.  VII.] 


PAPAL  MEDIATION. 


115 


on  Frederick.  But  he  found  the  latter  still  en- 
chanted with  the  prospect  of  appearing  before  the 
world  in  the  character  of  a  conqueror  and  resolutely 
set  against  concessions  or  negotiations.  The  affair 
of  the  24th  gave  a  rude  shock  to  his  fantasies  and 
restored  him  to  his  normal  state.^*'  His  whole  army 
indeed  had  been  filled  with  consternation  at  the 
audacity  of  such  an  attack."^  The  night  was  spent 
in  strengthening  the  works,  a  double  line  of  ditches 
flanked  with  bastions  being  carried  round  the  camp 
and  so  extended  as  to  include  the  hill,  of  which 
the  importance  was  now  appreciated.^^  All  notions 
of  assailing  the  enemy,  or  even  of  again  meeting  him 
in  the  field,  were  postponed  till  a  more  favorable 
occasion  should  offer  itself."''  The  emperor  had  per- 
sonally incurred  a  great  peril.  His  pavilion  had 
been  pierced  by  four  cannon-balls,  two  of  which 
had  passed  through  the  awning  of  his  litter,"*  driving 
him  to  seek  a  refuge  on  a  hillock  near  the  Rhine."^ 


°°  This  result  had  been  shrewdly 
predicted  before  the  emperor  took 
the  field.  "  Aber  nach  minem 
Bedunckeu  so  wirt  nit  gefochten 
sunder  jeder  man  zuo  costen  ge- 
bracht,  nach  alien  gewonlieit  unsers 
hen-en  des  keysers,  on  fruchtbarlich 
erschiesscn  des  heiligen  richs." 
Letter  of  a  Basel  envoy  at  Cologne, 
in  Knebel,  Iste  Abth.  s.  148. 

"  "  Nicht  gemeint  waren  dass  er 
so  dorstig  were  sich  von  Neuss  zu 
entplossen  und  sich  an  uns  in  unser 
Wagenburg  zu  versuchen."  .  .  . 
'•  Gedcncken  seinem  Fiirnemen,  das 
on  nllen  Zweifel  dorstig  und  ver- 
nicsson  ist,  so  best  wir  miigen, 
fiirzupaueu."      Letter  of   duke   of 


Saxony,  Miiller,  Reichstags  Thea- 
trum,  B.  II.  8.  704,  705.  And  see 
the  letter  of  Ludwig  von  Eptingen, 
in  Knebel ;  also  Wierstraat,  s.  78. 

'*  Duke  of  Saxony's  letter,  ubi 
supra.  —  "  Tuta  la  nocte  li  inimici 
si  fortificorono  di  bastioni  fossati 
dopii  e  quanto  posseno,  auendo  uisto 
lanimo  di  questo  principe  e  gus- 
tato."  Letter  of  Panigarola,  Noti- 
zcnblatt,  s.  111. 

"'  "  Hiss  wir  unsern  Vorteil  zum 
Streit  ersehen."  Duke  of  Saxony's 
letter. 

*^  Letter  of  Ludwig  von  Epiingen, 
Knebel,  Iste  Abth.  s.  IGO. 

*•*  Letter  of  Panigarola,  ubi  supra. 


0 
0 


1    !■:' 


116 


PAPAL  MEDIATION. 


[BOOK  IV. 


Early  in  the  following  day  the  bishop  of  Forli  was 
sent  for  and  charged  with  a  message  to  the  duke  of 
Burgundy,  expressing  a  willingness  to  enter  into  an 
arrangement  and  requesting  a  short  truce  for  that 
purpose.  "  It  did  not  beseem  princes  to  quarrel  about 
the  affairs  of  priests."  "^ 

To  this  wise  conclusion  Charles  was  of  course 
ready  to  assent.^^  He  had  pledged  himself  to  the 
ambassadors  of  England  and  Brittany  to  bring  the 
siege  of  Neuss  to  a  speedy  termination."^  All  he  had 
wanted  was  the  opportunity  of  doing  so  without  dis- 
honor or  further  loss,  and  this  he  had  now  gained. 
His  attack,  indecisive  in  a  military  point  of  view, 
had  been  productive  of  the  moral  effects  of  a  victory. 
He  had  struck  terror  into  a  greatly  superior  force, 
which  had  counted  on  an  easy  triumph.  No  sooner 
was  the  armistice  proclaimed  than  the  Germans,  in 
great  numbers  and  of  all  ranks,  flocked  to  the  Bur- 
gundian  camp.  They  were  burning  with  a  curiosity, 
of  which  the  main  object  was  Charles  himself  They 
forced  a  passage  into  the  private  recesses  of  his  pavil- 
ion, where  they  threw  themselves  on  their  knees  "  as 
if  before  t'le  newly-discovered  bones  of  a  saint."  ^ 
For  three  days  all  graver  business  was  suspended  by 


9B 


'Dechiarando  che  aposta  de 
preti  li  signori  non  doueuano  essere 
Inimici."    Ibid. 

'■>''  "  Parsv.  ad  lo  p'«  S.  si  per  la 
guerra  ui  Franza  principiata,  si  per 
li  InglesI  che  desccndeno  eonceder- 
la  e  attendere  a  lacordo."    Ibid. 


'"  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  i. 
pp. 134. 

^^  "  Ne  la  camereta  secreta  dil 
pauiglione  lo  cazauano  e  prosogui- 
uatano,  gittandosi  a  terra  o  adoraii- 
dolo  como  fosse  un  nouo  sancto 
trouato."  Letter  of  Panigarola, 
Notizenblatt,  s.  112. 


100 


CUAF.  VII.] 


PAPAL  MEDIATION. 


117 


the  necessity  for  holding  a  continual  reception.^""  The 
company  enterec'  by  one  door  and  after  paying  their 
obeisance  passed  out  by  another.  To  those  of  noble 
birth  the  duke  extended  his  hand,  and  on  quitting 
his  presence  they  were  invited  to  partake  of  a  colla- 
tion. The  common  soldiers  were  regaled  with  wine 
in  unlimited  quantities.  No  one  departed  without  a 
present  of  money,  the  meanest  receiving  a  gold 
piece.  As  a  further  act  of  munificence  several  pris- 
oners in  the  hands  of  the  Burgundian  soldiers  were 
set  at  liberty,  their  ransoms  being  paid  by  the  duke. 
The  evening  always  closed  with  a  grqind  entertain- 
ment which  was  attended  by  the  princes  and  others 
of  the  high  nobility,  and  enlivened  by  military  music 
and  by  the  sallies  and  antics  of  the  court  mimics  and 
buffoons.^"! 

The  Burgundians,  on  their  part,  felt  a  natural  curi- 
osity to  view  the  interior  of  a  place  which  had  defied 
all  their  efforts  to  force  an  entrance.  Accordingly, 
for  a  single  day  the  gates  of  Neuss  were  thrown 
open,  and  the  troops  who  had  so  long  battered  at 
them  were  admitted  as  peaceful  guests.  Even  in 
this  guise,  however,  their  presence  was  not  altogeth- 
er welcome,  many  fears  being  entertained  as  to  the 
consequences.  The  propriety  of  their  deportment 
excited  a  corresponding  surprise.  Though  the  streets 
were  filled  with  them,  no  act  of  rapine  or  violence 


Si* 

0 


joo  ti  Dm-y  (re  ^{  questa  cosa  che  he  had  to  stand  four  or  five  hours 

quasi  non   si  poteua  attendere    ad  at  a  time. 

altro."      Ibid.  —  Panigarola      com-  '""  Ibid.  a.  Ill,  112.  —  Ancienne 

plains  that,  being  himself  present,  Chronique,  Lenglet,  torn.  ii.  p.  216. 


118 


THE  LEAGUE   DISSOLVED. 


[BOOK  tV. 


ii 


occurred,  and  after  attending  mass  in  the  church  of 
Saint  Quirinus,  they  quietly  withdrew.^"'^ 

Meanwhile  it  had  been  found  necessary  to  pro- 
long the  truce,  not  so  much  on  account  of  any  real 
difficulties  in  the  negotiation,  as  to  allow  time  for  the 
usual  amount  of  haggling  before  any  demand  could 
be  conceded  or  retracted.  On  Charles's  side  indeed 
there  was  no  dodging  and  no  wavering.  He  dis- 
cerned with  characteristic  clearness  the  points  on 
which  it  behooved  him  to  insist,  and  he  adhered  to 
them  with  characteristic  inflexibility.  He  had,  as  he 
remarked  in  conversation  with  Panigarola,  two  ob- 
jects to  effect ;  one  was  to  protect  the  interests  of  the 
ally  on  wh  jse  behalf  he  had  taken  up  arms ;  the 
other,  to  break  up  the  league  between  the  Empire 
and  France,  and  so  secure  himself  against  molestation 
from  the  former  power  while  pursuing  his  designs 
against  the  latter.^"'^  Having,  therefore,  made  known 
his  terms,  he  left  it  to  be  clearly  understood  that, 
rather  than  make  the  least  abatement  in  them,  he 
stood  ready  to  renew  the  contest.^^ 

Frederick,  on  the  other  hand,  disputed  at  every 
step  and  yielded  at  every  step.     To  accept,  at  the 


»°2  Wierstraat,  8.  81.  — "Do  ich 
hin  In  kommeu  bin,  sint  obe  iij'" 
Burgundesche  dar  Inne  gewesen 
'  nd  ist  nyt  mynder  ;  die  von  NUss 
hetten  ein  gmwen  daran,  abcr  sie 
gingen  zuchtiklich,  do  Sy  mess  ge- 
horten,  widder  heruss."  Bcricht  an 
Basel  (Ludwig  von  Eptingen's  let- 
ter), Eidgenossische  Abschiede,  B. 
II.  s.  546. 

103  ii  pgy  asegurarse  dali  Todes- 


chi  che  erano  in  liga  con  le  Re  de 
Fraiiza,  acio  facendo  guerra  di  la  di 
qua  non  Ihavesseno  offesa.  Item 
per  deffindere  lo  archivcsco."  Let- 
ter of  June  10,  Depcches  Mila- 
naises,  torn.  i.  p.  157. 

104  «  Ci-eJo  auera  effecto,  sicondo 
Ii  poncti  et  capituli  a  Ii  quali  si  'i  re- 
strecto  p'"  s.  o  che  altrainente  uole 
la  guerra."  Panigarola,  in  the  No- 
tizenblatt,  s.  112. 


CHAP,  v.] 


THE  LEAGUE  DISSOLVED. 


119 


head  of  his  forces,  a  peace  dictated  by  the  enemy  with 
whom,  before  his  forces  were  assembled,  he  had  re- 
fused to  treat  at  all,  was  sufficiently  mortifying.  It 
was  still  more  mortifying  to  be  compelled  to  give  a 
fresh  and  transcendent  example  of  that  infidelity  to 
his  promises,  and  that  readiness  to  leave  his  allies  in 
the  lurch,  for  whicL  he  was  already  notorious.  He 
insisted  upon  a  respite  which  would  at  least  allow 
him  to  communicate  with  the  French  king  and  obtain 
the  latter's  consent  to  a  separate  treaty.'*'*  It  was 
true  that  he  might  claim  to  have  been  released  from 
his  engagements  by  the  failure  of  peiformance  on 
the  side  of  his  ally.'°"  But  that  failure  admitted 
perhaps  of  explanations  or  might  be  represented  as 
a  mere  want  of  punctuality.  On  the  30th  of  April, 
when  about  to  take  the  field,  Louis  had  written  to 
inform  the  emperor  of  his  purpose,  assuring  him  of 
the  earnestness  with  which  he  would  follow  it  up, 
and  pressing  for  a  similar  activity  on  the  side  of  the 
imperialists.^''^  The  latter  were  then  lying  inactive 
at  Cologne.  A  fortnight  later,  when  Frederick,  being 
on  the  move,  had  despatched  a  notice  to  that  effect 
with  a  summons  for  the  promised  reenforcements, 
Louis  had  sent  a  prompt  and  satisfactory  reply.  He 
was  delighted  with  the  good  news.  Nothing  would 
so  rejoice  him  as  to  hear  of  the  overthrow  of  the 
rebel   enemy.'"**     In  his  own  extreme  eagerness   to 


'"*  Panigarola,  in  the  Ddpcches  '"  Chmcl,  B.  L  s.  296. 

Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  157.  ""  "  Nichil  enim  sic  nobis  jocun- 

"^''  "  La  quale  [obligutione]  pei'o  dum  est  sicut  ipsius  subiecti  nostri 

se  ])onia   tlirc   spirata   perche   nd  rebellis  omnimoda  repulsio."      Let- 

tc'.npo  proniuso  non  li  ha  maudato  ter  of  Louis,  May  22,  Ibid.  s.  298. 
el  succurso."    Ibid. 


120 


THE  LEAGUE   DISSOLVED. 


[book  rv. 


act,  he  had,  at  the  instant  when  the  truce  expired, 
despatched  his  army,  under  the  Sire  de  Craon,  into 
Franclie-Comte,  with  orders,  after  some  necessary 
conquests  had  been  achieved,  to  form  a  junction  with 
the  Swiss.  This  plan,  however,  would  now  be  aban- 
doned. Craon  should  march  at  once  into  Luxem- 
bourg, where  he  would  arrive  by  the  26th,  and  be 
ready  to  cooperate  in  the  grand  design.  The  king 
had  ended  by  beseeching  that  there  might  be  no 
relaxation  of  effort  until  condign  vengeance  and 
complete  subjugation  should  have  ensued.^"'-'  The 
appointed  day  was  now  past,  and  nothing  had  yet 
been  heard  of  Craon.  But  three  ambassadors  were 
in  the  camp,  sent  to  attend  Frederick  through  the 
campaign,  to  buoy  up  his  naturally  despondent  spirit, 
and  in  particular  to  tide  him  safely  over  a  danger 
like  the  present."*^  Accordingly  he  was  plied  with 
remonstrances,  with  entreaties,  and  with  assurances 
of  the  sincerity  and  activity  of  his  ally.  The  check 
he  had  received  might  be  a  good  reason  fo*  suspend- 
ing his  operations  until  the  French  succors  should 
arrive."^  But  instead  of  dissolving  the  league  and 
letting  the  enemy  slip  from  the  noose,  this  was  the 
very  moment  for  arranging  a  division  of  the  spoils, 
and  sharing  the  possessions  of  the  house  of  Burgundy 
between  the  two  suzerain  crowns  from  which  they 
had  been  originally  derived.     During  the  period  of 

109  «  Rogamus  igitur  et  iterum  ac  legitime  subiecto  rebelli  debite  sub- 

sepius  hortamur  vestram  magesta-  iaceat  et  ulcione  condigna  feriatur." 

tern,  ut  sic  artibus  bellicosis  proce-  Ibid.  s.  299. 
dere  aduersus  ilium  rebellum  sub-        ""  Ibid.  s.  296,  298. 
iectum  nostrum  curet   quod  pene        '"  See  Pauli,  B.  II.  s.  328. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


THE  LEAGUE  DISSOLVED. 


121 


his  own  excitement  Frederick  would  doubtless  have 
caught  at  the  suggestion.  But  he  had  now,  as  we 
have  said,  returned  to  his  normal  state,  which  was  a 
very  sober  one.  If  not  quite  a  sage,  he  was  at  least 
an  old  man."^  He  had  seen  a  great  deal  of  life,  and 
he  still  remembered  the  wise  Teutonic  fables  taught 
him  at  his  mother's  knee.  In  reply  therefore  to  this 
brilliant  scheme  of  partition  he  simply  recited  the 
story  of  the  hunters  who  sold  the  bearskin  before 
killing  their  bear."' 

The  bishop  of  Forli  now  proved  his  fitness  for  the 
task  assigned  to  him  by  devising  a  mode  of  removing 
the  emperor's  scruples  while  saving  his  reputation. 
Both  parties  should  lay  down  their  arms  at  the  com- 
mand of  the  pope,  delivered  by  his  representative  and 
enforced  by  the  spiritual  censures  and  threatenings 
which  no  secular  prince  might  dare  to  disregard."* 
This  adjustment  left  them  free  to  conclude  an  arrange- 
ment without  reference  to  prior  obligations.  It  was 
agreed  that  Neuss,  with  the  adjacent  country,  should 
be  surrendered  into  the  hands  of  the  legate,  to  be  held 
by  him  in  pledge  until  the  questions  out  of  which  the 
war  had  arisen  should  have  been  determined.  The 
whole  subject  was  to  be  referred,  in  th^  first  place,  to 
a  diet  of  the  Empire,  but  finally  to  the  arbitration 
of  the  pope.  The  decision  was  to  be  given  within  a 
year ;  and  in  the  mean  time  Rupert  was  to  have  pos- 

"*  '■  Combien  que  cest  empereur  ence."    Commines,  torn.  i.  p.  329. 
ait  estc  i,oute  sa  vie  homme  de  tres        ""  Ibid,  ubi  supra, 
peu  de  vertu,  si  estoit  il  bien  enten-        "''  Panigarola,   in   the  Dfjpeches 

du,  et  pour  le  long  temps  qu'il  a  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  157. 
vescu,    a   veu    beaueoup  d'experi- 
VOL.  III.                        16 


0 


122 


THE  LEAGUE  DISSOLVED. 


[BOOK  IV. 


session  of  a  portion  of  the  territory  of  the  see,  includ- 
ing the  small  duchy  of  Westphalia,  with  a  suitable 
revenue."'^ 

For  the  fulfilment  of  these  terms  Charles  had,  as  he 
privately  admitted,  no  sufficient  security.""  But,  in 
case  of  non-fulfilment,  he  would  be  at  liberty,  he 
added,  to  renew  the  enterprise  at  a  time  when  he 
might  be  better  able  to  carry  it  through.  He  had 
already  shown  his  ability,  if  unhampered  by  engage- 
ments, to  cope  with  the  whole  strength  of  the  Em- 
pire."'' On  a  future  occasion  his  own  resources,  he 
trusted,  would  be  still  greater,  while  he  doubted 
whether  the  German  princes  would  again  be  found 
capable  of  even  the  same  exertions  as  had  now  proved 
so  difficult  and  so  inadequate."^ 

It  was  further  stipulated  that  the  two  parties 
should  withdraw  simultaneously,  that  the  imperial 
army  should  be  immediately  disbanded,  without  even 
returning  to  Cologne,  and  that  the  peace,  or  rather 
truce,  should  hold  good  for  a  twelvemonth."®  But 
the  treaty  was  especially  remarkable  for  its  omissions. 
Not  only  the  French  king,  but  the  duke  of  Lorraine, 
Sigismund  of  Austria,  the  towns  of  Alsace,  and  the 

"Mbid.   pp.  157,  159.  —  Letter    rola,  in  the  Notizenblatt,  s.  131. 

""  "  Ne  mai  tanto  exereito  de 
Alamani  le  metera  insieme  perche 
sonno  stati  dece  mese  a  fare  questo 
8UO  sforzo,  sono  poveri  ne  del  suo 
volcno  spendcre."    Depeches  Mila- 


of  Panigarola,  June  27,  Notizenblatt, 
s.  130,  131.  —  Liihrcr,  s.  179. 

""  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  i. 
p.  158, 

"'  "  Hanno  facto  cognoscere  et 
toccare  cum   niano,  che   non  sono    naises,  ubi  supra, 
potenti  resistore  aUa  potentia  del  D.         "*  Notizenblatt, 
de  B.  et  quando  la   Sig'"''*  soa  non 


ubi     supra.  — 
Letter  of  the  Sire  de  la  Iloche  to 


habia  altra  imprcsa,  die  non  se  ne    the  duchess  of  Burgundy,  Gachard, 
faci  Signori  ad  soa  posta."    Paniga-    Doc.  Ined.  torn.  i.  p.  248. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


SIEGE  OF  NEUSS  RAISED. 


123 


Swiss  Confederates,  were  all  tacitly  excluded.'^ 
Neither  Sigisniimd  nor  the  Swiss  would  have,  indeed, 
any  right  to  complain.  They  had  long  hefore  been 
warned  that,  unless  they  complied  with  the  emperor's 
requisitions,  they  would  be  left,  if  an  arrangement 
were  concluded,  to  sustain  the  war  alone.^*'  This 
warning  they  had  disregarded.  But  the  towns  of 
the  Upper  Rhine,  from  Strasburg  to  Schaffhausen, 
had  furnished  their  contingents ;  and  the  duke  of  Lor- 
raine had  incurred  a  far  greater  risk  after  receiving 
the  most  solemn  pledges  for  his  immunity.'^'  It  was 
apparent,  therefore,  that  the  imperial  conscience  had 
not  burdened  itself  with  any  nice  distinctions. 

By  the  middle  of  June  the  treaty  had  been  sub- 
scribed and  sworn  to  ;  the  legate  had  entered  Neuss, 
dismissed  the  feeble  remnant  of  the  garrison,  taken 
an  oath  of  obedience  from  the  inhabitants,  and  cele- 
brated a  mass  of  thanksgiving  in  the  presence  of 
rejoicing  throngs.  Charles,  impatient  to  remove  to  a 
new  scene  of  action,  had  nearly  completed  his  prepa- 
rations. The  trenches  had  been  levelled,  the  island 
evacuated,  and  the  siege-artillery  embarked  for  trans- 
portation to  Gueldres.''^''  Most  of  the  infantry  was  to 
move  off  immediately.  But  the  cavalry  had  taken 
up  a  new  position,  in  the  rear  of  the  former  one,  and 


""^  Notizenblatt  and  Ddpeches 
MilanaiscR,  ubi  supra. 

'*'  "Dan  sol t  das  nit  beschechen 
und  die  sache  zu  tiiding  komen,  .  •  . 
solten  sy  danii  darinn  usgeschlos- 
sen  werdon,  das  mocht  diner  lieb 
und  ir  zu  merklichen  unstalten  kom- 
men,  und  wurd  dar  durch  der  kricg 
gantz  utf  sy  geladen."    Letter  of  the 


emperor  to  Sigismnnd.  MS.  (Stifts- 
Archiv,  Sanct-Gallen.) 

''■*'  The  emperor's  treaty  with  Lor- 
raine is  in  Dumont,  Corps  Diplo- 
matique, Supplement. 

'*^  Panigarola,  in  the  Notizen- 
blatt, s.  129,  130.  —  Wierstraat,  8. 
78-80. 


Q'  * 
0 


124 


LEAGUE  DISSOLVED. 


[book  IV, 


nearer  to  the  emperor's  camp,  with  the  purpose  of 
watching  his  movements  until  he  should  have  actu- 
ally disbanded  his  forces.'-'*  There  were  in  fact  some 
grounds  for  apprehending  treachery,  if  not  on  the 
part  of  Frederick,'''"  or  the  electoral  princes,  on  that 
of  the  militia  of  the  Rhireland,  who  were  profound- 
ly disgusted  with  the  result  of  their  patriotic  labors.'*'" 
No  sooner  had  the  Burgundians  quitted  their  old 
lines  than  the  troops  across  the  Rhine  proceeded  to 
occupy  the  island,  and  followed  up  this  breach  of 
faith  by  the  seizure  of  several  vessels  laden  with  can- 
non and  valuable  effects,  which  they  forthwith  sent 
up  the  river  towards  Cologne.  Charles  hastened  to 
the  shore  with  such  of  his  troops  as  were  at  hand. 
But  he  had  no  means  of  crossing  and  no  artillery ; 
and  the  enemy,  perceiving  his  impotence,  coolly 
opened  a  fire  upon  him  from  some  pieces  which  they 
had  transferred  to  the  island.  A  horse  was  killed 
close  beside  him.  He  flamed  with  indignation  j  and 
a  message  from  the  emperor  disclaiming  the  respon- 
sibility and  promising  redress  could  not  mitigate  his 
desire  for  revenge.^'"' 


"*  bericlit  an  Basel,  Eidgenos- 
sische  Abschiede,  B.  11.  s.  548.  — 
"  Parse  alia  excellentia  soa,  rete- 
ncsse  ancora  el  cavallaro  uederne  el 
fine."  Pauigarola,  in  the  Notizen- 
blatt,  ubi  fiupra. 

***  Some  of  his  own  followers, 
however,  anticipated  that,  as  soon 
as  he  had  got  rid  of  the  Burgundi- 
ans, he  would  endeavor  to  efi'cct  a 
junction  with  the  French.  See  the 
Bericht  in  the  Eidgendssische  Ab- 
Bchiede,  B.  IL  s.  547. 


'*'  Ibid,  ubi  supra.  —  For  expres- 
sions of  a  more  widely-spread  dis- 
satisfaction, see  Miiller,  Reichstags 
Theatrum.B.  II.  s.  717  ;  and  Pauli, 
B.  II.  8.  329  et  seq. 

"'  Panigarola,  in  the  Notizen- 
blatt,  s.  130.  —  The  leader  of  the 
Basel  troops  crows  loudly  over  this 
exploit,  in  which  he  hud  borne  a 
part.  He  adds  that  the  captors  had 
been  offered  80,000  guilders  for 
their  spoil  by  merchants  of  Cologne. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


THE  THUCE   nnOKEN. 


125 


This  desire  was  soon  to  be  gratified.  Ilis  out- 
posts were  now  in  close  proximity  to  the  imperial 
camp.  Frederick,  fearful  of  a  collision,  gave  orders 
that  no  one  should  pass  beyond  the  intrenchmonts. 
But  the  ardent  bishop  of  Munster,  whose  force, 
several  thousand  strong,  was  in  the  van  of  the 
right  wing,  did  not  trouble  himself  to  enforce  the 
regulation.'-'*  The  troops  which  had  come  across 
the  river  were  equally  heedless.  Squabbles  and 
encounters  ensued,  and  on  one  day  in  particular  a 
continual  skirmishing  went  on.  Towards  evening 
it  assumed  the  proportions  of  a  regular  coml)at.  The 
Burgundians,  attacked  suddenly  by  two  squadrons 
of  horse  and  a  cloud  of  arquebusiers,  were  driven 
in  and  hotly  pursued.  The  duke,  who  had  been 
sitting  in  a  loose  robe,  saw  that  his  opportunity 
had  come.''"'  Without  waiting  for  his  armor,  he 
sprang  to  horse,  rallied  his  men,  called  up  the  sup- 
ports, and  formed  a  line  of  battle.  Having  the 
advantage  both  of  numbers  and  position,  he  was 
able  to  encircle  the  rash  assailants,  cutting  them 
off  from  their  camp  and  leaving  them  no  chance 
for  flight  except  into  the  Rhine.  The  emperor  had 
notice  of  their  situation,  but,  instead  of  succors,  sent 
an  order  for  them  to  retire.  Before  it  arrived  their 
fate  was  decided.""    Attacked  with  impetuosity  and 


0 
0 


Letter  of  Valentin  von  Neuenstein,        "'  "  Parendoli  de  hauere  quelle 

in  Knebel,  Iste  Abth.  s.  1G;2.  che  cercaua."     Panigarola,  in  the 

'■'^  Miillcr,  Reichstags  Theatrum,  Notizenblatt,  s.  130. 
B.  II.  8.  716.  —  IJericht  in  Eidgenbs-        '^^  "  La  lisposta  portorono  fo  che 

s'sche  Abschiede,  B.  II.  s.  548.  —  erano  morti."    Ibid. 
Chronik  der  heil.  Stadt  C  oln.  fol.325. 


'  111 


126 


THE  LEAGUE  DISSOLVED. 


[book  IV. 


routed  at  the  first  charge,  they  were  driven  towards 
th(j  river  and  closely  followed  up.  In  vain  they 
struggled  to  escape  from  the  coils.  Their  infuriated 
foes,  using  only  the  sword  and  that  with  murderous 
effect,  pressed  upon  them  from  every  side.  Charles, 
at  the  head  of  two  reserve  battalions,  skirted  the 
field,  striking  in  wherever  there  was  occasion.  No 
prisoners  were  made.  The  cavalry,  helpless  when 
overthrown,  were  butchered  to  a  man.^"^^  Even  the 
nobles,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  to  rescue  them  of  those 
whom  their  ransoms  would  have  enriched,  shared 
the  common  doom.^'^-  The  infantry  in  a  disordered 
mass  descended  into  the  river,  still  followed  and 
hemmed  in.  Such  as  were  grappled  had  their 
throats  cut.  Those  who  got  off  into  the  stream 
served  as  targets  for  the  Burgundian  archers.  Num- 
bers sank  while  shrieking  for  mercy.""^  The  twilight 
faded,  the  moon  rose  on  the  pitiless  massacre,'^ 
which  lasted  an  hour  and  a  half  Charles,  who  had 
given  no  heed  to  messages  from  the  emperor  begging 
him  for  God's  sake  to  desist  and  promising  to 
maintain  the  peace,"^  returned  to  his  quarters  in  the 


131  II  Poro  H  alamani  rotti  et 
menati  per  filo  de  spada,  quanti 
forouo,  no  se  fece  vn  presone  al 
mondo."     Ibid. 

132  11  Yyxt  tout  mis  h  mort,  non- 
obstant  que  I'on  cuida  sauvei*  de 
bien  notables  chevaliers  et  aultres 
qui  vouloient  donner  ij,  iij,  iiij,  v  et 
vj*"  florins."  Letter  of  the  Sire  de 
la  lloche  to  the  duchess  of  Bur- 
gundy, June  20,  Gachard,  Doc. 
Incd.  torn.  i.  p.  248. 


133  II  porono  cossi  seguiti  che  .  .  . 
li  segattano  la  gola  et  bersegliauano 
como  san  Sebastiano,  li  negorono 
ad  grand  nuraero  ad  cento  et  ducento 
la  volta,  che  cridauano  misericor- 
dia."    Panigarola,  ubi  supra. 

134  II  Dura  jusques  la  lune  fut 
levee."  Circular  letter  of  Charles, 
June  17,  in  Labarre,  Gachard,  and 
Haynin. 

'^*  Panigarola,  ubi  supra.  — 
Charles,  however,  in  his  own  ac- 


part. 

I3S    11  I 


CHAP.  VII.] 


TREATY  CONFIRMED. 


127 


highest  exultation  over  his  sated  vengeance.^^"  His 
soldiers,  who  had  lingered  to  strip  and  rifle  their 
victims,  followed  at  intervals,  displaying  their 
trophies."'' 

The  next  morning  the  Germans  asked  and  ob- 
tained permission  to  collect  their  dead.  Many  in- 
deed had  been  carried  off  during  the  night.  But 
enough  remained  scattered  over  the  field  to  fill 
sixteen  wagons  each  drawn  by  four  horses.  A  far 
greater  number  were  fished  from  the  shallows  of 
the  river,  the  search  being  continued  for  three  days, 
on  one  of  which  alone  two  hundred  and  sixty- 
six  corpses  were  hauled  to  land.^^  In  all,  the 
slaughtered  and  the  drowned  were  reckoned  at 
over  two  thousand.^"'^ 

Instead  of  imperilling  the  treaty,  this  affair  had 
the  effect  of  confirming  it.  The  legate  again  in- 
terposed ;  some  stringent  clauses,  with  fresh  securi- 
ties, were  inserted;  despite  the  opposition  of  the 
Ehine  towns  and  the  increased  unpopularity  of  the 
emperor  and  the  margrave,  the  stolen  property  was 
restored   and    the   territory   around   Neuss   vacated 


i    H 


■>« 


I'   M 


count,  speaks  only  of  receiving  a 
message  to  this  effect  an  hour  after 
the  affair  was  concluded. 

136  K  Tanto  alcgro,  quanto  se 
potesse  dire,  .  .  .  dicendo  essersi 
vindicato  de  la  injuria."  Panigarola, 
ubi  supra. 

'"  Most  of  the  particulars  are 
taken  from  tanigarola,  who  says  he 
was  an  eye-witness  of  the  greater 
part. 

138  t<  fyg  giorni  continui  pesco- 


rono  corpi  al  longo  del  rheno,  et  tal 
giorno  ne  trovorono  cclvj."    Ibid. 

"^  Panigarola,  who  adds  that  this 
estimate  was  fully  confirmed.  De 
la  Roche  says,  between  two  and 
three  thousand.  Charles  says,  about 
three  thousand.  Two  German  ac- 
counts, not  by  eye-witnesses,  state 
the  number  at  from  seven  hundred 
to  a  thousand.  Chronik  der  heil. 
Stadt  Coin,  fol.  325,  and  Annalea 
Faderbornenses,  lib.  18. 


i    .|!;. 


128 


DEPARTURE  FROM  NEUSS. 


[book  IV. 


by  the  German  soldiery."''  On  the  26th  of  June, 
Charles  gave  a  final  entertainment,  which  was  at- 
tended by  the  legate  and  the  princes,  and  on  the 
27th  he  broke  up  his  camp."^  He  had  consented 
to  take  his  departure  a  day  before  the  emperor,  the 
order  of  their  going  seeming  to  him  of  less  impor- 
tance than  the  manner."'  His  own  movements  were 
made  with  deliberation,  and  his  army  remained 
intact;  while  the  imperial  forces,  partly  in  com- 
pliance with  the  treaty  and  partly  under  the  pres- 
sure of  financial  difficulties,  melted  rapidly  away. 

He  had  originally  intended,  after  sending  re- 
enforcements  into  Luxembourg,  to  march  the  bulk 
of  his  army  into  Picardy.  But,  for  reasons  which 
will  shortly  be  noticed,  he  had  modified  his  plans. 
The  several  corps  were  ordered  to  enter  Luxem- 
bourg by  different  routes  and  concentrate  at  Namiir. 
Campobasso  was  placed  in  command;  while  Charles 
himself,  with  only  a  small  escort,  took  the  road  to 
Calais,  for  the  purpose  of  meeting  and  conferring 
with  his  brother-in-law. 

He  returned  to  the  Netherlands,  after  an  absence 


li 


'■"'  Panigarola,  Notizenblatt,  s. 
130, 131.  —  Uasin,  torn.  ii.  p.  355.  — 
Muller,  Reichstags  Theatrum,  Th. 
II.  s.  717. 

'*'  Ancienne  Chronique,  Lenglet, 
torn.  ii.  p.  217. 

'^'  Panigarola,  ubi  supra.  —  In 
this  instance  —  as  in  hundreds  which 
we  have  left  unnoticed — the  mere 
misstatement  of  facts  in  the  ordi- 
nary versions  would  have  been  of 
little  consequence,  had  it  not  been 


accompanied  with  inferences  to 
match.  Thus,  M.  de  Barante  tells 
us,  "  Comme  son  orgueil  aurait 
beaucoup  souffert  de  s'en  aller  le 
premier  de  devant  Neuss,  I'Empe- 
reur,  riant  de  ceite puuilejierte,  ne 
demanda  micux  que  de  partir  auant 
lui."  As  it  was  Charles  who  yielded, 
the  "  puerile  pride,"  if  any  there 
were,  must  of  course  be  transferred 
to  the  other  side. 


CHAP,  vn.] 


RETUEN  TO  FLANDERS. 


129 


of  eleven  months,  with  no  new  conquests  or  in- 
creased renown,  but  with  his  honor  unscathed  and 
hia  power  undiminished.  The  combinations  against 
him  had  been  foiled,  the  threatened  ruin  had  been 
warded  off,  he  was  again  about  to  become  the 
assailant,  and  some  who  had  imagined  that  he  could 
be  attacked  with  impunity  were  now  trembling  for 
their  own  safety. 

He  had  failed,  however,  to  achieve  the  original 
objects  of  his  expedition.  And,  since  it  was  he  who 
had  attempted,  on  him  must  rest  the  burden  of  the 
failure.^*^  But  in  his  own  mind  —  not  one  of  those 
that  are  keenly  conscious  of  their  deficiencies  —  he 
attributed  his  ill  success  to  the  scanty  support  he 
had  received  from  the  people  of  Flanders.  It  was 
therefore  with  a  bitter  feeling  that  he  reentered 
that  province,  and  the  bitterness  was  intensified  as 
he  passed  through  the  streets  of  Ghent  and  Bruges, 
a  spectator  of  that  unbounded  plenty  and  unrufiled 
ease  amidst  which  his  perils  had  been  disregarded, 
his  demands  slighted,  his  very  existence  almost  for- 
gotten.^** 

'••*  In  1586,  Neuss  was  captured  been  the  improvements  in  artillery 
by  Alexander  Farnese,  with  a  force  in  the  course  of  a  century  that  with 
of  ten  thousand  men,  after  a  siege  of  thirty  pieces  the  Spaniards  were 
sixteen  days.  But  the  town  was  at  able  to  throw  in  four  thousand  balls 
that  time  not  so  strong  or  so  pop-    and  snells  in  nine  hours  —  a  greater 

number  than  the  Burgundians,  with 
a  far  more  numerous  artillery,  had 
thrown  in  a  week. 

144  «  piuseurs  menues  gens  creoite 
qu'il  fuist  mort,  et  ne  leur  pooit-on 
fered  no  resistance  whatever  to  the  ferre  acroire  le  contraire,  h  cause  de 
final  assault,  which  was  followed  by  sa  longhe  demeure."  Haynin,  torn. 
a  hideous  massacre ;  while  such  had    ii.  p.  289. 

VOL.  III.  17 


ulous  as  it  had  been  at  an  earlier 
period ;  instead  of  being  supported 
by  Cologne,  it  was  treated  as  rebel- 
lious territory ;  the  garrison,  fdw  in 
number  aud  soon  demoralized,  of- 


|i     :ii 


0 


130 


ESTATES  OF  FLANDERS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


At  Bruges,  on  the  12tli  of  July,  he  convened  the 
representatives  of  the  Three  Estates,  and  addressed 
them  in  a  long  harangue  filled  with  passionate  re- 
proaches. He  enumerated  the  successive  instances 
of  their  non-compliance  with  hia  requests.  At  first 
he  had  supposed  this  inattention  to  procead  from 
the  sluggish  spirit  characteristic  of  all  their  doings. 
But  its  long  continuance,  coupled  with  what  had 
been  reported  to  him  of  their  secret  assemblies  and 
deliberations,  convinced  him  that  the  people,  those 
of  the  cities  especially,  cared  nothing  for  their  prince 
and  had  taken  a  resolution  to  abandon  him.  Had 
only  the  pioneers  and  laborers  he  had  sent  for  come 
in  sufficient  numbers  and  in  due  season,  the  capture 
of  Neuss  would  have  been  easily  effected.  When  the 
forces  of  the  Empire  were  gathering  against  him,  he 
had  called  for  the  immediate  aid  of  all  his  vassals 
who  owed  him  military  service ;  but  he  had  received 
nothing  but  a  few  driblets,  and,  but  for  the  victory 
which  he  owed  to  God,  he  must  have  been  over- 
whelmed. With  the  same  supineness,  and  in  spite 
of  his  warnings,  they  had  allowed  the  French  to 
ravage  the  country  and  capture  fortresses  and  towns 
in  Artois  and  Picardy.  But  he  had  heard  that, 
among  their  other  mutterings,  they  pretended  that 
their  contribution  to  the  grant  of  five  hundred 
thousand  crowns  relieved  them  from  any  further 
charges.  This  was  false ;  whoever  asserted  it  lied, 
and  would  lie  as  often  as  h*^  asserted  it.  When 
that  grant  was  made,  what  he  had  given  up  was 
all    the    subsidies   previously    voted  —  so   that    he 


CHAP.  VII.] 


SPEECH  OF  CHARLES. 


131 


might  be  said  to  contribute  half  the  amount  him- 
self. None  of  the  other  provinces  claimed  exemp- 
tion on  this  ground.  Moreover  ho  had  asked  for 
laborers  to  be  furnished  at  his  own  cost  —  terms  on 
which  the  merest  foreigner  might  have  had  them, 
not  to  speak  of  their  natural  prince.  Then,  too, 
all  the  expenses  of  his  household  were  defrayed 
out  of  his  private  domain,  though  its  revenues  did 
not  equal  the  taxes  raised  by  single  cities  which 
he  could  m  ntion  and  appropriated  by  those  whose 
only  care  was  to  plunder  the  inhabitants.  Nor  had 
he  been  more  chary  of  his  person  than  of  his 
property.  Let  them  contrast  their  way  of  life  with 
his.  While  they  were  sleeping,  he  kept  vigil ;  while 
they  were  in  their  warm  houses,  he  was  exposed 
to  wind  and  rain;  and  while  he  fasted,  they  were 
eating  and  drinking  and  taking  their  ease.  And 
for  what  were  all  his  labors  and  sacrifices  but  for 
the  defence  of  his  people?  His  wars  even  when 
waged  abroad  were  necessary  for  intimidating  his 
foes,  compelling  their  respect,  and  thus  securing  his 
states  and  subjects  against  insult  and  aggression. 
It  was  vain  to  murmur.  Peace  was  the  gift  of  God. 
He  who  has  lands  must  have  war;  he  who  has 
wealth  must  have  suits.  Whether  such  troubles 
were  sent  for  Lis  own  sins  or  those  of  his  subjects, 
it  was  equally  their  duty  to  give  him  their  support. 

He  remembered  how,  at  his  accession,  they  had 
everywhere  greeted  him  with  professions  and  prom- 
ises of  loyalty,  of  fidelity,  of  obedience.  But  he  had 
experienced  precisely  the  reverse.   Their  words  had 


1*^ 


\V  sii 


132 


ESTATES  OF  FLANDERS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


passed  away  in  smoke,  like  the  experiments  of  alche- 
my. For  was  their  constant  contempt  of  his  com- 
mands obedience  ?  Was  it  fidelity  to  abandon  their 
prince  ?  Was  it  loyalty  to  defend  neither  him  nor 
his  statcii?  Oertes,  no!  It  was,  on  the  contrary, 
giving  encouragement  to  his  enemies.  It  was  in  a 
planner  conspiring  his  death.  What  then  was  their 
crime  ?  Was  it  not  treason  ?  Yes,  indeed  !  and 
treason  not  of  the  lowest  degree,  since  it  aimed  at 
the  very  person  of  the  sovereign !  And  what  was  the 
punishment  annexed  to  it?  Simple  confiscation? 
No,  but  attainder  too!  Ordinary  beheading?  No, 
but  quartering  as  well !  Let  them  look  to  it !  If 
they  refused  to  be  governed  as  sons,  he  would  hence- 
forth govern  them  as  servants,  making  full  use  of  the 
power  vested  in  him  by  the  Creator,  from  whom,  and 
from  no  one  else,  he  derived  his  authority,  and  at 
whose  pleasure  alone  he  should  continue  to  wield  it. 
They  might  plan  what  they  pleased ;  he  had  no  fears 
of  the  result,  for  God  had  given  him  the  power  and 
the  rule,  and  he  would  not  advise  them  to  put  it  to 
the  proof."^  If  they  doubted,  let  them  read  what 
was  said  upon  this  point  in  the  Bible,  in  the  Book  of 


145  (( PuJsque  sesdits  subgectz 
avoient  mis  en  non  chalance  estre 
gouvern6  soubz  lui  comme  enffans 
soubz  pere,  .  .  .  ilz  seroient  gou- 
vernez  et  viveroient  doresenavant 
soubz  lui  comme  subgectz  sous  leui" 
seigneur.  .  .  .  Car  Dieu  lui  en 
avoit  bien  donne  la  puissance  et  la 
maniere,  et  ne  conseilloit  point  de 
I'experimenter."  M.  Gachard  cites 
a  parallel  passage  from  a  proclama- 
tion of  Napoleon  to  the  Spaniards 


in  1808.  "  Si  tons  mes  efforts  sont 
inutiles,  et  si  vous  ne  rcpondez  pas 
h.  ma  confiance,  il  ne  me  restera 
qu'h,  vous  trailer  en  provinces  con- 
quises,  et  h  placer  mou  frere  sur  un 
autre  trone ;  je  mettrai  alors  la 
couronne  d'Espagiie  sur  ma  tete,  et 
je  saurai  la  faire  respecter  par  les 
mcchans,  car  Dieu  m'a  donne  la 
force  et  la  volontd  necessaires  pour 
surmonter  tous  les  obstacles." 


you. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


SPEECH  OF  CHARLES. 


133 


Kings,  where  in  express  words  the  authority  of 
princes  over  their  subjects  was  declared  and  de- 
fined."' Or  if  they  imagined  that  his  authority  came 
from  them,  let  them  make  the  trial !  They  would 
find  that,  instead  of  using  prayers  and  requests,  he 
was  able  to  enforce  his  commands  and  to  punish  dis- 
obedience. 

Yet  he  was  willing  to  forget  the  past  and  remit 
the  penalties  they  had  incurred,  if  their  conduct  in 
future  were  such  as  to  merit  his  affection.  He  had 
once  loved  the  people  of  Flanders,  and  he  who  loves 
well  is  slow  to  forget.  What  he  at  present  required, 
as  they  had  been  informed  by  the  letters  of  his  chan- 
cellor, was  a  general  levy  for  the  purpose  of  expelling 
the  French.  Let  the  clergy  at  the  risk  of  their  tem- 
poralties,  the  nobles  on  peril  of  their  lives  and 
estates,  take  care  that  the  mandates  severally  ad- 
dressed to  them  were  executed  without  fault  or  equiv- 
ocation. Turning  to  the  burghers,  "And  ior  you, 
devourers  of  the  good  towns,"  he  concluded,  "  see 
that  you  yield  the  like  obedience  to  all  my  ordi- 
nances, under  forfeiture  of  3'our  heads,  your  property, 
your  privileges,  customs,  and  rights.  For  by  Saint 
George ! "  he  added,  with  his  hand  on  his  breast,  "  on 
my  side  there  will  be  no  failure  to  execute  all  that  I 
have  said."  Then  declaring  that  he  wanted  no  reply, 
he  dismissed  them  with  the  words, "  Hereupon  I  salute 
you 


>»  147 


*''  One  might  demur  to  this  in-  pose  of  deterring  the  Jews  from  de- 

terpretation  of  a  passage  (1  Samuel,  siring  it. 

eh.  8)  in  which  the  consequences  of        '■"  Gachard,  Col.  de  Doc.  Ined., 

kingly  rule  are  foretold  for  the  pur-  torn.  i.  pp.  249-259. 


-7)|| 


I 


Q 


134 


ESTATES  OF  FLANDERS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


I: 

II 


Having  "skulls  so  hard  and  thick,"  the  Flemish 
deputies  were  not  so  much  startled  by  this  speech  as 
an  audience  of  livelier  brains  might  have  been.  In- 
stead of  consulting  the  Book  of  Kings,  they  referred 
to  their  ancient  charters  and  customs  for  the  measure 


of  the 


sovereigns 


power;    and   having   claimed  a 


hearing,  they  presented  a  "  Remonstrance  "  in  writ- 
ing, of  which  the  substance  was  also  recited  by  their 
spokesman. 

In  language  of  discreet  humility  they  professed  an 
extreme  sorrow  at  finding  themselves  objects  of  the 
duke's  displeasure.     Having,  however,  full  confidence 
in  his  wisdom,  clemency,  and  other  high  and  noble 
qualities,  they  ventured,  notwithstanding  his  declara- 
tion +hat  he  wanted  no  reply,  to  offer  one  which  they 
trusted  would  be  sufficient  to  remove  his  unfavora- 
ble impressions.      In  answer  to  his  allegations  they 
claimed  to  have  fulfilled  their  duty  as  faithful  sub- 
jects.    They  had   certainly  supposed  themselves  re- 
lieved by  former  arrangements  from  calls  for  men  to 
serve  in  the  siege  of  Neuss.     Nevertheless  they  had 
sent  him  about  twenty-five  hundred,  counting  pike- 
men  as  well  as  laborers,  and  that  with  as  much  haste 
as  possible  and  at  an  almost  insupportable  charge  to 
the  province.    They  acknowledged  his  right  to  succors 
when  assailed  by  the  forces  of  the  Empire.     On  the 
occasion  of  his  summons  .>  most  loyal  spirit  had  been 
everjwhere  .TiCinifested.      But  for  certain  reasons  it 
had   been  thought  best  to  convert  their  assistance 
into  a  grant  of  money  ;  and  accordingly  thirty  thou- 
sand crowns  had  been  voted  for  the  reenforcement 


i^t 


CHAP.  VII.] 


REPLY  07  THE  ESTATES. 


135 


of  his  navy,  which  was  the  more  necessary  as  a 
French  fleet  was  thf'n  threatening  the  coast  of  Flan- 
ders. Moreover,  before  any  troops  could  be  raised, 
the  news  of  his  victory  and  of  the  consequent  con- 
clusion of  a  peace  had  arrived.  Finally,  when  sum- 
moned to  assist  in  the  defence  of  Artois,  they  had 
after  deliberation  agreed  to  levy  a  force  of  two  thou- 
sand men  to  serve  for  six  weeks.  The  damage,  how- 
ever, had  been  too  rapid  to  admit  of  any  relief  Nor 
could  they,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  they  contributed 
their  part  to  the  support  of  troops  intended  for  the 
general  defence^  admit  their  liability  to  a  particular 
call  for  the  support  of  any  province  but  their  own. 
If  Flanders  had  been  invaded,  as  there  had  in  fact 
been  and  still  was  reason  to  apprehend,  they  should 
have  used  the  utmost  diligence  in  providing  for  its 
defence. 

But  the  gist  of  their  reyiy  lay,  not  in  this  feeble, 
flimsy,  and  self-contradicto/y  justification  of  their  past 
conduct,  but  in  the  intimations  which  they  gave  of 
what  was  to  be  expected  of  them  in  future.  After 
reminding  him  that  their  assent  was  necessary  to  any 
such  measures  as  he  had  proposed,  and  beseeching 
him  to  do  nothing  inconsistent  with  the  privileges 
and  customs  which  had  been  confirmed  and  respected 
by  his  noble  predecessors,  they  declared  it  to  be  inex- 
pedient and  impracticable  to  comply  with  his  present 
demand  for  a  general  levy  of  cnose  capable  of  bear- 
ing arms.  "  Your  subjects  in  this  quarter,"  they  said, 
"  are  for  the  most  part  merchants,  traders,  and  me- 
chanics.    They  are  unskilled  in  war  and  unfitted  for 


ii  li 


ti 


136 


ESTATES  OF  FLANDERS. 


[DOOK  IV. 


it.  If  your  letters  were  enforced  the  foreign  mer- 
chants would  absent  themselves,  the  trading  commu- 
nity would  disappear,  and  with  it  the  prosperity  of 
the  province,  for  this  is  founded  upon  connnerce  —  a 
thing  incompatible  ivith  tvar"  "^ 

Such  an  answer  was  not  calculated  to  appease  the 
duke's  anger.  Holding  the  unopened  memorial  in 
his  hand,  he  retorted  with  fresh  invectives  and  men- 
aces, without  much  further  allusion  to  the  particular 
points  of  the  discussion.  Did  they  take  hira  for  a 
child,  who  was  to  be  quieted  with  soft  words  or  sweet- 
meats ?  If  he  indeed  possessed  the  qualities  they  as- 
cribed to  him, —  which  was  far  from  being  the  case, — 
so  much  the  more  were  they  bound  to  love  and  obey 
him.  How  was  it  that,  while  all  his  other  provinces 
served  him  loyally,  he  never  made  the  least  demand 
upon  the  people  of  Flanders  but  it  seemed  as  if  he 
were  pulling  the  veins  out  of  their  bodies  ?  They 
were  incessantly  talking  of  their  poverty.  Yet  it  was 
notorious  that  no  other  country  was  so  rich,  and,  as 
he  had  before  said,  there  were  single  towns  whose 
revenues  exceeded  those  of  his  domain.  Look  at  the 
French,  who  were  among  the  poorest  of  nations,  and 
yet  see  how  they  aided  their  sovereign  and  how  they 
served  him !  But  he  would  listen  to  no  more  such 
pretences.  What  they  refused  him  was  his  own. 
How  were  all  their  taxes  raised,  except  under  the 
express  permission  given  by  the  sovereign  ?  Then 
he  had  the  right  to  appropriate  them  and  apply  them 
to  the  necessities  of  his  states.    "Take  back  your 

"»  Ibid.  pp.  259-266. 


CHAP,  vii.] 


PRINCE  AND  PEOPLE. 


137 


paper!"  he  abruptly  concluded,  "and  if  you  want  an 
answer  to  it,  frame  one  for  yourselves  !  Talk  what 
you  please,  but  do  —  your  duty  ! "  "" 

Despotic  as  this  tone  may  appear,  it  was  itself  a 
proof  of  the  limited  power  which  Charles  really  pos- 
sessed, and  of  the  difficulties  which  he  would  have 
found  in  exercising  the  absolute  power  to  which  he 
pretended.  Louis  of  France,  while  taxing  and  con- 
scripting his  subjects  at  his  mere  discretion  and 
making  short  work  with  the  disaffected  whenever  he 
could  get  hold  of  them,  deemed  it  advisable,  in  his 
rare  appeals  to  the  nation,  to  disparage  his  own  great- 
ness and  represent  himself  as  the  mere  agent  of  the 
public  will.  But  the  sovereign  of  a  free  country,  — 
of  the  Netherlands  or  of  England,  —  chafing  at  the 
limitations  which  hampered  his  desires,  had  recourse 
to  lofty  assumptions,  which  were  arrogant  in  propor- 
tion as  they  were  unfounded. 

It  would  be  a  mistake,  therefore,  to  regard  such  an 
outburst  of  discordant  sentiments  as  a  collision  be- 
tween the  spirit  of  tyranny  and  that  of  popular  free- 
dom. On  CharjCs's  part  it  proceeded  not  from  a 
morbid  longing  for  arbitrary  rule,  but  from  the  vehe- 
ment desire  for  resources  with  which  to  carry  out  his 
projects  of  conquest  and  of  empire.  And  on  the  part 
of  the  Flemings  it  was  simply  a  protest  against  his 
plans  and  a  refusal  to  supply  the  resources.  Prince 
and  people  were  singularly  ill-matched.  Charles  was 
not  a  madman,  requiring  to  be  put  under  close  re- 
straint.     His   ideas  were   not   empty  illusions,  his 

"»  Ibid.  pp.  267-270. 

VOL.  III.  18 


i    iil' 


138 


ESTATES   OF  FLANDERS. 


[BOOK  tV. 


fichenioa  were  not  the  Tveavings  of  inpnnity.  Thoy 
had  a  solid  basis,  ample  scope  for  their  prosecution, 
continual  encouragement  from  outward  circumstances. 
What  they  needed  for  their  realization  was  the  sup- 
port of  a  people  warlike  in  habit  and  spirit,  easily 
kindled  to  enthusiasm,  ready  to  endure  the  burdens, 
to  accept  the  sacrifices,  to  surmount  the  rebufis,  that 
lie  in  the  path  of  ambition.  There  was  hardly  a 
people  in  Europe  that  might  not  have  been  aroused 
to  a  participation  in  the  hopes  and  the  struggles  of 
such  a  career.  The  Flemings  were  absolutely  cold 
and  unmoved.  National  unity  had  no  place  in  their 
thoughts,  national  greatness  no  place  in  their  desires. 
"  War  was  incompatible  with  their  commerce."  "  They 
■were  not  bound  to  defend  any  province  but  their 
own."  Had  it  rested  with  them  alone,  the  French 
manoeuvrer  would  not  have  had  long  to  wait  for  the 
accomplishment  of  his  most  sanguine  hopes. 

The  vehement  prince  and  the  phlegmatic  people 
were,  we  say,  singularly  ill-matched.  And  with  this 
open  exhibition  of  antagonism  they  parted  forever. 
On  the  following  day  Charles  quitted  the  province, 
never  to  return.  The  immediate  issue  between  them 
was  set  aside  by  events,  and  no  subsequent  opportu- 
nity arose  for  the  trial  of  their  respective  powers. 
But  the  effect  of  his  parting  words,  and  of  former 
words  which  he  had  spoken,  would  remain  and  deep- 
en. He  himself  had  said  that  he  would  rather  be 
hated  than  despised.  That  the  Flemings  now  hated 
him  he  need  not  doubt.  But  if  the  time  should  come 
when,  still  hating,  they  would  also  despise  ? 


CHAPTER    VIII. 


ENGLISH  INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


1475. 


"With  all  his  talent,  it  must  be  confessed  that 
Louis  had  not  a  military  head.  Otherwise,  under 
the  circumstances  described  in  the  last  chapter, 
instead  of  scattering  his  forces,  he  would  have  hurled 
them  in  a  concentrated  mass  on  a  foe  so  obviously 
at  a  disadvantage.  His  reasons  for  refraining  would 
have  counted  for  nothing  with  a  general,  confident 
in  his  own  skill  and  in  the  valor  of  his  troops.^ 

Nevertheless  the  course  which  he  pursued  is  not 
to  be  censured,  but  approved.  He  lacked  neither 
confidence  nor  skill ;  but  he  had  his  own  methods 
and  resources,  and  his  game  was  one  in  which 
military  operations  played  a  subsidiary,  though  im- 
portant, part.  Had  he  made  them  his  principal 
instrument,  had  he  trusted  to  them  entirely,  he 
would  have  lost  his  control  over  events ;  the  reins 
would  have  slipped  from  his  grasp ;  his  own  activity 

'  See  the  contemporary  criticism  to  this  effect  in  Basin,  tom.  ii.  pp. 
347,  348 

(139) 


'■"sni 


I . 


140 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


woald  have  been  suspended ;  he  would  have  seemed 
to  himself  to  have  become  the  snort  of  unknown 
chances. 

Therefore  he  had  so  disposed  and  so  employed  his 
forces  as  to  be  still  prepared  for  various  contingen- 
cies, secure  against  the  derangement  of  his  general 
policy,  free  to  adopt  whatever  expedient  the  need 
or  opportunity  of  the  moment  might  suggest.  If 
Charles  should  sink  under  the  blows  of  the  Empire, 
Louis  would  have  only  to  push  forward  at  all  points 
and  take  possession  of  the  spoils.  Should  the  con- 
test, as  was  more  probable,  be  indefinitely  protracted, 
the  sharp  discipline  administered  while  there  were 
no  means  of  retaliation  would  extort  a  renewal  of 
the  truce  and  throw  a  fresh  clog  upon  the  English 
invasion.^  Finally,  should  his  adversary  burst  from 
the  toils,  and  no  resort  be  left  but  the  appeal  to  bat- 
tle, the  king  would  still  have  his  army,  unimpaired 
and  within  call,  to  meet  this  emergency. 

The  result  of  his  different  expeditions  must  now  be 
noticed.  Early  in  May  Craon  had  entered  Franche- 
Comte  at  the  north-west  corner  of  the  province,  and 
had  penetrated  as  far  as  Charriez,  burning,  plunder- 
ing, and  making  some  unimportant  captures.  The 
count  of  Blamont,  after  hesitating  whether  to  turn 
against  the  French  or  the  Swiss,  was  at  length 
relieved  from  doubt  by  the  retirement  of  the  latter. 
On  his  approach  at  the  head  of  a  superior  force, 
Craon  retreated   across  the  Saone,  reentered  Cham- 


'  "  Esperoit  gaigner  le  due  de    necessity  en  quoy  il  estoit."    Com- 
Bourgongne  k  ceste  trefve,  veu  la    mines,  torn.  i.  p.  -320. 


CHAP,  vni.] 


INVASION  or  BURGUNDY. 


141 


pagne,  and  turned  his  attention  to  the  western 
frontier  of  Luxembourg,  where  he  laid  siege  to 
Damvilliers  and  other  places.^ 

In  the  invasion  of  Burgundy  there  had  been  a 
delay  of  several  weeks.  Bourbon  had  declined  the 
command  on  the  plea  of  ill  health.  The  king,  mis- 
trusting his  motives,  summoned  him  to  his  own  side, 
and  the  command  devolved  on  the  Sire  de  Com- 
bronde.  Close  upon  the  frontier,  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Guipy,  the  invaders  were  met  by  an  equal 
force  under  the  count  of  Roussy,  son  of  Saint-Pol 
and  marshal  of  Burgundy.  A  severe  combat  ensued ; 
the  Burgundians  were  defeated  with  a  loss  of  two 
thousand  men;  many  nobles,  with  Roussy  himself, 
were  made  prisoners.  The  invaders  then  overspread 
the  province,  menacing  Macon  and  other  strong 
towns.  But  they  were  not  in  sufficient  strength 
for  regular  sieges.  The  people  rallied  in  defence 
of  their  homes.  Bilamont  came  to  their  assistance, 
and  accepted  from  the  council  of  Dijon  the  pro- 
visional appointment  of  marshal,  which  was  con- 
firmed by  the  duke.  A  levy  en  masse  took  place; 
and  the  French,  in  danger  of  being  surrounded, 
fell  back  into  the  Nivernais,  whence  they  were  soon 
after  summoned  into  Normandy.* 

Louis's  own  proceedings  had  been  characterized 
by  his  usual  vigor.  On  the  1st  of  May,  the  day  on 
which  the  truce  expired,  he  crossed  the  Somme 
and  appeared  before  the  small  fortress  oi  Tronquoy. 


0 


=»  Gollut,  col.  1284,  1290. 

*  De  Troyes ;  UcUut ;  Basin  ;  DcpCches  Milanaises ;  Legrand  MSS. 


142 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


*''''iii!" 


He  had  with  him  an  overwhelming  force,  including 
a  powerful  artillery.  In  a  few  hours  the  place  was 
carried  by  assault.  Every  soul  found  in  it,  with 
one  exception,  —  that  of  a  traitor,  —  was  hung,  and 
the  place  itself  utterly  destroyed.  Montdidier  was 
next  summoned,  leave  being  granted  for  the  garrison 
to  withdraw,  with  such  of  the  inhabitants  as  might 
decline  to  transfer  their  allegiance.  Surrender  hav- 
ing been  made,  the  works  were  immediately  razed, 
and  the  town,  in  defiance  of  the  capitulation,  was 
pillaged  and  given  to  the  flames.  Eoye,  Corbie, 
Eiquier,  were  treated  in  the  same  manner.  To 
save  time  and  trouble  the  most  liberal  conditions 
were  oflered,  and,  if  they  were  refused,  a  furious 
bombardment  soon  compelled  their  acceptance ;  but 
in  no  instance  were  they  respected  by  the  con- 
querors. On  all  sides  the  smoke  of  devastation 
went  up.  In  all  directions  the  roads  swarmed 
with  the  scattered  fragments  of  broken  households, 
wandering  off,  heedless  whither,  if  they  might 
but  get  beyond  the  reach  of  the  destroyer.  Many 
were  received  and  sheltered  at  Amiens,  which, 
though  now  under  the  royal  dominion,  had  still 
some  sympathy  with  the  neighbors  whose  rapid 
changes  of  fortune  it  had  so  often  shared.  On 
the  king's  part  there  was  no  cruelty  intended.  He 
was  simply  in  haste.  Having  little  chance  at 
present  of  making  any  permanent  conquests,  he 
was  under  the  necessity  of  doing  all  the  mischief 
possible  before  he  should  be  interrupted.*^ 


*  Commines,  torn.  i.  pp.  325, 326,    seq.  — Legrand  MSB.  tom.  xviii. 
and  Freuves,  tom.  iii.  p.  298  et 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


LOUIS  ON  THE  ALERT. 


143 


Amid  the  noise  and  confusion  he  was  himself 
creating  he  had  one  ear  constantly  strained  to  catch 
the  first  rumor  of  the  approach  of  the  English.  This 
extreme  alertness,  as  on  former  occasions,  laid  him 
open  to  deception.  Saint-Pol,  whom  his  successes 
had  filled  with  apprehension,  since,  if  they  went  on, 
he  would  himself  be  enveloped,  and  who  was  con- 
sequently professing  the  strongest  devotion  to  his 
interests,  sent  him  word  that  the  hostile  fleet  had 
appeared  off  the  coast  of  Normandy."  Instantly, 
with  his  whole  army,  the  king  rushed  in  that  direc- 
tion —  to  find  that  his  own  fleet,  which  he  had  sent 
out  crowded  with  soldiers  to  harass  the  enemy  on 
the  passage,  had  caught  the  alarm  and  returned  to 
port,  where  the  troops  had  been  at  once  disem- 
barked.'' 

After  hurrying  from  Harfleur  to  Dieppe,  from 
Dieppe  to  Caudebec,  and  thence  to  other  places 
along  the  coast,  and  finding  no  visible  sign  of  the 
invaders,  he  retired  in  a  state  of  uncertainty.  One 
thing  he  saw  plainly,  that  in  matters  pertaining  to 
the  marine  his  own  ignorance  was  great  and  that 
of  his  naval  commanders  still  greater.^  Far  from 
hoping  any  longer  to  interfere  with  the  descent,  he 


im. 


*  De  Troyes,  p.  116.  —  Basin, 
torn.  ii.  p.  351. 

'  "  Je  vols  en  Normandie  h  grant 
haste,  comme  vous  savez,  cuidant 
trouver  les  Anglois  prests  h  descen- 
dre ;  mais  je  trouve  que  I'armee  de 
mer,  le  jour  devant  que  je  arrivasse, 
s'estoit  retraicte  et  descendue  en 
terre,  et  habandonnd  la  mer."    Let- 


ter of  Louis  to  Daramartin,  June  30, 
Commines  (ed.  Dupont),  Prcuves, 
torn.  iii.  p.  301. 

^  "  II  ne  I'entendoit  point :  ne 
ceulx  h  qui  il  donnoit  auctorite,  sur 
lo  faict  de  la  guerre,  y  entendoient 
encores  moins."  Commines,  torn. 
i.  p.  338. 


144 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


would  not  even  know  where  to  expect  it  —  whether 
in  Normandy  or  at  Calais.  If  in  the  former  quarter, 
the  peril  would  be  far  more  imminent.  Here  there- 
fore he  resolved  to  continue,  with  part  of  his  army, 
Ibrtifying,  victualling,  assembling  the  frank-archers, 
and  taking  all  manner  of  precautions.  The  bulk 
of  his  troops,  under  the  Sire  de  Beaujeu,  admiral  of 
France,  he  sent  back  to  Picardy  to  complete  the 
work  he  had  himself  begun,  by  laying  waste  the 
whole  country,  so  that  a  hostile  army,  advancing 
from  that  side,  would  find  nothing  to  feed  upon. 
His  instructions,  so  far  as  time  allowed,  were  faith- 
fully carried  out.  From  the  interior  frontier  to  the 
sea-line,  from  the  Somme  eastward  to  the  fauxbourgs 
of  Hesdin,  not  a  village,  not  a  blade  of  corn,  was  left 
standing.®  In  the  interval  between  the  two  raids  — 
that  of  the  king  himself  and  this  later  one  — 
Charles's  lieutenant,  the  count  of  Romont,  had  re- 
occupied  the  devastated  region,  and  had  even  begun 
to  retaliate  on  the  adjoining  French  districts.  Being 
too  weak  to  keep  the  field  in  face  of  the  royal  forces, 
he  now  retired  to  Arras,  calling  in  the  neighboring 
nobles  and  the  peasantry,  as  well  to  aid  in  the 
defence  of  this  important  city  as  for  their  own  pro- 
tection. The  place  was  in  fact  far  too  strongly 
fortified  to  stand  in  any  danger  from  a  siege.  The 
enemy  however  advanced  as  far  as  the  fauxbourgs, 
committing  endless  havoc  on  the  fair  and  fruitful 
plains,  thickly  studded  with  villages,  from  which  not 
only  the  large  commercial  population  of  Arras  itself, 


^  Letter  of  Louis  to  Dammartin,  Ibid.  Freuves,  torn.  iii.  pp.  301,  302. 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


RAVAGES  IN  ARTOIS. 


145 


but  that  of  Bruges,  Ghent,  and  Autworp,  received 
their  chief  supplies  of  corn.'"  Intimations  had  been 
sent  to  Louis  by  a  woman  of  rank  —  one  of  the 
secret  agents  whom  he  maintained  in  all  the  cities 
of  the  Netherlands  —  thai;  the  capture  might  be 
effected  by  treachery  and  a  surprise.  But  the  hope 
th'js  excited  proved  groundless.  Whatever  symp- 
toms of  wavering  loyalty  may  have  existed  among 
the  citizens  disappeared  before  the  spectacle  of  their 
blazing  harvests  and  granaries.  It  was  a  sight  which 
had  never  been  witnessed  by  those  of  the  existing 
generation,  taught  to  contrast  their  own  condition 
with  that  of  their  neighbors  and  to  consider  them- 
selves the  favored  of  Providence.  They  insisted 
that  the  garrison  should  sally  to  the  rescue ;  and 
Romont  and  his  fellow-nobles  allowed  themselves 
to  be  taunted  into  acquiescence.  Having  ranged 
their  little  band  in  two  divisions,  they  made  a 
gallant  charge,  which  led  them  into  an  ambuscade. 
The  vanguard  was  cut  to  pieces.  Its  leader,  Jacques 
of  Luxembourg,  brother  of  Saint-Pol,  was  wounded 
and  taken,  with  most  of  his  companions,  some  ^f 
them  the  nearest  relatives  of  the  fair  traitor  who 
had  invited  the  foe." 

The  news  of  this  incident,  which  occurred  on  the 
27th  of  June,  reached  Louis  at  about  the  same  time 
as  that  of  the  victory  achieved  by  his  troops  in 
Burgundy.     A  few  days  later  his  joy  was  dashed  by 


■  I'll 


'"  Guicciardini,  Belg.  Descriptio,  torn.  il.  pp.  276,  277.  —  De  Troyes, 

p.  436.  pp.    117,    118.  —  Legrand  MSS. 

"  Coinmines,  torn.  i.  p.  327,  and  torn,  xviii. 
Preuves,  torn.  iii.  p.  302.  —  Haynin, 

VOL.  m.  19 


146 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


[book  IV. 


other  intelligence.  The  English  had  landed  at 
Calais,  and  the  duke  of  Burgundy  was  returning 
from  Neuss.  The  latter  item,  it  is  true,  he  received, 
or  he  affected  to  have  received,  in  a  shape  which 
prognosticated,  not  ill,  but  glorious  results.  Charles 
had  fallen  into  utter  ignominy.  After  losing  his 
artillery  and  failing  to  recover  it,  he  had  fled  away 
at  midnight,  leaving  his  army  broken  and  dispersed. 
The  emperor,  at  the  head  of  ten  thousand  of  his 
troops,  was  about  to  march  through  Lorraine  into 
Bar  t  >  cooperate  with  Craon.  He  had  summoned 
the  Swiss  to  join  him,  and  had  despatched  the  bishop 
of  Munster,  with  twenty  thousand  men,  into  Guel- 
dres,  where  the  people  were  in  full  revolt.  Such  was 
the  account  which  Louis  published  to  his  people, 
and  announced  in  private  letters  to  his  confidential 
ministers,  on  the  authority  of  direct  communications 
from  the  emperor  to  Craon  and  to  himself  ^^  Must 
we  then  attribute  so  lively  an  invention  to  the  slow 
intellect  of  Frederick  ?  But,  whoever  devised  the 
story,  there  was  one  person  at  least  who  knew  better 
than  to  believe  it.  Louis  had  been  kept  too  fully 
and  correctly  informed  by  his  ambassadors  in  the 
imperial  camp  not  to  understand  the  catastrophe 
which  had  occurred.^^  He  knew  well  that,  not  the 
Burgundians,  but  the  imperialists,  had  dispersed; 
that  not  the  emperor,  but  the  duke,  was  preparing 

'*  Letter  of  Louis  to  the  chan-  be  needed,  it  will  be  found  in  an- 

cellor,  July  15,  Commines,  Preuves,  other  letter  of  the  king's,  \yhich  will 

torn.  iii.  pp.  204,  205.  —  De  Troyes,  be  hereafter  cited,  written  to  his 

p.- 118.  friends  at  Berne. 

'^  If  any  evidence  on  this  point 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


FORMER  INVASIONS. 


147 


to  march  into  Lorraine ;  that,  instead  of  a  revolt  in 
Guijldres  fanned  by  a  foreign  invasion,  what  he  had 
to  anticipate  was  a  foreign  invasion  of  France, 
which  might  give  birth  to  endless  revolts.  He  saw, 
in  a  word,  that  the  crisis  of  his  reign  had  come. 
That  had  happened  which  he  had  most  feared, 
which  he  had  chiefly  struggled  to  avert.  A  by- 
gone epoch  seemed  to  have  returned.  After  so 
many  labors,  so  many  successes,  here  were  Eng- 
land and  Burgundy  still  combined,  treason  and 
intrigue  still  busy,  for  the  overthrow  of  the  French 
monarchy. 

Considered  in  relation  to  universal  history,  the 
wars  of  the  English  in  France  formed  a  sequel  of 
that  great  Northern  inundation  the  first  ripplings 
of  which  had  cast  a  prophetic  gloom  on  the  spirit 
of  the  dying  Charlemagne.  Many  shores  and 
many  islands  had  been  washed  by  that  wide-spread 
flood ;  but  its  fullest  current  had  set  upon  the 
northern  shore  of  France,  whence,  with  collected 
force,  it  had  poured  its  waves  over  the  island  of 
Britain,  to  return  upon  the  Continent  in  successive 
reflux  tides,  that  threatened  to  swallow  all  the 
former  conquests  of  Frank  and  Goth.  It  was  still 
the  old  sea-pirates  contending  with  the  land-pirates, 
the  ocean-power  assaying  to  triumph  over  the  Con- 
tinent. The  ancient  world  had  witnessed  similar 
struggles,  in  which  the  land-power  had  triumphed 
over  the  sea-power  —  the  Macedonians  over  the 
Phoenicians,  Rome  over  Carthage. 


"»i 


O 


148 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


[BOOK  IV. 


fiifHIl: 


li,  I  4 


Doubtless  all  the  races  involved  in  the  loncj  striiff- 
gle — Celt,  Frank,  Saxon,  Norman  —  had  golned  in 
it  a  stronger  discipline  and  a  broader  development. 
But  if  we  look  simply  at  the  condition  of  France 
while  subject  to  these  continual  immersions,  it  is 
surely  a  piteous  spectacle  —  that  of  a  nation  slowly 
rising  above  the  waters,  slowly  re-collecting  its 
strength  and  resources,  only  to  be  again  overwhelmed 
and  submerged.  For  the  grand  peculiarity,  in  every 
repetition  of  the  movement,  had  been  the  massive 
force  with  which  the  blow  had  been  delivered,  and 
the  uncertain,  ineffective  gallantry  displayed  in  the 
resistance.  So  it  had  been  in  the  Franco-Norman 
invasion  of  England,  so  in  all  the  Anglo-Norman  inva- 
sions of  France.  And  what  is  scarcely  less  remarka- 
ble, in  proportion  as  the  original  impulse  had  dimin- 
ished, the  attempts  had  been  more  persistent  and  on 
a  larger  scale.  Originally  the  instinct  that  prompted 
the  invasion  had  belonged  only  to  the  Norman  sov- 
ereign and  the  Norman  nobility.  But  as  the  Norman 
race  became  merged  in  the  Saxon,  and  the  Saxon  na- 
ture infused  with  the  Norman  spirit,  the  ambition  of 
conquest  became  national  and  popular.  Long  after 
the  rulers  of  England  had  lost  tb'^ir  inclination  to 
such  enterprises,  the  conquest  of  France  continued 
to  be  the  favorite  project  of  the  English  people. 

The  last  invasion,  in  1415,  had  led  to  the  forma- 
tion of  an  Anglo-Burgundian  alliance.  In  1475  it 
was  the  Anglo-Burgundian  alliance  that  led  to  the 
invasion.  But  it  is  a  gross  mistake  to  regard  it 
simply  as  the  fruit  of  that  alliance,  and  as  undertaken 


sion 


befon 


lis 


I*     III 


CHAP.  VIII.]      TREATY  OP  EDWARD  AND  CHARLES. 


140 


to 


in  return  for  the  assistance  afforded  to  Edward  in  the 
recovery  of  his  crown.  On  the  part  of  the  English 
nation  it  was  the  prosecution  of  a  scheme  ingrafted 
in  the  ideas  of  the  people,  suspended  only  in  times 
of  internal  disquiet,  resumed  as  often  as  circum- 
stances afforded  an  opportunity.  On  the  part  of 
Edward  it  had  been  contemplated  from  the  moment 
of  his  restoration,  partly  to  exalt  his  reputation  and 
win  the  favor  of  his  subjects,  partly  in  revenge  for 
the  countenance  given  by  France  to  Warwick  and 
the  Lancastrians  and  his  own  consequent  dethrone- 
ment. If  the  proposal  came  from  Charles,  he  had 
abstained  from  basing  it  on  the  grf  nd  of  his  own 
services,  or  inviting  cooperation  in  his  own  plans. 
On  the  contrary,  it  was  he  who  was  to  act  the  part 
of  auxiliary,  giving  stipulated  aid  to  Edward  in  the 
recovery  of  "his  duchies  of  Normandy  and  Aqui- 
taine,"  as  well  as  of  "his  kingdom  of  France,"  of 
which  he  still  wore  the  title  and  claimed  the  posses- 
sion as  "rightful  heir,"  though  now  displaced  by  a 
"  usurper."  ^*  - 

The  treaty,  with  its  supplementary  provisions,  had 
been  signed  at  Westminster,  on  the  25th,  26th,  and 
27th  of  July,  1474.  It  stipulated  that  an  English 
army  "  magnificently  equipped,"  and  led  by  the  king 
in  person,  should  land  in  Normandy,  or  elsewhere, 
before  the  next  1st  of  July.  Charles,  on  his  part, 
was  to  uphold  the  pretensions  of  Edward  and  support 
him  with  his  person  and  power,  bringing  into  the 
field  a  force  of  not  less  than  ten  thousand  men.     In 


i 


a 


"  Rymer,  torn.  xi.  pp.  806-808. 


150 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


[BOOK  IV. 


CHAP 


recompense  for  such  assistance,  as  well  as  "  in  grati- 
tude for  the  many  favors"  which  he  had  already 
rendered  to  his  ally,  he  was  to  receive  the  provinces 
of  Champagne,  Bar,  Brie,  the  Nivernais  —  in  short, 
all  that  part  of  France  which  bordered  on  his  present 
dominions ;  and  he  was  to  hold  these  conquests,  as 
likewise  the  several  French  fiefs  which  he  already 
possessed,  independently  of  the  French  crown,  by  "  a 
supreme  right"  to  be  thereafter  acknowledged  and 
confirmed  by  the  States-General.  During  the  prose- 
cution of  the  war  neither  of  the  contracting  parties 
was  to  treat  with  the  enemy,  or  even  to  receive  any 
overtures  from  him,  without  first  consulting  the  ally 
and  giving  time  for  his  representatives  to  attend ;  no 
arrangement  should  be  entered  into  except  by  joint 
consent ;  nor  was  either  to  abandon  the  enterprise 
while  the  other  should  choose  to  persevere.^^ 

The  announcement  of  this  scheme  was  received  by 
the  English  nation  with  an  unparalleled  burst  of  en- 
thusiasm. All  classes  united  in  embracing  it,  and 
Edward,  whose  popularity  had  been  upon  the  wane, 
again  found  himself  the  darling  of  the  populace. 
After  all  his  triumphs  it  needed  a  career  of  victory 
in  France  to  set  the  seal  upon  his  dynasty.  There 
were  happily  no  meddlesome  reformers  to  declaim 
against  the  thirst  for  conquest,  or  to  preach  unwel- 
come lessons  of  economy.  Every  grant  proposed  in 
Parliament  was  voted  without  demur.  The  clergy 
mulcted  themselves  in  a  tenth  of  their  income,  and 
the  example  was  followed  by  both  Lords  and  Com- 

"  Kjmer,  torn.  xi.  pp.  804-814. 


moi 
pal 

*'be] 
aftei 
roya 
bust! 
pend 
nels 
from 
corn 
tlie  c 
rectir; 
wrigb 
wagoi 
"Flee 
arrow 
bows 
into 
many 
whole 
"  noon 
sons  e 
few  w 
tering 
ing  th 
parchn 
estates 
of  Fra 
So 

'«  Moli 
mer,  torn. 


OHAP.  vm.J 


PREPARATIONS  IN  ENGLAND. 


151 


m 


mons.  The  merchants  of  London  and  all  the  princi- 
pal towns  vied  with  each  other  in  the  anionnt  of  their 
"  benevolences."  Wealthy  widows  doubled  their  gifts 
after  a  squeeze  of  the  royal  hand  or  a  kiss  from  the 
royal  lips.  Throughout  the  kingdom  there  was  a 
bustle  of  preparation.  Ordinary  business  was  sus- 
pended, labor  being  diverted  from  its  regular  chan- 
nels and  so  large  a  quantity  of  money  withdrawn 
from  circulation  that,  in  some  parts  of  the  kingdom, 
corn  and  other  commodities  were  unsalable  at  half 
the  customary  rates.  Proclamations  were  issued  di- 
recting the  impressment  of  sailors,  carters,  wheel- 
wrights, and  smiths,  and  the  seizure  of  ships  and 
wagons,  of  powder,  saltpetre,  and  other  munitions. 
"  Flechers  "  were  ordered  to  make  nothing  but  "  shefe- 
arrows,"  and  "  bowiers "  to  make  their  staves  into 
bows  with  all  possible  haste.  Contracts  were  entered 
into  with  knights  and  others  for  the  enlistment  of  so 
many  archers  and  men-at-arms,  to  serve  for  "one 
whole  year,"  during  which  time  there  should  be 
"  noon  assise  generall  ne  speciall "  against  the  per- 
sons engaged.  Among  the  nobles  there  were  not  a 
few  who,  besides  furbishing  up  their  arms  and  mus- 
tering their  retainers,  dived  into  the  boxes  contain- 
ing their  title-deeds,  and  drew  out  the  worm-eaten 
parchments  which  would  establish  their  right  to  the 
estates  once  held  by  their  ancestors  within  the  realm 
of  France.^" 

So  open  and  active  a  movement  could  not  fail  to 


'"  Molinet,  torn.  i.  p.  141.  —  Ry-    Lingard,  vol.     iv.    pp.   99-101.— 
mer,  tom.  xi.  pp.  817-819,  et  al. —    Paston  Letters. 


.152 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


lUOOK  IT. 


CHAP,  VII 


arouse  the  attention  of  neighboring  governments. 
The  king  of  Scots,  James  the  Third,  saw,  as  he 
thought,  an  opportunity  for  a  stroke  of  business  on 
his  own  account.  He  informed  the  French  monarch 
that,  although  strongly  pressed,  he  had  refused  to  go 
shares  in  the  enterprise.  He  would  undertake,  for 
the  modest  fee  of  ten  thousand  crowns,  to  frustrate 
the  whole  design.  This  he  could  effect,  either  by  a 
counter-invasion  of  England,  or  through  a  secret  trea- 
ty with  Edward,  who  was  merely  urged  along  by 
popidar  clamor,  and  who  could  easily  be  persuaded 
to  desist,  if  proper  inducements  were  held  out,  and  a 
promise  given  him  of  armed  assistance  in  case  an 
internal  rebellion  should  follow  on  the  rupture  of  his 
engagements  with  Burgundy.  Louis,  in  reply,  ex- 
pressed his  satisfaction  at  hearing  that  his  good  broth- 
er had  remained  faithful  to  the  ancient  treaties  and 
long  friendship  between  the  two  crowns.  As  to  the 
contemplated  invasion,  he  was  quite  strong  enough  to 
resist  it,  and,  if  it  should  take  place,  it  would  be  met 
in  a  becoming  manner.  Still,  it  was  not  what  he  at 
present  desired,  as  he  wished  to  attend  to  the  ordi- 
nary affairs  of  his  kingdom.  If  therefore  it  should  be 
abandoned  through  James's  intervention,  he  would  pay 
the  sum  demanded.  He  would  do  more  :  if  Edward 
required  help  against  his  own  subjects,  Louis  was 
willing  to  join  in  affording  it.^''  Nothing  however 
came  of  these  liberal  proposals,  the  king  of  Scots 
having  in  the  mean  time  concluded  a  peace  with 

"  Instructiona  (without  date)  to  Alex,  de  Menypeny,  Legrand  M8S. 
torn.  xvii. 


the  Ell 
both. 

Amc 
excitei 
Englisl 
feudal 
the  in^ 
instanc 
might 
The  m( 
gnacs,  : 
Bourbo 
number 
quiet  as 
gaze. 
The  coi 
of  cons 
intrigue 
commur 
It  had  r 
the  Lar 
the  Tu( 
been  re 
the  refi 
the  houi 
tection, 
in  the  g 
eign. 
ward  pr( 
the  atta< 

came  int 
vou  in. 


CIIAP.  VIII.] 


INTERNAL  STATE  OP  FRANCE. 


153 


the  English  sovereign  on  conditions  advantageous  to 
both. 

Among  the  great  vassals  of  the  French  crown  the 
excitement  was  far  deeper  and  more  genuine.  An 
Englis^h  invasion  had  been  the  customary  signal  for 
feudal  anarchy  to  burst  its  bonds,  and  on  this  effect 
the  invaders  had  always  counted.  In  the  present 
instance,  the  aid  to  be  expected  from  this  source 
mitfht  be  less  available  than  on  former  occasions. 
The  most  turbulent  of  the  ch'cis,  such  as  the  Arma- 
gnacs.  Lad  been  crushed;  some,  like  the  duke  of 
Bourbon,  had  been  stroked  and  tamed ;  th'^  greater 
number,  made  tir^.id  by  chastisement,  would  remain 
quiet  as  long  as  the  keeper's  eye  preserved  its  steady 
gaze.  But  there  were  others  who  were  still  at  large. 
The  court  of  Brittany,  if  no  longer  the  great  centre 
of  conspiracy,  still  responded  to  every  current  of 
intrigue,  and  still  maintained  its  alliance  and  regular 
communications  with  both  Burgundy  and  England. 
It  had  recently  become  the  shelter  of  the  remnant  of 
the  Lancastrians,  including  the  destined  founder  of 
the  Tudor  line,  a  demand  for  whose  rendition  had 
been  rejected  by  the  duke.  But  he  had  accompanied 
the  refusal  with  assurances  that  no  plots  adverse  to 
the  house  of  York  should  be  hatched  under  his  pro- 
tection, and  he  now  claimed  the  right  to  participate 
in  the  grand  scheme  for  the  overthrow  of  his  sover- 
eign. A  treaty  was  accordingly  signed  by  which  Ed- 
ward promised  to  send  a  separate  force  to  strengthen 
the  attack  on  the  side  of  Brittany.  In  letters  which 
came  into  the  hands  of  Louis,  the  counsellors  of  Francis 

VOL.  III.  20 


154 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


[BOOK  IV. 


boasted  that,  by  secret  manipulations,  they  would  do 
more  for  the  cause  in  a  single  month  than  the  arms 
of  the  other  allies  would  be  able  to  effect  in  six.^^ 

But  the  feudal  vassal  who  looked  forward  to  the 
collision  with  the  liveliest  interest  was  he  who  owed 
allegiance  on  both  sides  —  the  Constable  Saint-Pol. 
To  him  indeed  it  must  prove  the  very  crisis  of  his 
fate.  Two  years  before  he  had  been  on  the  brink 
of  shipwreck,  an  agreement  for  his  destruction  hav- 
ing formed  a  secret  clause  in  the  truce  of  1473 
between  Louis  and  Charles.  But  execution  had  been 
suspended  by  the  generosity  of  the  king,  who  had 
again  suffered  himself  to  be  appeased  by  apologies 
and  promises,  and  had  even  condescended  to  an  inter- 
view conducted  with  the  jealous  forms  usual  between 
rivals  of  equal  rank.  The  constable  had  pleaded,  as 
his  excuse  for  demanding  these  precautions,  the  en- 
mity entertained  for  him  by  Dammartin  and  others 
in  the  royal  suite ;  and  he  had  pledged  himself  hence- 
forward to  hold  Saint-Quentin  as  a  royal  fortress,  and 
to  act  in  all  respects  as  a  trusty  servant  of  the  crown. 
His  professions  had  been  accepted  ;  but  public  opin- 
ion accused  him  of  having  humiliated  his  sovereign, 
—  a  circumstance  to  which  the  latter  was  less  insen- 
sible than  he  seemed,  —  while  the  fresh  engagements 
he  had  formed  must  embroil  him  still  further  with 
his  other  master,  the  duke  of  Burgundy.  Thus, 
although  he  had  weathered  one  rock,  the  channel 
had  grown  narrower,  the  pilotage  more  intricate, 
than  ever.    And  now  another  storm  was  at  hand  j 


"  Commlnes,  torn.  i.  p.  317. 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


DUPLICITY  OF  SAINT-POL. 


155 


his  possessions  would  lie  within  the  theatre  of  the 
impending  war ;  his  services  would  again  be  claimed 
by  both  the  hostile  parties.  Retreat  was  still  possi- 
ble; for  he  had  so  much  to  offer  that  either  side 
would  be  glad  to  purchase  his  support  on  terms  of 
immunity  for  the  past  and  protection  for  the  future. 
But  it  was  this  consideration  that  prevented  him 
from  retreating  and  urged  him  forward  on  his  peril- 
ous course.  He  still  flattered  himself  with  the  notion 
of  holding  the  balance  and  profiting  by  its  oscil- 
lations. He  turned,  therefore,  not  to  one  side,  but 
to  all  sides,  throwing  out  fresh  lines  and  multiply- 
ing his  entanglements.  Connected  by  marriage  with 
the  English  monarch,  he  availed  himself  of  private 
channels  of  communication  for  encouraging  the  en- 
terprise and  making  independent  offers  of  support. 
All  he  should  expect  in  return  would  be  the  provinces 
of  Champagne  and  Brie.^®  He  little  suspected  that, 
under  the  arrangement  with  Burgundy,  not  only 
Champagne  and  Brie,  but  all  his  own  estates  m  Pic- 
ardy,  were  to  be  transferred  to  Charles.^"  With  the 
latter  prince  he  was  ostensibly  endeavoring  to  renew 
his  old  relations  of  friendship.  Throughout  the  siege 
of  Neuss  he  had  sent  continual  messages  expressive 
of  his  devotion,  and,  when  called  upon  to  attest  his 
sincerity  by  the  surrender  of  Saint-Quentin,  had  given 
distinct  and  repeated  promises  of  compliance.  Thrice 
a  Burgundian  force,  headed  by  his  own  brother,  had 


•  -.-^ 


'"  "  Ne  demandoit  pour  sa  part    Lenglel,  torn.  iii.  p.  457. 
que  la  comtc  de  Brye  et  de  Cham-        ""  lljmer,  torn.  xi.  p.  810. 
pagne."      Proces    du    Couuutable, 


lot) 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


iBOOK  IV. 


CHAP,  VIII. 


been  sent  to  take  possession ;  and  each  time  it  had 
been  dismissed  with  an  evasive  answer  —  a  display 
of  perfidy  by  which  he  had  converted  an  attached 
kinsman  into  an  pnemy.  In  his  intercourse  with  the 
king  his  duphcity  was  even  more  remarkable.  Well 
acquainted  with  that  eager  and  impressible  mind,  he 
strove  to  keep  it  in  perpetual  agitation  by  incessant 
and  conflicting  reports  of  the  enemy's  designs  and 
preparations.  His  position  enabled  him  to  obtain 
authentic  accounts  from  the  courts  both  of  Burgundy 
and  England  ;  and  he  knew  that  Louis,  in  his  anxiety 
for  information,  would  listen  and  be  disquieted  even 
when  most  suspicious.  But  he  made  a  profound  mis- 
take in  believing  that  by  such  means  he  could  para- 
lyze the  king's  activity,  become  the  master  of  his  fate, 
and  dispose  of  it  according  to  circumstances  and  his 
own  convenience.  Hence  his  alarm  at  the  sudden 
irruption  of  the  royal  forces  into  his  own  neighbor- 
hood, and  his  manoeuvre  for  procuring  their  removal. 
On  that  occasion  the  false  information  he  had  sent 
was  coupled  with  the  assurance  that  he  would  him- 
self follow  up  the  business  in  the  king's  absence. 
Accordingly  he  made  a  show  of  taking  the  field ;  but 
even  Imd  his  purpose  been  more  sincere,  his  timidity 
stood  in  the  way  of  its  accomplishment.  On  one  side 
of  him  was  a  French  force,  on  the  other  a  Burgun- 
dian,  each  ready,  at  least  in  his  apprehension,  to  spring 
upon  Saint-Quentm  the  moment  his  back  should  be 
turned.  Again  therefore  he  hastened  to  shut  him- 
self up  in  this  almost  impregnable  fortress  ;  again  he 
scanned  the  horizon  and  calculated  the  chances  of  the 


!iii 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


ITS  POSSIBLE  RESULTS. 


157 


opposing  parties ;  again  he  resorted  to  dissimulation, 
plunging  deeper  at  every  step,  while  every  moment 
brought  the  exposure  nearer.^' 

As  for  Louis  himself,  he  faced  the  danger  which 
his  imagination  had  so  often  pictured,  neither  with 
a  timid  nor  a  desperate  glance,  but  with  looks  full 
of  courage  and  sagacity.  What  it  portended,  and 
how  it  was  to  be  met,  he  fully  comprehended. 
Never  was  speculation  more  idle  than  that  which 
has  been  expended  on  the  question  whether  the 
complete  success  of  the  English  monarchs  in  their 
hereditary  schemes  of  conquest  would  have  ren- 
dered France  a  province  of  England  or  England  a 
province  of  France.  A  success  adequate  to  either 
of  these  results  was  never  possible  for  those  whose 
very  victories  served  only  to  weaken  the  bases  of 
that  authority  which  they  aspired  to  wield.  All 
that  Edward  the  Third  or  Henry  the  Fifth  could 
have  effected,  what  for  a  time  and  in  a  degree  they 
did  effect,  was  the  disruption  of  the  monarchy  and 
the  establishment  of  provincial  independence.  And 
this  it  was  still  possible  for  Edward  the  Fourth,  in 
conjunction  with  Charles  of  Burgundy,  to  effect. 
Though  many  an  old  division  had  been  healed,  no 
real  fusion  had  yet  ensued,  and  any  violent  shock 
would  again  cause  the  parts  to  fly  asunder.  The 
Burgundian  power  was  itself  an  example  of  such  a 
rupture ;  while  it  offered,  under  its  present  resolute 


■■1: 


-V 


'§ 


ilj 


"'  See,  for  the  chief  matter  in  this    p.  116 ;  and  Documents  in  Legrand 
paragraph,  Commines,  liv.  iii.,  ch.     MSS.  torn.  xix. 
11,  liv.  iv.,  ch.  4,  et  al;   De  Troyes, 


158 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


[book  IV. 


CHAP.  VIII 


head,  an  engine  such  as  had  never  been  brought  to 
bear  in  any  previous  attempt.  On  the  other  hand 
the  resistance  also  would  be  of  a  different  character 
from  that  of  earlier  times.  There  would  be  no 
pitched  battles,  no  impetuous  dashing  of  the  French 
chivalry  on  the  stakes  of  the  English  archers,  no 
confusion,  no  imbecil:*.y,  in  the  conduct  of  the  de- 
fence. As  the  invaders  advanced,  every  patch  of 
ground  in  their  front  would  be  made  barren,  every 
untenable  place  would  be  levelled,  every  strong 
town  would,  as  far  as  science  could  avail,  be  ren- 
dered as  impregnable  as  N<5uss.^^  One  clear  head 
would  revolve  every  plan  and  direct  every  move- 
ment, while  ever  on  the  watch  to  profit  by  the  first 
symptom  of  discouragement. 

According  to  the  original  design  the  descent 
should  have  taken  place  on  the  Norman  coast,  and 
orders  had  actually  been  issued  for  the  vessels  and 
troops  to  rendezvous  at  Portsdown  on  the  26th  of 
May.^'*  But  a  difference  of  opinion  arose  in  the 
English  council,  some  advocating  Calais,  others  a 
port  in  Guienne,  as  the  place  of  landing.  The  duke 
of  Burgundy,  when  consulted,  combated  both  these 
views  in  a  letter  remarkable  among  the  military 
papers  of  the  time  for  the  clearness  and  conciseness 
of  its  reasoning.  "  If  you  land  in  Guienne,"  he  wrote 
to  Edward,  "  you  may  have,  it  is  true,  the  support 

"*  Letter  of  Francesco  llovere,  a  of  Louis  to  Dammartin,  Commines, 

secret  agent  of  the  duku  of  Milan  Freuves,  torn.  iii.  p.  302. 
at    the    French    court,    Dcpeches        "  Rymer,  torn.  xL 
Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  206.  —  Letter 


of  my 
off"  to 
march 
be   mai 
hand,  y 
but  noi 
to   subs 
and  mo 
betweei 
descent 
Hogue 
easy  fo 
begin  o 
line  for 
Brittany 
will  hot 
port.     I 
will  nee 
take  car 

In  a 
open  to 
sion  by 
objectioi 
Edward') 
of  a  dif 
weighty. 
Calais 
disembai 
would  b 

"*  Frintec 
Bourgogne, 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


STEATEGICAL  PLANS. 


159 


of  my  brother  of  Brittany,  but  you  will  be  too  far 
off  to  obtain  any  i'rom  me ;  besides  whicb,  your 
march  to  Paris,  where  we  all  wish  to  unite,  must 
be  made  by  the  longest  line.  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  you  land  at  Calais,  you  will  have  my  support, 
but  not  that  of  the  Bretons;  it  will  be  impossible 
to  subsist  both  our  armies  from  the  same  region, 
and  moreover  there  would  be  constant  disagreements 
between  them.  My  advice  is,  that  you  make  your 
descent  on  the  coast  of  Normandy,  either  at  La 
Hogue  or  at  the  mouth  of  the  Seine.  It  will  be 
easy  for  you  to  seize  a  few  places  from  which  to 
begin  operations.  You  will  then  have  the  shortest 
line  for  advancing  upon  Paris  j  and  the  duke  of 
Brittany  on  your  right,  and  myself  on  your  left, 
will  both  be  near  enough  to  give  you  constant  sup- 
port. Let  me  know  what  number  of  vessels  you 
will  need,  and  when  you  wish  them  sejt,  and  I  will 
take  care  that  you  are  provided."  ^* 

In  a  strategical  point  of  view  this  plan  might  be 
open  to  the  objection  that  it  contemplated  an  inva- 
sion by  separate  lines  of  operation.  But  the  same 
objection  applied  with  far  greater  force  to  one  of 
Edward's  plans;  while  to  the  other  the  objections 
of  a  different  kind  seem  to  have  been  valid  and 
weighty.  Edward  had  nevertheless  decided  upon 
Calais  and  Boulogne,  where  he  could  be  sure  of 
disembarking  without  encountering  opposition  and 
would  be  able,  as  he  imagined,  to  lean  entirely  on 

'*  Printed  by  Salazar,  Hist,  de    more  correctly  by  Mdlle  Dupont, 
Bourgogne,  tom.  iv.  p.  cccliii.,  and    Commines,  torn.  i.  p.  336,  note. 


V 


160 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


[BOOK  IV. 


CHAP.  VII 


his  brother-in-law  for  assistance  and  supplies.  Five 
hundred  vessels  adapted  for  the  transport  of  cavalry 
had  been  despatched  from  Holland,  and  the  em- 
barkation began  at  Sandwich  and  other  ports  of 
Kent,  on  the  1st  of  June.^''  At  first  it  proceeded 
very  slowly,  either  from  a  want  of  readiness  or 
because  the  weather  was  unfavorable.  By  the  end 
of  the  month  only  four  or  five  hundred  troops  were 
reported  to  have  crossed.^^  The  week  that  followed 
may  be  considered  as  the  real  time  occupied  in  the 
passage.  Tlte  king,  who  was  the  last  to  arrive, 
landed  on  the  4th  of  July,^''  but  a  few  days  later 
than  the  time  originally  set.  His  suite  compre- 
hended the  flower  of  the  nobility  —  four  dukes, 
Clarence,  Gloucester,  Suffolk,  and  Norfolk ;  five  earls, 
Arundel,  Northumberland,  Salisbury,  Wiltshire,  and 
Rivers ;  thirteen  barons,  among  them  Hastings, 
Stanley,  Howard,  and  Gray ;  besides  a  hundred  and 
fifty-six  baronets  and  knights.*^^  Each  of  the  princi- 
pal nobles  was  attended  by  a  retinue  of  from  six 
hundred  to  two  thousand  men ;  and  the  army 
all  told  numbered  some  twenty-four  thousand.-^ 
A  very  small  proportion,  about  fifteen  hundred, 
consisted  of  men-at-arms.  Even  the  archers,  how- 
ever, were  furnished  with  horses,  though  of  an 
inferior  description,  to  be  used  merely  on  the  march. 


**  Haynin,  torn.  ii.  p.  281.  ii.  p.  282  et  seq.,  and  in  Molinet, 

*®  Letter  of  Louis  to  Dammartin,  torn.  i.  pp.  139-1 4 L 
Commines,  Preuves,  torn.  iii.  p.  303.        *®  DepOches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p. 

"  DepCches  Milanaises,   torn.   i.  193.  —  Other  accounts  do  not  differ 

p.  193.  widely  from  this. 

^^  Lists  of  names  in  Haynin,  torn. 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


STRATEGICAL  PLANS. 


161 


»gs, 


Among  the  siege-eqiiipage  was  a  novelty  of  native 
invention,  resembling  a  gigantic  plough,  drawn  by 
fifty  horses  and  designed  for  excavating  trenches. 
In  number,  in  splendor  of  equipments  and  in  general 
fitness  for  a  campaign,  no  such  army,  it  was  sup- 
posed, had  ever  before  quitted  the  English  shores.^" 

Edward's  sister,  the  duchess  of  Burgundy,  had 
come  to  welcome  him  at  Calais,  where  she  remained 
till  the  arrival  of  her  husband,  on  the  14th.^^  Charles 
made  his  appearance,  not,  as  had  been  expected,  at 
the  head  of  his  army,  but  with  merely  his  personal 
escort.  It  was  his  intention  to  prosecute  the  war  in 
concert,  but  not  in  company,  with  his  ally.  His  ob- 
jections to  the  latter  course  were  stronger  than  ever 
now  that  so  much  of  the  country  from  which  pro- 
visions were  to  have  been  drawn  had  been  ravaged 
by  the  French.  The  difficulty  too,  which  he  him- 
self had  long  experienced,  of  maintaining  harmony 
between  troops  of  different  nations,  —  particularly 
between  English  troops  and  those  of  the  Continent, 
—  would  be  insuperable  with  a  divided  command. 
Besides  these  reasons  he  had  others,  affecting  his 
own  interests  more  immediately,  but  not  without 
weight  in  reference  to  the  common  cause.  Of  the 
different  arrows  recently  launched  at  him  one  still 
stuck  and  rankled.  Luxembourg  was  still  invaded, 
in  one  quarter  by  the  duke  of  Lorraine,  in  another 
by  Craon.     Both  had  been  successful,  and  they  were 


T% 


I 


i.p. 

differ 


^°  Haynin.  —  Molinet.  —  Com-        ^'  Ancienne  Cbronique,  Lenglet, 
mines.  —  Basin.  — Depcches  Mila-    tom.  ii.  p.  217. 
naises. 

\0h.  III.  21 


102 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


[BOOK  IV. 


■  H^' 


now  threatening  to  unite.  Unless  this  wera  pre- 
vented, the  whole  of  the  Southern  Netherlands  would 
lie  open  to  attack,  while  the  forces  invading  France 
on  the  side  of  Picardy  would  be  liable  to  be  taken 
in  flank.  Charles  had  therefore  determined  to  make 
Luxembourg  his  base.  He  would  sweep  the  French 
out  of  Lorraine,  and  follow  them  into  the  adjoining 
provinces,  securing  his  proper  conquests  as  he  ad- 
vanced. Let  the  English  take  their  route  through 
Picardy  and  Champagne,  shaping  their  coiu'se  for 
Paris,  or,  if  they  preferred,  for  Rheims,  where  Edward 
had  expressly  stipulated  that  his  coronation  should 
take  place.^~  In  either  case  the  two  armies  would 
be  moving  towards  a  common  centre,  and  if  neces- 
sary could  readily  unite.  The  enemy  would  not 
dare  to  penetrate  between  them,  and  would  more- 
over have  the  Bretons  on  his  own  rear.'^' 

This  plan,  whether  sound  or  not,  was  based  upon 
principles  which  Charles  had  laid  down  all  along  as 
necessary  to  be  observed.  But  history,  treating  him 
with  the  same  brusqueness  as  usual,  has  decided  that 
he  had  no  plan  —  that,  having  already  squandered 
his  resoiu:ces,  he  was  now  under  the  necessity  of 
failing  in  his  engagements.  The  charge  may  be 
disproved  by  a  single  consideration.  The  treaty 
had  never  contemplated  a  junction  of  forces.  Had 
the  English  landed  in  Normandy,  as  they  should 
have  done,   or  in   Guienne,  as  they  had  talked  of 


^*  Rymer,  torn.  xi.  p.  814. — This  ^''  Depeches   Milanaises,  torn.  i. 

stipulation   had    been    inserted  in  pp.  193,  194.  —  Basin,  torn.  ii.  pp. 

consequence  of  the  grant  of  Cham-  356,  357. 
pagne  to  the  duke  of  Burgundy. 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


STRATEGICAL  PLANS. 


163 


doing,  would  they  have  expected  Charles  to  unite 
with  them  ?  It  was  Edward  who  had  deviated  from 
the  original  understanding  in  selecting  Picardy  as 
his  hase.  No  doubt  he  was  disappointcl  t  finding 
that  his  ally  had  made  a  correspond?  ^f,  change. 
The  truth  is,  he  already  shrank  from  the  task  he 
had  undertaken.  After  the  long  interval  that  had 
elapsed  since  the  previous  invasions,  after  the  loss 
of  all  their  old  dominions  on  the  Continent,  the 
English  could  not  help  feeling  that  they  were 
absolute  strangers,  with  no  knowledge  of  the  coun- 
try, no  clcvv  to  guidr  .^o  connections,  no  sympathies, 
to  invite  them.  The  d  e  of  Burgundy,  says  Com- 
mines,  should  ha■«^  ^^mprehended  this.  He  should 
have  begun  the  wai  .h'^ee  months  in  advance,  pre- 
paring the  way  r  ^d  securing  a  pivot  for  the  enter- 
prise. Then,  on  xab  arrival  of  the  English,  he  should 
have  taken  charge  of  them,  conducting  them  forward 
step  by  step,  till  they  were  sufficiently  initiated  to 
go  alone.^*  A  just  criticism,  if  they  were  coming 
simply  as  Charles's  auxiliaries.  But  it  was  not  he, 
it  was  Edward,  who  laid  claim  to  the  French  crown, 
who  was  summoning  Louis  to  lay  aside  his  usurped 
dignity,  and  who  had  boasted  that,  with  such  an 
army  as  he  had  raised,  he  could  march  through  the 
centre  of  France,  or  even  to  the  gates  of  Rome."^ 

After  all  it  does  not  appear  that  any  dissatisfac- 
tion was  openly  expressed.  Immediately  after  the 
jfirst  interviews,  the  course  proposed  by  Charles 
was   given  out   as  that  which   it  was  intended   to 


3*  Commlnes,  torn.  i.  pp.  316,  337. 


35 


Croyland  contin.  p.  558. 


164 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


[HOOK  IV. 


CHAP.  \ 


pursue.'"'  He  reviewed  the  English  army,  and  con- 
sented to  lead  it  through  his  own  territory  to  a 
convenient  position  on  the  frontier  for  opening  the 
attack.  He  had  alreadv  taken  measures  for  sup- 
plying it  with  provisions  on  the  march.''''  The  route 
lay  across  a  turfy  plain,  traversed  by  black  and 
sluggish  waters,  but  redolent  of  former  glories 
achieved  by  the  English  arms.  During  two  nights 
Edward  pitched  his  tent  on  the  battle-field  of 
Azincourt,"^**  and  a  day  or  two  later  ho  skirted 
that  of  Crecy.  The  duke  meanwhile  found  time 
for  flying  visits  to  Saint-Omer,  Arras,  and  other 
places  off  the  route,  whither  he  was  called  by  his 
own  affairs.''^  On  the  5th  of  August  the  Somine 
was  crossed  a  league  or  two  below  Peronne.  Passing 
this  place,  the  army  encamped  around  the  village 
of  Saint-Christ,  on  the  opj)osite  bank  of  the  river, 
and  at  a  bend  in  its  course  midway  between  Peronne 
and  Saint-Quentin.  The  latter  town  might  be  con- 
sidered as  the  gate  of  France.  V*^ould  the  English 
find  it  open  or  shut  ? 

The  gate  of  France,  and  SaintrPol  the  keeper.  If 
this  were  the  position  to  which  he  had  aspired,  he 
found  it  a  most  uncomfortable  one.  His  anxieties 
were  in  truth  overpowering.  He  had  at  last  opened 
his  eyes  to  the  fact  that  the  game  was  too  deep  for 
him,  that  what  he  ought  to  be  thinking  of  was  the 

'■'^  Letter  of  Charles  to  the  coun-        "  Gachard,  note  to  Barante,  torn, 

cil  of  Dijon,  Depeches  Milanaises,  ii.  p.  470. 
torn.    i.    p.    187.  —  Letter    to  the        '■'^  Molinet,  torn.  i.  p.  141. 
duchess  of  Savoy,  Ibid.,  p.   193.  —        ^^  Ancienne  Chronique,  Lenglet, 

Basin,  torn.  ii.  p.  857.  torn.  ii.  p.  217. 


way 
They 
chanc 
Durin 
by  hi; 
allegi{ 
truer  i 
arms 
Every 
vitatio 
for  an 
up  Sai 
self  to 
seemed 
of  the 
had   m 
"  Woul 
Oh  yes 
of  Sail 
tempti 
any  ot 
again 
any  pe 
gard  t 
Havi 
mainec 
Withoi 
Charle.' 
nations 
resoluti 


■0 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


THE  CONSTABLE  IRRESOLUTE. 


165 


way  of  escape.  Those  arounrl  hiin  saw  farther. 
They  saw  that  he  was  already  lost,  or  that,  if  a 
chance  remained,  he  had  not  the  nerve  to  grasp  it. 
During  the  last  few  weeks  he  had  been  a])andoned 
by  his  principal  servants.  Some  had  resumed  their 
allegiance  to  Burgundy ;  the  greater  number,  with  a 
truer  instinct,  had  gone  over  to  the  king.  The  royal 
arms  had  opened  to  enclasp  the  constable  himself 
Every  day  had  brought  a  fresh  messjige,  pressing  in- 
vitations, ample  assurances,  promises  of  compensation 
for  any  losses  he  might  sustain.  Let  him  only  give 
up  Saint-Quentin  into  sp*e  keeping  and  come  him- 
self to  take  his  proper  post  by  the  king's  side  !  He 
seemed  on  the  point  of  yielding;  but  his  recollection 
of  the  numerous  enmities  which  his  haughty  spirit 
had  never  hesitated  to  provoke,  held  him  back. 
"  Would  Louis  swear  to  protect  him  against  these  ? " 
Oh  yes !  the  king  would  swear.  "  On  the  true  cross 
of  Saint-Laud  ? "  No  !  there  should  be  no  further 
tempting  of  Providence  in  that  way.  "  He  shall  have 
any  other  oath  he  pleases ;  but  that  I  will  never 
again  take  to  living  man."  ^"  It  did  not  follow  that 
any  perfidy  was  intended.  But  Saint-Pol  could  re- 
gard the  refusal  in  no  other  light. 

Having  thus  decided  against  one  side,  what  re- 
mained for  him  but  to  .join  heartily  with  the  other  ? 
Without  further  delay,  he  despatched  a  messenger  to 
Charles,  who  was  then  at  Peronne.  He  offered  expla- 
nations of  his  past  conduct,  and  announced  his  final 
resolution.     While  events  were  still  pending,  —  the 


if.  "■^•"i 

•i;  . 

ii-Li 

*°  Commines,  torn.  i.  pp.  341,  342. 


166 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


[BOOK  IV. 


CHAP. 


duke  at  n  distance,  the  English  not  yet  come,  —  his 
open  adhesion  would  have  been  premature,  depriving 
him  of  opportunities  for  gathering  intelligence  and 
for  serving  as  a  medium  of  negotiation.  Now  that  he 
could  no  longer  be  of  use  in  this  way,  he  was  ready 
to  take  the  step  which  circumstances  demanded.  In 
confirmation  of  this  purpose,  he  sent  a  letter  of  cre- 
dence, authorizing  Charles  to  act  as  his  representative 
with  Edward.  Whatever  was  promised  on  his  behalf 
he  would  stand  to.  His  messenger  had  orders  to 
repeat  this  assurance  in  the  royal  presence.  As  a 
conclusive  guaranty  he  enclosed  his  seal  —  thereby 
cutting  himself  off  from  all  recourse  to  denials  or 
subterfuges  if  he  should  ever  be  called  to  account 
by  Louis.*' 

Charles  was  satisfied.  Edward,  who,  without  under- 
standing the  character  of  Saint-Pol,  comprehended 
his  position,  was  equally  satisfied.  A  party  of  the 
English  advanced  up  to  the  walls,  expecting  that  the 
bells  would  ring  forth  a  peal  of  welcome  and  that  a 
procession  would  come  forth  with  crucifix  and  holy 
water.  Instead  of  this,  they  were  greeted  with  can- 
non-balls, and,  the  gates  being  opened,  a  troop  of 
horse  sallied  and  drove  them  back.  They  retreated 
in  astonishment  and  dismay.''-  What  did  it  mean? 
Had  the  ve^y  demon  of  intrigue  taken  possession  of 
the  constable  ?  Had  his  promises  been  designed  only 
to  lure  and  tantalize  ?  Not  precisely  so.  At :  lie  last 
moment  his  heart  had  failed  him.  Louis  at  a  dis- 
tance, Louis  beset  by  dangers,  was  still  so  terribk  ! 


*'  Commines,  torn.  i.  pp.  343-343. 


42 


Ibid.  p.  345. 


It 

rains 
autui 
The 
rebuf 
who  r 
ment 
to  ins 
who  s 
No!   j 
have  f 
ble  in 
vigor, 
but  tli 
ment  i 
tal  ex( 
obligee 
tempo 
tended 
tage  o 
them 
on  oth 
new 
partec 
the  sai 
argy, 
tainin^ 
cowerii 
flime,  1 
propen 
had  ris 


e: 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


EDWARD  UNENTERPRISING. 


16* 


It  V  US  now  the  second  week  in  Augu.st.  ITeavy 
rains  had  set  in,  the  precursors  of  a  long  and  open 
autumn,  though  otherwise  interpreted  at  the  time. 
The  consequent  discomforts,  coupled  with  the  late 
rehulf,  produced  their  usual  eflect  upon  raw  troops, 
who  need  the  excitement  of  action  or  the  encoura<re- 
mcnt  which  an  enterprising  commander  knows  how 
to  inspire.  And  had  not  the  English  a  commander 
who  surpassed  all  others  in  activity  and  enterprise  ? 
No !  for  this  was  not  the  same  Edward  whom  we 
have  seen  in  other  fields,  swift  in  the  search,  irresisti- 
ble in  tlie  shock.  His  form,  once  the  model  of  manly 
vigor,  had  become  obese  ;  his  face  was  still  handsome, 
but  the  light  had  gone  out  of  it ;  a  long  abandon- 
ment to  his  besetting  vices  had  unfitted  him  for  men- 
tal exertions  or  arduous  undertakings.  We  are  not 
obliged  to  believe  with  Connnines,  and  with  his  con- 
temporaries in  general,  that  he  had  never  really  in- 
tended to  fight  —  that  he  had  merely  taken  advan- 
tage of  the  infatuation  of  his  subjects  to  extract  from 
them  the  money  they  were  unwilling  to  grant  him 
on  other  terms.  More  probably  he  had  dreamed  of 
new  exploits,  unconscious  that  his  strength  had  de- 
parted, or  believing  that  the  battle-cry  would  have 
the  same  power  as  of  old  to  rouse  him  from  his  leth- 
argy. But  the  embers  were  now  extinguished,  re- 
taining only  that  delusive  warmth  which  consoles  the 
cowering  spirit.  Self-complacent  over  his  acquired 
fame,  he  felt  no  incentive  even  to  struggle  against  his 
propensities.  And  his  nearest  coT.qjanions,  those  who 
had  risen  by  his  favor,  had  as  little  desire  to  see  him 


a 


168 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


[BOOK  IV. 


1.! 


emancipated.  The  old  nobility  may  have  been  fired 
with  the  idea  of  emulating  the  deeds  and  reconquer- 
ing the  domains  of  their  ancestors.  But  the  men 
who  were  building  up  new  fortunes,  the  Howards,  the 
Stanleys,  the  Hastingses,  had  discovered  that  there 
were  easier  paths  and  surer  prizes,  to  which  no  one 
could  so  well  direct  them  as  the  enlightened  monarch 
of  France. 

The  keen  eye  of  Louis  had  discerned  at  the  first 
glance  the  halting  gait  and  feeble  purpose  of  his  as- 
sailants. "  They  are  of  a  different  metal,"  he  wrote 
to  the  veteran  Dammartin,  "  from  the  English  of 
your  acquaintance.  They  keep  close,  they  creep, 
they  attempt  nothing."  *^  After  completing  his  prep- 
arations in  Normandy,  he  set  out  to  take  a  nearer 
view.  At  Beauvais  he  was  met  by  the  English  her- 
ald,—  "Ireland"  king-a<>arms,  attended  by  two  pur- 
suivants,**—  whom  he  received,  not  with  the  indig- 
nation which  the  insulting  message  might  well  have 
provoked,  but  with  that  pleasure  which  he  always 
derived  from  the  opportunity  of  communicating  with 
a  foe.  The  hall  of  audience  was  crowded  with  curi- 
ous spectators.  Louis,  however,  baffled  the  scrutiny 
which  his  mobile  and  expressive  features  were  ill  cal- 
culated to  endure,  by  taking  the  letter  in  his  own 


*'  Commines,  Preuves.  torn.  iii. 
pp.  303,  305. 

**  Letter  of  Francesco  Rovero, 
Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  206. 
—  Commines  would  seem  to  have 
made  a  slip  in  stating  that  tiie  her- 
ald had  been  sent  while  Edward 
was  at  Dover,  as  also  in  calling  him 


"  Garter."  He  has  confounded  this 
mission  with  a  previous  one  men- 
tioned by  De  Troyes.  The  mistake 
is  not  of  sufficient  importance  to 
throw  any  doubt  upon  his  account 
of  the  interview,  for  the  particulars 
of  which  he  is  our  sole  authority. 


CHAP,  vni.] 


SUGGESTIONS  OP  LOUIS. 


169 


hand  and  reading  it  aside.  Then,  withdrawing  to  a 
cabinet,  he  sent  for  the  herald,  and  engaged  him  in 
conversation.  His  object  was  not  so  much  to  elicit 
information  as  to  instil  certain  impressions.  Assum- 
ing the  confidential  tone  of  one  who  has  been  admit- 
ted into  the  secrets  and  consulted  as  to  the  prosecu- 
tion of  a  design,  he  remarked  upon  the  fact  that 
Edward  had  begun  this  matter  not  of  himself,  but 
yielding  to  popular  clamor  and  foreign  instigation. 
He  ought,  however,  to  consider  well  the  prospects  of 
success.  He  would  find  that  he  had  been  grossly 
deceived.  He  would  get  no  help  from  the  duke  of 
Burgundy,  who  had  ruined  himself  at  Neuss,  and 
whose  real  object  in  inviting  him  was  to  extort  better 
terms  than  those  on  which  Louis  had  already  offered 
to  treat  with  him.  Others  who  pretended  to  favor 
the  scheme  had  similar  ends  in  view.  Above  all  it 
would  be  madness  to  rely  upon  the  constable,  who, 
in  pursuit  of  his  private  aims,  would  cheat  all  parties 
in  turn.  The  season,  too,  was  already  far  advanced, 
and  would  be  over  before  anything  of  moment  could 
be  accomplished.  For  these  and  various  other  rea- 
sons Edward  would  be  better  advised  if  he  should 
consent  to  receive  propositions  of  peace.  Let  him 
not  imagine  that  Louis  felt  any  enmity  towards  him. 
The  encouragement  formerly  given  to  the  earl  of 
Warwick  had  proceeded  simply  from  the  hostile  rela- 
tions with  Burgundy.  His  desire  at  present  was  to 
form  a  cordial  alliance  with  his  brother  of  England, 
which  would  be  far  more  profitable  to  the  latter  than 
any  schemes  of  conquest.     Details  on  this  essential 


Df 


'<i*i*j 


ik  .1)     ^!i 


'^. 


i^U 


VOL.  III. 


22 


170 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


[book  IV. 


point  were  added,  with  an  intimation  that  whoever 
contributed  to  the  result  would  find  it  to  his  own 
advantage.  Two  hours  were  not  ill  spent  in  dis- 
course of  this  kind.^^  The  herald,  a  Norman  by  birth, 
had  the  penetration  to  perceive  that  his  master  could 
have  no  truer  friend,  lo  wiser  counsellor,  than  the 
monarch  whom  he  had  just  defied.  He  suggested  that 
Louis  should  seize  an  opportunity,  when  the  campaign 
had  opened,  to  apply  for  a  safe-conduct  for  an  em- 
bassy. The  message  might  be  addressed  to  the  Lord 
Howard  or  the  Lord  Stanley.  In  the  mean  time  the 
way  would  be  made  smooth.  Three  hundred  crowns 
and  thirty  ells  of  crimson  velvet  rewarded  this  hint, 
a  much  larger  recompense  being  promised  in  case  of 
success.  Care  was  taken  to  prevent  any  communica- 
tion with  the  herald  before  his  departure ;  but  when 
Louis  returned  to  the  assembly,  his  eyes,  less  reticent 
than  his  lij)s,  proclaimed  his  satisfaction  with  the 
interview.*" 

From  Beauvais  he  now  proceeded  to  Compiegne, 
his  favorite  post  of  observation.  He  took  with  him 
four  thousand  lances  and  infantry  in  proportion, 
which  he  distributed  among  the  neighboring  places 
as  far  in  advance  as  Noyon.  His  immediate  reserves 
were  in  Normandy ;  but  he  had  a  force  stationed  in 
Poitou  to  look  after  the  Bretons,  and  another  in 
Guienne,  where  the  English  rule  had  left  its  traces 
among  the  seafaring  and  commercial  population  of 


45  «  pm-io  al  Rcy  in  secreto  bene     vero,  DcpCchcs  Milanaises,  torn.  i. 
due  here."  Letter  of  Francesco  Ro-     p.  206. 

"  Commines,  torn.  i.  pp.  338-340 


4» 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


IMPORTANT  CAPTURE. 


171 


the  coast  towns.*^  Notice  of  a  general  levy  had  also 
been  given,  but  not  yet  enforced,  this  questionable 
resort  being  left  till  all  others  should  have  failed. 
The  quiet  throughout  the  kingdom  was  profound ; 
but  no  one  doubted,  Louis  least  of  all,  that  a  single 
mischance  would  suffice  to  break  the  charm  and  set 
a  host  of  malevolent  spirits  in  commotion.  His  own 
attitude,  so  vigilant,  so  resolute,  was  the  sole  restrain- 
ing power.''^  The  Bretons  had  sent  word  to  Edward 
that  they  must  still  dissimulate  for  a  while,  but  that 
the  plots  they  were  weaving  would  speed  all  the 
better.^**  In  truth,  however,  they  were  completely 
cowed.  Louis  had  cut  through  the  meshes.  "  I  will 
have  no  more  trickeries,"  he  had  told  them ;  "  accept 
my  offers  or  leave  them ! "  ^° 

By  way  of  feeling  the  enemy  he  allowed  a  skir- 
mishing party  to  be  sent  out  from  Noyon.  It  fell 
upon  some  English  foragers  and  rode  them  down.'^^ 
They  however  carried  off  a  prisoner  —  a  servant  of 
Jacques  de  Grassay,  one  of  the  nobles  of  the  guard. 
Being  the  first  they  had  made,  he  was  set  free 
after  having  been  interrogated  by  Edward  and 
Charles.  Lords  Howard  and  Stanley  spoke  to  him 
in  private,  gave  him  each  a  gold  noble,  and  bade 
him  carry  their  compliments  to  his  master.  Eager 
to  earn  a  second  reward  by  delivering  the  message, 
he  hastened  to  Compiegne  and  asked  for  an  audi- 
ence.     Louis,  whose  faithful   memory   recalled   the 


4T^ 
if 


1 1 


\   I 


*'  DepC'chcs  ^lilanaises,  ubi  supra.  Preuves,  p.  cccliii. 

■"*  See  the  remarks  of  Basin,  torn.  *"  Duclos,  torn.  iii.  Preuves. 

ii.  p.  362.  '^'  DepCches   Milanaises,   torn.  i. 

*"  llist.  de   Bourgogne,  tcm.  iv.  p.  207. 


172 


INVASION  OF  FEAITCF. 


[BOOK  IV. 


fact  that  Gras.ay  had  a  brother  in  uie  service  of  the 
duke  of  Eiittanv,  felt  .;c  ne  momentar}'^  misgivings. 
He  took  the  precaiiticii  of  having  the  man  hand- 
cuffed before  admitting  him  to  his  closet.  But  as  soon 
as  he  had  told  his  story  the  irons  were  taken  off. 
He  had  left  the  English  camp  after  the  repulse  at 
Saint-Quentin  and  whert  the  duke  of  Burgundy  was 
on  the  point  of  starting  for  Valenciennes.^'  Louis 
pondered  a  moment  and  came  to  the  conclusion  to 
strike  at  once.  The  mode  was  still  to  bu  considered. 
It  was  his  usual  hour  of  breakfasc.  As  he  sat  down 
to  table  liis  preoccupation  betrayed  itself  in  grimaces 
and  gestures  which,  in  a  company  less  familiar  with 
his  eccentricities,  raight  have  provoked  some  doubts 
of  his  sanity.  Presently  he  whispered  to  Commines, 
who  rose  and  retired  to  his  own  apartment,  where 
he  sent  for  a  person  with  whom  the  king  had  once 
happened  to  converse,  a  valet  belonging  to  one  of 
the  courtiers.  He  was  soon  found ;  but  when  told 
that  he  had  been  selected  to  carry  a  message  into 
the  enemy's  camp  at  the  risk  of  being  treated  as  a 
S23y,  he  displayed  such  an  extreme  consternation 
that.  Commines,  after  long  endeavoring  to  reassure 
him,  reported  him  as  destitute  of  the  capacity  for 
such  a  mission,  and  suggested  several  others  as  better 
qualified.  But  the  positive  king,  who  had  mean- 
while retired  to  his  closet,  would  hear  of  no  other. 
"  He  is  my  man ;  bring  liim  hither ! "  He  had 
noticed  the   smooth    accent    and    adroit  tongue   of 

*-  Cent".  Commines  (ubi  infra)  and  the  Anciennc  Chronique,  Lenglet, 
torn.  ii.  p.  217. 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


MESSENGER  EROM  LOUIS. 


173 


the  born  diplomatist  in  happy  ronjm-»otioa  vat'i  un 
obscure  condition.  Thvr  felLw  entered;  afo.'  vordi? 
from  the  royal  lips  —  soft  but  penetrating  ~  a;;:]  K^ 
form  straightened,  his  countenance  briirtitcheJ,  I'.e 
appeared  to  Commines  like  a  different  |f  ;'H')n.  Rib 
instructions  were  given  him;  let  him  ]>rr.  [-jr  and 
his  fortune  was  made.  A  herald's  coat  w.;  ^  h^istily 
patched  up  out  of  an  old  banner  of  arms  —  for  the 
negligent  Louis  had  with  him  none  of  the  regular 
functionaries  so  conspicuous  at  other  courts  —  and 
the  equipment  was  completed  by  borrowing  from  an 
officer  of  the  admiral  an  email  with  appropriate 
colors.  These  articles  having  been  packed  in  a  bag, 
the  emissary  was  smuggled  down  to  a  back  door, 
where  a  horse  stood  in  readiness.  Two  or  three 
persons  only  were  cognizant  of  the  matter.  Had  it 
got  abroad,  it  would  have  given  birth  to  a  thousand 
surmises.^^ 

On  reaching  the  English  outposts,  sor^e  three 
or  four  leagues  distant,  the  pretended  herald  was 
stopped  and  questioned.  He  persuoriled  b  j  captors 
to  conduct  him  to  the  noblemen  ."'tl  whom  he  had 
been  ordered  to  communicate.  Hi  reception  plainly 
indicated  that  some  such  arrival  had  been  expected ; 
and  after  a  brief  con  jrsation  and  a  boii  itiful  repast, 
he  was  taken  to  the  pavilion  over  which  floated  the 
standard  of  Saint  George.  Here  too  the  difficulties 
of  his  mission  had  been  already  removed.  Edward, 
who  had  just  ris<  n  from  table,  listened  benignly  to  a 
message,  the  same   in  substance   as  he   had  before 


'I  : 


-iiiHi 


I   «1 
1    *'«*.. 


I      /■  1 


'^  Commines,  torn.  i.  pp.  348-350. 


174 


INVASION   OF  FRANCE. 


[BOOK  IV. 


CHAP,  vn 


received  through  his  own  herald.  A  safe-conduct  in 
blank  was  immediately  drawn  up,  the  neighborhood 
of  Amiens,  as  convenient  for  both  parties  and  yet 
conveniently  remote  from  both,  being  named  as  the 
place  of  meeting.  Lord  Howard,  —  best  known  to 
English  readers  as  the  "  Jocky  of  Norfolk "  slain  at 
Bosworth,  —  Morton,  master  of  the  rolls,  afterwards 
chancellor,  primate,  and  cardinal,  with  two  others, 
were  appointed  commissioners  on  the  part  of  Ed- 
ward. Their  instructions  set  forth,  as  his  grounds 
for  assenting  to  the  proposal,  the  forlorn  condition 
of  his  army,  the  "  nigh  approach  of  winter,"  and  the 
small  assistance  he  had  received  from  his  allies^*  — 
the  set  phrases,  in  short,  which  had  been  invented 
and  put  into  his  mouth  by  the  ingenious  monarch 
of  France.  The  English  herald  returned  with  the 
emissary  of  Louis  to  complete  the  arrangements.'^^ 

No  time  was  lost.  On  the  very  next  day,  the  14th 
of  August,^"  the  conference  began.  The  French 
embassy  was  headed  by  the  Sire  de  Saint-Pierre, 
seneschal  of  Normandy.  As  had  been  anticipated,  the 
English  opened  the  proceedings  with  a  demand  for 
the  restoration  of  their  former  possessions  in  France. 
This  formal  attack  having  been  made  and  parried 
with  a  becoming  affectation  of  warmth,  the  real  busi- 
ness was  eagerly  taken  in  hand.  Edward  and  his 
counsellors  had  made  a  calculation  of  the  bargain 
they  might  hope  to  drive.    A  payment  in  hand  of 

^*  Rymer,  vol.  xii.  These  may,  however,  generally  be 

'^'  Commiues,    torn.    i.   pp.  350-  determine  1  by  a  careful  comparison 

352.  —  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  of  his  narrative  with  the  particulars 

p.  207.  derived  from  documentary  sources. 
''•*  Commines  seldom  gives  dates. 


sevent 

for  an 

joint  1 

marria] 

Elizabe 

younii: 

riageal 

EnglisL 

derers ! 

in  whi( 

necessil 

They   i 

Whate^ 

keep  tl 

concess: 

not  a  r 

I  will  pi 

which  I 

sion  of 

envoys 

close   tl: 

secretly 

at  least 

the  mini 

silent  ai 

Mean^ 

the  abai 

himself 

home. 

that  the 

"  Instruct 


CHAP,  vin] 


NEGOTIATIONS  OPENLD. 


175 


seventj-five  thousand  crowns,  a  bond  with  securities 
for  an  annual  pension  of  fifty  thousand  during  the 
joint  lives  of  the  two  monarch  ,  and  a  contract  of 
marriage  between  the  dauphin  and  the  Princess 
Elizabeth,  —  not  forgetting  a  maintenance  for  the 
young  lady  until  she  should  have  reached  a  mar- 
riageable age,  —  comprised  the  terms  on  which  the 
English  would  "incontinently  withdraw."^'  Blun- 
derers !  Imbeciles  !  Eaw  and  inexpert  in  the  traffic 
in  which  they  were  engaged,  unsuspicious  of  the 
necessities  and  the  disposition  of  the  opposite  party ! 
They  might  safely  have  doubled  their  demands. 
Whatever  haggling  ensued  was  designed  merely  to 
keep  them  in  the  dark  as  to  the  cheapness  of  their 
concessions.  "  Give  them  whatever  they  ask  —  only 
not  a  rood  of  territory,  rather  than  part  with  which 
I  will  put  everything  at  stake,"  was  the  principle  on 
which  Louis  had  instructed  his  agents.  In  the  effu- 
sion of  heart  produced  by  their  success  the  English 
envoys  intimated  their  master's  willingness  to  dis- 
close the  names  of  the  Fiench  vassals  who  had 
secretly  promised  him  their  assistance.  This  offer, 
at  least  one  degree  baser  than  anything  to  which 
the  ministers  of  Louis  were  accustomed,  was  heard  in 
silent  amazement.^^ 

Meanwhile  Edward  was  preparing  his  army  for 
the  abandonment  of  the  enterprise,  and  providing 
himself  with  a  justification  to  be  used  on  his  return 
home.  His  troops  were  familiarized  with  the  notion 
that  the  project  was  impracticable  and  their  situation 


■'■h'"'' 


^'J  •.^-. 


*^  Instructions,  in  Rymer,  vol.  xii.      **  Commines,  torn.  i.  pp.  355,  356. 


176 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


IHOOK  IV. 


hopeless.  Mischance  and  treachery  had  conspired 
against  them.  The  summer  was  already  over ;  they 
were  unprovided  for  a  winter  campaign ;  the  duke 
of  Burgundy  had  no  forces  to  succor  them ;  the 
Bretons  had  made  a  sejiarate  peace ;  Saint-Pol  had 
diverted  them  from  their  proper  road,  and  led  them 
dancing  after  a  will-o'-the-wisp,  till  they  were  landed 
m  a  bog.  What  remained  for  them  but  to  pick  their 
way  out  ?  The  captains,  assembled  under  the  pre- 
text of  a  consultation,  were  reminded  that  they  had 
received  six  months'  pay  in  advance  and  had  served 
only  as  many  weeks  —  which  made  it  all  the  clearer 
that  any  further  efforts  would  be  useless.  A  remon- 
strance to  this  effect  was  accordingly  presented.  This 
would  pledge  them  to  jDroclaim  at  home  the  neces- 
sity for  their  return,  and  thus  conduct  away  that 
popular  wrath  which  was  wont  to  smite  so  terribly 
after  national  disappointment  and  disgrace.^'' 

But  would  it  serve  also  as  a  shield  against  the 
reproaches  of  a  deceived  and  discontented  ally? 
Charles,  who  had  taken  his  departure  on  the  12th,"° 
was  now  at  Valenciennes,  holding  an  assembly  of  the 
States  of  Iluinault.  His  intercourse  with  that  prov- 
ince was  attended  with  none  of  the  vexations  which 
he  experienced  in  Flanders.  The  people  were  in- 
deed conspicuous  for  their  attachment  to  the  sov- 
ereign and  their  hostility  to  the  French.  During  the 
late  troubles  every  incursion  in  this  direction  had 
been  vigorously  repulsed.     The  patriotic  service  thus 

**  Hayiun,  torn.  ii.  pp.  287,  288.        ^  Ancienne  Chronique,  Lenglet, 
—  Molinet,  torn.  i.  p.  144.  —  Com-     torn.  ii.  p.  217. 
mines,  tom.  i.  p.  385. 


CHAP.  VIII.]        CHARLES  IN  THE  ENGLISH  CAMP. 


177 


rendered  was  now  heartily  acknowledged  by  Charles, 
whose  fresh  requisitions  for  money  and  troops  met 
with  a  prompt  and  liberal  response."^  A  few  days 
sufficed  for  the  despatch  of  his  business,  when  he 
again  set  out  for  the  English  camp,  intending  to 
start  the  operations  in  this  quarter  before  going  to 
take  command  of  his  own  army. 

On  the  evening  of  the  18th  he  arrived  at  Peronne, 
where  he  slept.  He  spent  the  morning  of  the  19th 
at  the  English  head-quarters,  had  an  interview  with 
Edward,  and  returned  to  pass  the  night  at  Peronne."^ 
We  are  led  to  infer  that  it  was  not  until  the  after- 
noon of  the  next  day  that  he  was  enlightened  as  to 
the  events  which  had  occurred  during  his  absence. 
In  a  written  communication  —  perhaps,  however, 
verbally  delivered,  since  it  bears  no  signature  or 
address  —  he  was  informed  that  the  English  mon- 
arch, constrained  by  the  representations  of  his  army, 
had  consented  to  a  negotiation.  But,  ever  grateful 
to  his  dearest  brother  of  Burgundy,  he  had  taken 
care  to  stipulate  that  the  latter,  if  such  were  his 
pleasure,  should  be  included  in  the  truce.  It  was 
not  without  very  great  exertions  that  this  concession 
had  been  obtained  from  the  French  king,  who  had 
further  agreed  to  accept  the  arbitration  of  the  king 
of  England  in  his  disputes  with  the  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy. On  both  these  points  Charles  was  now 
requested  to  signify  his  will  and  pleasure.*'^ 


"ism 


f 


'i-^i 


*"  Gachard,  note  to  Barante,  torn.    torn.  ii.  p.  217. 
ii.  p.  474.  ^■■'  Haynin,  torn.  ii.  pp.  288,  289. 

"*  Ancienne  Chronique,  Lenglet, 
VOL.  III.  23 


•I' 


178 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


[BOOK  IV. 


CHAP.  Vll 


•  Followed  by  a  luindful  of  attendants,  ho  rode  back 
•with  the  liiiste  which  may  bo  imagined,  and  entered 
unannounced  the  royal  pavilion.  His  eye  proclaimed 
hi.s  errand.  Edward,  who  sat  surrounded  by  his 
nobles,  would  fain  have  avoided  the  storm.  Tic  has- 
tened to  inquire  whether  his  dearest  brother  would 
not  prefer  a  private  interview.  Breathless  and  ab- 
sorbed, Charles  scarcely  heard  him.  "  Is  it  true  ? 
Have  you  made  a  peace  ? "  he  asked.  The  king 
began  to  repeat  his  protestations  and  excuses.  He 
was  interrupted  by  a  flood  of  invective,  delivered  in 
English  in  order  that  it  might  be  understood  by  all, 
and  rendered,  doubtless,  more  forcible  and  pungent 
by  the  foreign  accent.  He  was  bitterly  taunted  with 
his  lack  of  honor  and  good  faith.  His  pusillanimity 
was  cuttingly  contrasted  with  the  heroism  of  former 
Edwards.  His  offers  were  scornfully  rejected.  "  Ne- 
gotiate for  me  !  Arbitrate  for  me !  Did  you  come 
here  on  mf/  affairs  ?  Is  it  /  who  have  claimed  the 
crown  of  France  ?  Leave  me  to  make  my  own  truce ! 
I  will  wait  till  you  have  been  three  months  across 
the  sea!'"'* 

He  rushed  away  —  to  Cambray,  to  Mons,  to  Na- 
niur,  which  he  reached  on  the  evening  of  the  22d,^ 
and  whence  he  despatched  orders  to  the  towns  on 
the  frontier  to  suffer  no  intelligence  from  the  English 
army  to  be  made  public  until  it  had  been  communi- 
cated to  himself.*'"    By  this  precaution  and  others  of 


"^  Coramines,  torn.  i.  pp.  361, 362.        "  Gachard,  note  to  Barante,  torn. 
^*  Ancienne  Chronique,  Lenglet,    ii.  p.  478. 
torn.  ii.  p.  217. 


CHAP,  vii..]      DISCONTENT  AMONG  THE  ENGLISH. 


170 


the  like  nature  he  sought  to  soften  the  bad  impres- 
sion which  the  news  might  produce  upon  his  subjects 
at  home.  As  to  making  any  attempt  to  avert  the 
catastrophe,  to  compete  with  Louis  in  the  arts  of 
seduction,  the  thought  assuredly  never  crossed  his 
mind.  He  had  behaved  hkt  an  outraged  lover  rather 
than  a  cool  politician,  throwing  up  his  claim  in  dis- 
gust on  the  proof  or  acknowledgment  of  .in  intended 
infidelity.  His  burst  of  clioler  could  inflict  no  injury 
on  its  object.  It  might  easily  have  provoked  a  smile. 
Secretly,  however,  it  had  left  a  sting.  From  that  day 
forth  Edward  had  no  stronger  feeling  than  hatred  of 
his  brother-in-law.  Among  a  portion  of  the  English 
nobles  the  effect  was  different.  Latent  sentiments  of 
shame  and  discontent  had  been  roused.  "  The  duke 
of  Burgundy  has  spoken  well !  "  was  the  exclamation 
of  many  who  had  heard  him,  amongst  them  the  duke 
of  Gloucester.®'' 

It  seemed,  indeed,  incredible  that,  after  such  an- 
nouncements, such  preparations,  the  expedition  should 
return  without  a  single  achievement  or  a  single  effort. 
It  was  contrary  to  all  experience.'"'^  At  the  French 
court,  where  the  possible  results  of  an  encounter  had 
been  best  appreciated,  the  wonder  was  proportionally 
strong.  When  the  royal  council  was  called  together, 
some  of  the  members  expressed  their  belief  that  the 
English  were  only  concocting  a  ruse.     But  the  kin 


i  I 


'-"an 


if" 


n 


^^  Commines,  torn.  i.  p.  362  et  al.  retourner  k  ousi  peu  besougnier  en 

^^  "  On  ne  vit  onques  si  grande  fet  de  gerre."    Haynin,  torn.  ii.   p. 

asanblee  ne  si  grosse  armee,  mise  290.  —  See  also  Basin,  torn.  ii.  p. 

sus  h  si  grand  frcs  et  despens,  s'en  359. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


/. 


^.^Jk 


1.0 


1.1 


11.25 


lfi|2£    12.5 


1.4 


1.6 


Hiotographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WIST  MAIN  STRKT 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(7I6)«73-4S03 


5t 


A^ 


o^ 


^ 


180 


INVASION   OF  FRANCE. 


[BOOK  IV. 


CHAP,  vn 


set  the  matter  in  its  true  light,  as  accordant  with 
facts  and  with  the  laws  of  nature.  "  The  French  win- 
ter begins  in  August,  the  duke  of  Burgundy  has  lost 
his  army,  and  —  my  brother  of  England  loves  pleas- 
ure and  ease."  ^^  Triumphant  Louis !  He  had  so 
often  longed  for  the  opportunity  to  make  a  secure 
peace  with  the  English, —  to  come  face  to  face  with 
them  and  tr}''  whether  their  stern  nature  could  not 
be  melted, —  and  here  and  thus  the  opportunity  had 
come !  And  how  pleasant  to  think  that  it  was  his 
cousin  of  Burgundy  who  had  contrived  it,  who  had 
brought  the  wax  to  the  flame,  the  acid  to  the  alkali ! 
He  was  now  in  a  flutter  lest  something  should  go 
wrong,  some  mischance  intervene.  His  coffers  being 
drained,  and  the  time  being  so  short,  the  money  had 
to  be  raised  by  extraordinary  expedients.  For  this 
purpose  he  had  already  despatched  his  chancellor  to 
Paris,''"  and,  in  case  his  own  presence  should  be  need- 
ed, had  followed  him  as  far  as  Senlis,  whence  he  wrote 
to  him,  under  date  of  August  23d,  in  these  terms :  "  I 
send  you  a  duplicate  of  the  letters  I  have  just  re- 
ceived from  Monsieur  de  Saint-Pierre.  I  thank  God, 
Our  Lady,  and  Monseigneur  Saint  Martin  for  the 
good  news  they  contain.  We  must  have  the  whole 
sum  at  Amiens  before  Friday  evening,  besides  what 
will  be  wanted  for  private  gratifications  to  my  Lord 


*®  "  Allcgua  la  disposition  du 
temps  et  la  saison,  .  .  .  les  mauvais 
tours  que  leur  avoit  faictz  le  due  de 
Bourgogne ; .  .  .  aussi  le  Roy  avoit 
bonne  congnoissance  de  la  personne 
du  roy  d'Angleterre,  lequel  aytnoit 


fort  ses  ayses  et  ses  plaisirs."  Com- 
miues,  torn.  i.  p.  356.  —  If  Corn- 
mines  himself  was  partially  gulled, 
this  is  only  a  crowning  tribute  to 
the  art  of  his  master. 
"">  De  Troyes,  p.  119. 


,.af 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


CROSS-PLOTS. 


181 


Howard  and  the  others  who  have  had  a  share  in  the 
arrangement.  I  beseech  you,  therefore,  as  you  value 
my  welfare,  my  honor,  and  that  of  all  my  kingdom, 
use  your  best  diligence  and  let  there  be  no  fault ;  for, 
if  any  should  occur  in  this  present  need,  it  would  do 
me  irreparable  damage.  It  is  also  necessary  to  have 
the  great  seal,  for  they  will  put  no  confidence  in  any 
other.  If,  therefore,  you  are  not  coming  soon,  send 
it  immediately  by  some  good  and  sure  hand.  Do 
not  fail  in  this,  that  there  may  be  no  pretext  for  a 
rupture  of  what  had  been  already  settled."  ^^ 

Although  he  had  no  real  cause  for  anxiety,  it  was 
the  fact  that  an  attempt  was  being  made  to  cross  his 
manoeuvres.  Rumors  of  the  negotiation  had  reached 
the  constable  and  filled  him  with  alarm.  Of  all 
contingencies  this  was  the  one  for  which  he  was 
least  prepared.  Had  the  invaders  succeeded  in  mak- 
ing an  impression,  he  could  still  have  united  with 
them ;  had  they  met  with  a  disaster,  he  could  have 
joined  zealously  in  running  them  down.  He  might 
thus  have  avoided  the  rocks  on  either  hand ;  v/hat 
he  had  not  anticipated  was  a  sudden  fall  of  th  tide 
which  would  leave  him  stranded  between  them.  He 
made  frantic  efforts  to  retard  it,  resorting  to  his  old 
practices,  and  addressing  himself  simultaiieously  to 
Charles,  to  Louis,  and  to  Edward.  He  entreated  the 
English  monarch  not  to  be  discouraged,  warned  him 
against  the  allurements  of  the  cunning  foe,  and  ad- 
vised him  as  to  the  mode  of  stemming  his  embarrass- 

''  Legrand    MSS.  torn,  xviii. —     Louis  still  extant  that  have    not 
This  is    one  of  the  few  letters  of    been  printed. 


"ymi 


]''.  I  4 1 


i  'Li' 


%H 


,1111 


ii  I 


','  Ii 


>  '',-'*]' 


182. 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


[book  IV. 


ments.  Let  him  retire  towards  the  coast,  seize  a  few 
small  places,  such  as  Eu  and  Valery  (which  Louis, 
however,  anticipating  the  suggestion,  had  already 
given  orders  to  burn  if  any  such  movement  were 
attempted),  and,  thus  sheltered,  await  the  result  of 
new  combinations.  In  a  few  weeks  he  would  find  his 
way  open,  and  meanwhile,  if  he  stood  in  need  of 
money,  Saint-Pol  would  supply  him  with  a  loan.^^ 
The  message  sent  to  Louis  was  an  offer  to  assist  in 
the  negotiation  of  a  peace.  It  would  not  do  to  be  too 
hasty  or  too  sanguine.  The  very  straits  in  which 
the  English  were  placed  might  drive  them  to  some 
violent  remedy.  It  would  be  best  to  make  them  an 
offer  of  some  imimportant  places,  let  them  settle 
down  quietly,  and  by  the  time  the  season  was  over 
they  would  be  glad  of  an  excuse  for  taking  their  de- 
parture. 

Louis  availed  himself  of  this  communication  to  for- 
ward a  side  purpose  of  his  own.  He  contrived  a 
little  scene  in  which  business  and  pleasure  were  ad- 
mirably blended.  Among  the  Burgundian  prisoners 
taken  in  the  combat  before  Arras  was  the  Sire  de 
Contay,  of  a  high  family  o,nd  personally  distinguished. 
He  had  been  treated  with  great  consideration,  had 
been  allowed  to  go  and  come  on  his  parole,  and  had 
received  the  promise  of  an  easy  ransom.  The  king 
in  fact  intended  to  use  him  as  a  medium  for  reopen- 
ing negotiations  with  Charles  as  soon  as  the  present 
squall  should  have  blown  over.  One  main  feature 
in  any  future  truce  must  be  a  provision  for  disposing 

"  Commines,  torn.  i.  p.  364. 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


BY-PLAY. 


183 


of  Saint-Pol.  When  the  constable's  agent,  Louis  de 
Xainv'Ue,  was  admitted  to  an  audience,  a  screen 
behind  the  royal  seat  concealed  two  auditors  of  the 
interview,  Commine-  and  the  Sire  de  Contay.  Xain- 
ville,  who  had  just  before  returned  from  a  mission  to 
the  duke  of  Burgundy,  began  by  stating  its  purpose 
and  result.  He  had  gone,  as  he  pretended,  to  pro- 
pose to  Charles  to  abandon  the  English  and  even  to 
cooperate  in  attacking  them.  He  had  very  nearly 
succeeded.  The  duke  was  still  boiling  with  indigna- 
tion at  the  bad  faith  and  cowardice  of  his  ally.  These 
particulars,  whether  believed  or  not,  were  listened  to 
with  so  much  interest  that  the  envoy,  charmed  at 
the  opportunity  of  creating  a  favorable  impression, 
was  induced  to  give  a  dramatic  form  to  his  narrative. 
He  imitated  Charles's  voice  and  gestures,  stamped  the 
ground,  swore  by  Saint  George,  and  talked  of  the  up- 
start Englishman,  calling  him  "  Blackburn,"  in  allusion 
to  a  well-known  piece  of  scandal.  The  king  was  de- 
lighted. Nothing,  in  fact,  could  be  more  genuine  than 
his  enjoyment,  for  he  was  laughing  at  as  well  as  with 
the  performer.  "  Louder,  monsieur !  louder,  my  good 
friend  !  I  begin  to  grow  a  little  deaf"  The  repetition 
thus  called  for  was  given  in  a  higher  key  and  with 
additional  touches.  Behind  the  screen,  Contay  was 
bursting  with  suppressed  rage ;  while  Louis,  doubly 
amused,  laughed  till  the  tears  ran  down. 

His  good  humor  received  a  check  when,  the  prel- 
ude having  ended,  the  proper  business  of  the  inter- 
view came  to  be  discussed.  At  the  suggestion  that 
he  should  allow  the  English  to  get  a  footing  on  the 


■i:l  ■ 


■«-«^JI 


li"  : 


.li!  |- 


iii 


i:     I 


184 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


[BOOK  nr. 


!  \'rf: 


French  soil,  his  counteniince  blackened.  It  required 
his  strongest  efforts  to  control  a  burst  of  passion  more 
violent  and  more  ludicrous  than  that  of  which  he  had 
just  witnessed  the  caricature.  The  double-dyed  trai- 
tor !  How.  much  longer  must  vengeance  be  delayed  ? 
But  let  it  not  be  put  to  hazard  by  a  premature  dec- 
laration !  In  a  cold  but  steady  voice  he  dismissed 
the  envoy,  promising  to  send  an  answer  to  "his 
brother"  by  a  messenger  of  his  own.  Contay  then 
came  forward  to  entreat  that  he  might  be  suffered 
to  take  horse  at  once,  and  carry  to  his  master  the 
account  of  this  outrage.  He  was  made  the  bearer 
of  a  friendly  message.  The  royal  views  were  ex- 
plained to  him.  If  the  object  were  attained  he  should 
have  his  freedom,  without  ransom,  and  a  handsome 
present.^"' 

During  this  by-play  the  main  action  had  not  lan- 
guished. A  treaty  had  been  draughted  providing  for 
a  truce  of  seven  years,  with  complete  freedom  of  in- 
tercourse and  trade  between  the  two  nations.  The 
pecuniary  arrangements  formed  the  subject  of  a  sep- 
arate instrument ;  while  it  was  stipulated  in  a  third, 
which  took  the  form  of  a  treaty  of  confederation,  that 
the  two  sovereigns  should  render  mutual  aid  against 
their  rebellious  subjects,  and  that,  if  either  of  them 
were  expelled  from  his  dominions,  he  should  be  shel- 
tered in  those  of  the  other  and  aided  in  the  recovery 
of  his  throne.''*  In  other  words,  Edward,  presaging  a 
second  exile  as  among  the  possible  consequences  of 
these  proceedings,  and  having  no  longer  any  claim 


'Si- 
■fli 


"  Commines,  torn.  i.  pp.  356-359.        "  Lenglet,  torn.  iii.  pp.  397-406. 


I    1 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


ARRANGEMENT  CONCLUDED. 


185 


to  the  protection  of  Burgundy,  had  secured  for  him 
self  a  retreat  at  the  French  court  and  a  second  res- 
toration, under  French  auspices.  And  yet  in  the 
very  instrument  in  which  he  stooped  to  this  acknowl- 
edgment of  his  danger  and  dependence,  he  still 
adhered  to  the  empty  pretensions  on  which  his  en- 
terprise had  been  founded,  arrogating  to  himself  the 
title  of  "  King  of  France  and  England,"  and  leaving 
to  the  monarch  whose  pensionary  he  had  become  and 
whose  favor  he  was  soliciting  the  vague  designation 
of  "  the  illustrious  prince,  Louis  of  France." 

In  order  to  confer  some  ecM  on  the  arrangement 
and  cover  up  its  true  character  as  much  as  possible,  it 
was  agreed  that  the  sovereigns  should  meet  at  the 
head  of  their  respective  forces  and  exchange  the  rati- 
fications in  person.'*  Picquigny  on  the  Somme,  three 
leagues  below  Amiens,  was  fixed  upon  as  the  spot.  A 
bridge  was  thrown  across  the  river,  and  a  barrier 
erected  in  the  centre  with  a  lattice-work  as  strong  as 
that  of  a  lion's  cage,  but  sufficiently  open  to  allow 
the  French  king  at  least  to  pass  his  meagre  arm 
between  the  bars.  He  forbade  the  construction  of 
the  gate  which  it  was  usual  to  insert,  not  caring  to 
give  too  much  scope  to  his  own  impulsive  spirit.  On 
the  side  of  the  English  the  freedom  from  all  distrust 
amounted  to  recklessness.  From  the  moment  when 
it  had  become  known  that  a  treaty  was  in  progress 

^*  According    to    the    Milanese  of  combating  —  '*  alcun  semiblante 
agent,    Francesco    Rovero,   whose  di   combatere"  —  before  the   inter- 
letter  is  dated  August  20,  the  two  view.    Depcches  Milanaises,  torn.  i. 
armies  were  to  approach  each  other  p.  207. 
in  battle  array  and  make  a  pretence 
VOL.  III.                   24 


/,•• 


.'if'" 


^ 


186 


INVASION  OF  FKANCE. 


[book  IV. 


■Man. 


ni 


discipline  had  been  wholly  cast  aside.  As  the  territo- 
ry around  the  camp  belonged  to  Saint-Pol,  there  was 
some  excuse  for  the  depredations  committed  by  the 
troops.  But  their  maltreatment  of  the  Burgundian 
subjects  who  brought  them  their  supplies,  whether 
instigated  by  arrogance  or  by  spite,  was  alike  inex- 
cusable and  impolitic.'"  No  order,  no  precautions, 
were  observed  on  the  march.  Their  leaders,  Edward 
himself,  had  lost  all  authority  over  them.  When 
they  came  in  front  of  Amiens,  they  flocked  across  the 
bridges  as  if  they  had  been  disbanded  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  their  homes.  Louis,  who  had  arrived  a 
day  or  two  before,  gave  orders  for  receiving  them 
hospitably.  Tables  were  set  in  the  streets,  and  the 
tavern-keepers  were  bidden  to  satisfy  all  demands 
without  charge.  So  dense  was  the  influx  that  the 
inhab*  ^  became  alarmed  and  the  king  himself  felt 
some  .  ei^^iness.  He  went  in  person  to  one  of  the 
gates,  and  had  his  dinner  brought  to  him  at  the 
porter's  lodge.  Yet  he  refused  to  impose  any  restric- 
tions or  to  use  his  own  troops  for  enforcing  order. 
Edward,  when  informed  of  what  was  going  on,  sent 
a  message  requesting  him  to  drive  the  rabble  out. 
"  Not  for  the  world  ! "  was  the  polite  answer ;  "  but 
if  my  brother  pleases,  he  may  send  some  archers  of 
his  own  guard  to  hold  the  gates  and  determine  who 
shall  pass."  This  state  of  things  lasted  three  or  four 
days.'''' 

On   the  morning  of  the  29th  Louis  rode  over  to 
Picquigny  escorted  by  some  fifteen  hundred  troops. 


"  Molinet,  torn.  i.  p.  146. 


"  Comtnines,  torn.  i.  pp.  3G3-367. 


wmg. 


OKAP.  viii.J      MEETING  OF  EDWARD  AND  LOUIS. 


187 


iV  to 
)ops. 

J6". 


His  whole  army  was  advantageously  posted  along  the 
left  bank  of  the  river,  while  the  side  on  which  the 
English  made  their  approach  presented  an  expanse 
of  swamps  traversed  by  a  single  causeway.     Had  he 
felt  the  least  inclination  to  foul  play,  the  opportunities 
were  abundant.     But  nothing  could  be  further  from 
his  thoughts.     He  stepped  upon  the  bridge  with  a 
dozen  attendants,  four  of  them  Englishmen  appointed 
to  see  that  the  proper  precautions  were  observed. 
Edward,  with  a  like  compariy,  met  him  at  the  barrier. 
After  cordial  greetings,  in  which  Louis  declared  with 
truth  that  there  was  no  man  in  the  world  whom  he 
had  so  much  desired  to  meet,  a  missal  and  a  piece  of 
the  True  Cross  were  produced,  and  the  bishop  of 
Lincoln  administered  the  oath  for  the  observance  of 
the  treaty.     Some  private  conversation  followed,  the 
attendants  on  both  sides  falling  back.     Louis  was  full 
of  pleasantries.     "Come  and  visit  me  at  Paris;  we 
have  ladies  there  who  will  entertain  you  right  mer- 
rily, and  you  shall  have  for  your  confessor  Cardinal 
Bourbon,  who  knows  how  to  lay  light  penances  for 
pleasant  sins."     He  bit  his  lip  when  he  saw  that  the 
too   attractive    proposal  had   been   taken   seriously. 
Hastily  turning  the  conversation,  he  proceeded   to 
sound  the  present  disposition  of  the  English  monarch 
towards  his  allies.     In  reference  to  the  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy the  answer  was  satisfactory,  Edward  intimat- 
ing that  he  cared  little  what   course  was  adopted. 
He  was  more  scrupulous  in  regard  to  the  duke  of 
Brittany,  who  had  a  Lancastrian  pretender  under  his 
wing.      Apprehending  the   difficulty,  Louis  immedi- 


"^n 


% 


d\\ 


'\'    :  '^•| 


188 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


[BOOK  IV, 


ately  dropped  the  subject,  and  after  some   further 
civilities  the  interview  ended/* 

In  addition  to  the  payments  stipulated  by  the 
treaty,  presents  of  money,  plate,  rich  stuffs  and 
choice  wines,  were  distributed  among  the  English 
nobles,  and  pensions  to  the  amount  of  sixteen  thou- 
sand crowns  settled  on  the  most  influential.  Even 
Gloucester  and  other  malcontents  were  induced  to 
participate.  Hostages,  of  whom  Lord  Howard  was 
the  principal,  were  left  till  the  English  should  have 
recrossed  the  channel.  Louis  was  growing  somewhat 
impatient  for  their  departure.  It  was  irksome  to  him 
to  have  to  restrain  his  mingled  feelings  of  triumph  and 
contempt.  Sarcasms  on  the  heroes  who  had  been  so 
easily  mollified  forced  a  passage  through  his  lips, 
obliging  him  the  next  instant  to  examine  every  face 
in  the  motley  crowd  by  which  he  was  continually 
surrounded.  His  guests,  on  the  other  hand,  with  a 
simplicity  unversed  in  the  hypocrisies  of  politeness, 
were  impressed  with  the  notion  that  they  could  do 
him  no  greater  favor  than  by  prolonging  their 
stay  and  making  new  demands  on  his  hospitality. 
Howard,  with  the  mere  view  of  ingratiating  himself, 
offered  to  persuade  his  master  to  accept  the  unlucky 
invitation  to  the  capital.  This  intimation  threw 
Louis  into  a  cold  sweat.  He  had  to  make  a  thou- 
sand civil  speeches,  while  explaining  that  business 
of  a  pressing  nature  would  unfortunately  compel  him 
to  turn  his  own  steps  in  a  different  direction.™ 

"  Commines,  torn.  i.  pp.  368-        "  Commines,    torn.  i.    pp.  360, 
377  ;  torn.  iii.  Preuves,  pp.  306-308.     363,  377,  378,  380. 
—  De  Troyes,  p.  119. 


ihi 


OHAF.  VIII.] 


RETURN  OF  THE  ENGLISH. 


189 


In  their  return  through  Picardy  and  the  Bou- 
lognais  the  English  paid  the  penalty  of  their  former 
outrages  on  the  population.  Their  supplies  ran  short, 
and  many  a  straggler  was  found  feet  uppermost  in 
the  hogs.^  Before  embarking  Edward  received  a 
final  letter  from  Saint-Pol,  written  in  the  rage  of 
despair  and  filled  with  reproaches  more  bitter  even 
than  those  which,  with  better  reason,  had  been 
uttered  by  the  duke  of  Burgundy.  In  the  present 
instance  he  had  the  means  of  revenge  within  reach. 
He  enclosed  the  letter,  with  others  of  an  earlier  date 
from  the  same  hand,  to  the  French  king.*'  He  sent 
also  a  message  requesting  that  Charles  should  not 
be  allowed  to  make  a  separate  peace.  If  he  should 
still  refuse  the  proffered  truce,  let  the  war  be  con- 
tinued, and  the  English  monarch  —  on  condition  that 
his  expenses  were  paid  —  would  join  in  compelling 
submission.  A  rancor  of  this  kind  far  exceeded  the 
comprehension  of  Louis.  "  God  forbid  that  they 
should  meet,"  he  innocently  remarked ;  "  they  would 
soon  be  as  good  friends  as  ever."  ^^ 


m 


.,  ■^  •»<*.* 


360, 


So  ended  —  in  the  last  extremity  of  ineffectiveness 
and  meanness — an  expedition  which  was  to  have 
eclipsed  all  former  enterprises  of  the  like  nature. 
Yet  the  end  had  been  foreshadowed  by  the  begin- 
ning. Of  all  the  parties  concerned  two  alone  had 
been  hearty  and  sincere  —  the  duke  of  Burgundy 
and  the  English  people.    The  latter,  like  the  former, 


*'  Molinet,  torn.  i.  p.  148. 
»'  De  Troyes,  pp.  120,  121. 


^*  Commines,  torn.  L  pp.  389, 390. 


190 


INVASION  OF  FRANCE. 


[book  IV. 


felt  itself  deluded  and  aggrieved.  On  his  return 
Edward  was  received  with  a  roar  of  indignation. 
What  was  he  but  a  charlatan,  a  swindler,  who  had 
promised  huge  results  and  obtained  money  under 
false  pretences  ?  lie  escaped,  it  is  true,  the  penalties 
he  had  feared,  and  had  no  occasion  to  seek  the  asy- 
lum which  he  had  taken  care  to  provide.  But  he 
sank  into  an  object  of  general  contempt,  the  close 
of  his  reign  was  enveloped  with  horrors,  and  his 
dynasty  was  already  doomed. 

In  one  sense,  however,  this  invasion  has  a  greater 
importance  than  any  previous  one.  The  very  base- 
ness and  ludicrousness  in  which  it  expired  mark 
the  change  cf  tunes.  It  was  as  if  chivalry  and  the 
Middle  Ages  had  made  their  exit  leaving  a  foul 
odor  behind.  Henceforth  France  might  go  forward 
on  her  course  without  the  perpetual  fear  of  being 
worried  and  turned  back.  Louis  had  got  rid  of  his 
old  nightmare ;  he  had  only  to  cultivate  the  con- 
nection he  had  so  happily  formed.  The  enormous 
sums  which  he  continued  to  distribute  for  this  pur- 
pose were  well  laid  out.^  Ere  long  the  English 
ministers  had  learned  to  address  him  in  strains  of 
gratitude  and  devotion  worthy  of  the  council  of 
Berne.**    Nor  was    he  less  careful  to  avoid  every 


^  See  particulars  in  Holinshed 
and  Rapin. 

**  We  have  a  specimen  in  a  le  er 
from  Hastings  (LegrandJl/iS>(S.  torn, 
xviii.),  acknowledging  a  communica- 
tion made  through  the  grand  sene- 
schal, and  the  "  very  great  and 
beautiful  present"  which  had  ac- 


companied it,  "  dont  me  doint  grace 
de  vous  faire  service  commc  j'ay  de 
ce  faire  le  vouloir  de  tout  mon 
coeur  ainsy  que  ie  luy  declaire  plus 
k  plain,"  &c.  The  date  is  Calais, 
June  27 ;  year  not  given  —  except, 
erroneously,  by  Legrand ;  but 
should  be   1478;  in  the  May  of 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


UPSHOT. 


191 


grace 
'ay  de 
mon 
plus 
Jalais, 
xcept, 
but 
ay  of 


occasion  of  arousing  the  susceptibilities  of  the 
English  nation.  Its  merchants  and  sea-captains, 
putting  their  own  construction  on  the  provisions  of 
the  treaty,  insisted  on  landing  their  cargoes  at  Bor- 
deaux and  elsewhere  without  paying  the  port  dues 
or  complying  with  any  of  the  customary  regulations; 
and  Louis,  when  applied  to,  yielded  every  point  with 
omy  the  softest  murmur  of  complaint.*'  So  effective 
was  this  policy  that  before  half  of  the  seven  years' 
truce  had  expired,  he  was  enabled  to  make  a  new 
and  closer  treaty, — a  treaty  of  peace  and  amity, —  to 
continue  in  force  during  his  own  and  Edward's  life- 
time and  for  a  hundred  years  afterwards.*^  Tri- 
umphant Louis  I 


which  year  Saint-Priest,  the  sene- 
schal of  Normandy,  went  on  a  mis- 
sion to  Calais,  where  Hastings  was 
"  captain." 

'*  Articles  presented  by  Sir  T. 
Montgomery    and    T.    Gale,  with 


replies    of   Louis,    Jan.    8,   1476, 
Legrand  MSS.  torn.  xix. 

**  Treaty  concluded  at  London, 
Feb.  13,  1478,  Lenglet,  torn.  iii.  p. 
560  et  seq. 


^'ani 


CHAPTER  IX. 

FATE  OF  8AINT-P0L.- CONQUEST  OF  LORRAINE. 

1475. 

The  Germans  on  the  one  side,  the  English  on  the 
other,  had  retired  from  the  lists ;  and,  if  none 
but  Burgundy  and  France  had  remained,  the  sports 
might  have  ended  without  the  unhorsing  of  a  single 
knight.  But  here  in  the  centre  stood  a  youthful 
champion,  a  mere  sqaire  of  arms,  still  expecting 
apparently  the  combat  d,  Voutrance. 

What  business  had  he  there  —  the  blue-eyed, 
gentle-hearted  Rene  of  Lorraine,  who  should  rather 
have  been  seeking  a  bride  to  perpetuate  his  gifted 
race?  Though  we  may  easily  conceive  that  the 
Burgundian  alliance  had  been  irksome  to  his  in- 
dependence, it  was  nevertheless  in  the  nature  of  a 
protection,  —  a  protection  not  only  against  others, 
but  against  Burgundy  itself,  —  and  he  had  regarded 
it  as  such.  Nor,  even  if  he  had  good  reasons  for 
casting  it  off,  would  these  afford  any  excuse  for 
his  unprovoked  attack.  This,  indeed,  he  clearly 
perceived;  and   he   had  accordingly  alleged  in  his 

(192) 


CHAP.  IX 

justific 

Frencl 

edge  ( 

fore  tl 

gators, 

Burgu] 

Chai 

date  o: 

that,  w 

the  CO] 

that,  if 

reparat 

joint  CO 

the  ch{ 

perial   i 

case  of 

pliance 

and  at  2 

empero: 

Still   m 

king,  as 

had  a  c 

same  gr 

up   an 

never  va 

the  Ge] 

ready  tc 

what  fo 

in  the  ik 

seeking, 

whole  li 

VOL.  Ill 


CHAP.  IX.] 


CHARLES  ANli  REN^. 


193 


justification  the  commands  of  the  emperor  and  the 
French  king,  both  of  whom  he  affected  to  acknowl- 
edge as  his  feudal  superiors.  Necessity  was  there- 
fore the  plea;  a  sound  one,  good  against  his  insti- 
gators, good  against  all  the  world  —  the  duke  of 
Burgundy  excepted. 

Charles  had  replied  in  a  public  manifesto,  under 
date  of  the  3d  of  July.  In  this  he  reminded  Rene 
that,  when  a  complaint  had  been  preferred  touching 
the  conduct  of  his  troops,  he  had  given  assurances 
that,  if  any  wrongs  had  been  done,  he  would  make 
reparation  and  provide  against  their  recurrence.  A 
joint  commission  of  inquiry  had  been  instituted  and 
the  charges  found  to  be  frivolous.  As  to  the  im- 
perial summons,  it  could  have  no  validity  in  the 
case  of  a  war  not  waged  against  the  Empire ;  com- 
pliance had  been  refused  by  several  of  the  princes ; 
and  at  all  events  this  plea  would  no  longer  avail,  the 
emperor  himself  having  now  consented  to  a  peace. 
Still  more  futile  was  the  pretext  that  the  French 
king,  as  the  suzerain  of  some  petty  fiefs  in  Lorraine, 
had  a  claim  to  the  allegiance  of  its  prince.  On  the 
same  ground  the  duke  of  Burgundy  might  have  set 
up  an  equal  or  stronger  claim ;  whereas  he  had 
never  asked  any  assistance  from  Rene  against  either 
the  Germans  or  the  French,  though  he  had  stood 
ready  to  aflbrd  assistance  whenever  required.  And 
what  force  or  value  could  any  such  pretences  have 
in  the  face  of  a  solemn  treaty,  a  treaty  of  Rene's  own 
seeking,  by  which  he  had  bound  himself,  during  his 
whole  life,  to  contract  no  engagements  and  commit 


VOL.  III. 


25 


"^ 


M'. 


Iff 


:!l|' 


ii 

Ii!! 

i.       ,■; 

194 


INVASION  OF  LORRAINE. 


[book  IV. 


no  act  prejudicial  to  the  interests  of  his  ally  ?  "  We 
therefore  summon  you"  —  so  the  missive  concludes 
— "  to  observe  your  promises  and  oaths,  to  desist 
from  your  attacks  upon  our  states  and  subjects,  to 
renounce  any  alliances  you  have  formed  with  our 
enemies,  and  to  restore  to  us  the  rights  you  have 
unlawfully  abrogated ;  failing  which,  we  shall  treat 
you  as  a  violator  of  your  faith  and  honor,  and,  with 
the  help  of  God,  will  let  you  perceive  the  difference 
between  our  friendship  and  our  enmity  ! "  ^ 

In  a  shorter  letter  addressed  to  the  count  of  Salm, 
marshal  of  Lorraine,  and  the  other  principal  nobles 
of  the  province,  they  were  reminded  of  their  own 
participation  in  the  treaty,  and  warned  against 
supporting  Rene  in  his  infractions  of  it.^ 

On  the  arrival  of  the  Burgundian  army  in  Luxem- 
bourg, Rene  retreated  into  his  own  dominions.  The 
danger  he  had  so  little  apprehended  was  now  at 
hand,  and  he  must  look  to  his  means  of  meeting  it. 
His  own  resources,  the  feudal  levies  of  the  province 
and  some  companies  of  Gascon  infantry  who  were 
receiving  his  pay,  would  be  of  little  account.  He 
must  rely  upon  those  who  had  forced  him  into  the 
affair,  and  who  had  so  earnestly  promised  that  no 
harm  should  befall  him.  The  emperor  had  already 
abandoned  him ;  but  like  the  Swiss,  though  he  had 
put  the  imperial  mandate  in  the  foreground,  it  had 
formed  the  real  basis  neither  of  his  conduct  nor  of 
his  confidence.    His  appeal  to  the  Rhine  towns  met 


'  Legrand 

M88. 

Pieces 

histo- 

«  Hugi 

nenin  jeune,  Pieces 

justi- 

riques,  torn,  xviii. 

ficatives, 

p.  347  et  seq. 

> 

« 
1 

CHAP,  nc.] 


POSITION  OF  BENfi. 


195 


with  a  hearty  and  immediate  response.  Strasburg, 
Basel,  and  the  other  members  of  the  Lower  League, 
sent  him  a  force  of  six  thousand  men,  horse  and  foot, 
under  experienced  leaders,  with  a  promise  of  larger 
aid  when  soiiig  necessary  arrangements  should  have 
been  made.^  But  his  main  dependence  was  of  course 
on  French  support.  It  was  the  influence  and  the 
guaranty  of  France  which  had  decided  his  course ; 
and  a  French  army  amply  sufficient  to  protect  him 
was  still  in  the  immediate  vicinity.  As  soon,  there- 
fore, as  Campobasso  with  a  small  detachment  had 
crossed  the  frontier,  notice  was  sent  to  Craon  in  the 
full  expectation  that  he  would  hasten  to  the  rescue. 

It  soon  appeared  that  the  French  commander  was 
acting  under  special  instructions.  His  course  was 
equivocal.  He  sent  a  private  message  to  Campo- 
basso, which  induced  the  latter  to  suspend  his  move- 
ments ;  but  he  refused  to  join  forces  with  the  duke 
of  Lorraine  or  to  concert  an}^  plan  for  repelling  the 
invasion. 

Rene  now  became  alarmed.  He  summoned  a 
council  of  his  nobles.  As  parties  to  the  Burgundian 
treaty,  most  of  them  had  a  deeper  interest  in  the 
issue  than  belonged  to  their  position  simply  as  vas- 
sals. An  adverse  result  might  involve  not  merely 
a  change  of  rule,  but  the  forfeiture  of  their  estates. 
This  consideration  inclined  them  to  act  with  pru- 
dence. Having  decided  that  the  means  for  a  com- 
bined resistance  were  inadequate,  they  requested 
permission,  after  renewing  their  vows  of  allegiance, 

^  Remy,  pp.  10, 11.  —  Chmel.  B.  I.  s.  204.  —  Rodt,  B.  I.  b.  479. 


X:^ 


ili        ^^'111 


15.6 


FLIGHT  OF  SAINT-POL. 


TBOOK  IV. 


4 


n 


to  retire  to  their  castles  and  put  them  in  a  state  of 
defence.  Rene  was  thus  left  almost  alone  with  his 
German  auxiliaries.  With  these  he  garrisoned  the 
capital  and  the  other  principal  fortresses;  and  he 
then  set  out  in  person  for  the  French  court  to  claim 
the  assistance  to  which  he  was  so  clearly  entitled.* 

After  bowing  out  his  English  visitors,  Louis  had 
set  to  work  to  sweep  away  the  litter  occasioned  by 
their  presence  and  restore  his  establishment  to  its 
wonted  order.  He  had  to  make  a  new  disposition 
of  his  troops;  to  come  to  a  fresh  understanding  with 
the  dukes  of  Burgundy  and  Brittany;  to  pounce 
here  and  there  on  some  luckless  wight  who  had 
betrayed  a  lack  of  zeal  in  the  recent  bustle ;  above 
all,  to  obtain  a  final  settlement  of  the  long  account 
with  his  faithful  constable.  His  envoys,  hangmen, 
and  other  agents  had  their  tasks  assigned  them ;  the 
bulk  of  his  army  was  sent  into  Champagne,  with 
what  precise  purpose  nobody  could  yet  tell ;  he 
himself,  at  the  head  of  a  sufficient  force,  took  his 
way  towards  Saint-Quentin  and  the  borders  of  the 
Netherlands. 

The  constable  had  already  fled.  Warnings,  scarce- 
ly needed,  had  come  to  him  from  difierent  sources. 
His  sister-in-law,  the  French  queen,  had  sent  him  a 
furtive  billet,  bidding  him  lose  no  time  if  he  regard- 
ed his  life.^  His  own  messengers  to  the  king  had 
reported,  on  their  return,  that  they  had  been  bluntly 
questioned  by  the  courtiers  as  to  the  amount  and 


*  Dialogue  entre  Lud  et  Chretien, 
pp.  21,  22.  — Remy,  p.  12. 


^  Molinet,  torn.  i.  p.  180. 


1  Mi 


CRAP.  IX.] 


FLIGHT  OF  SAINT-POL. 


197 


disposition  of  their  master's  treasure.  Louis  him- 
self, unable  to  repress  the  untimely  jest,  had  sent  him 
word,  in  answer  to  his  last  offer  of  service,  that  he 
had  better  come  in  person,  a  head  like  his  being 
greatly  needed.  At  first  a  wild  idea  of  resistance 
had  entered  his  mind.  He  would  shut  himself  up 
in  the  castle  of  Ham,  which  he  had  strongly  fortified 
with  a  view  to  some  such  emergency.  He  founds 
however,  that,  if  he  tried  this  scheme,  he  would  have 
to  run  the  risks  and  carry  on  the  defence  alone. 
Then  he  thought  of  escaping,  with  his  servants,  his 
ready  money  and  portable  eflects,  to  the  Rhineland, 
where  he  might  purchase  an  estate  and  live  in  seclu- 
sion. But  the  dangers  of  the  route,  for  one  who 
would  have  to  shun  both  French  and  Burgundians, 
were  great;  the  chance  of  finding  a  retreat  where 
neither  of  the  two  great  princes  he  had  offended 
would  be  able  to  reach  him  was  dubious  in  the 
extreme;  strongest  objection  of  all,  he  would  be 
renouncing  the  hopes  to  which  a  mind  like  his  clings 
even  in  the  hour  of  desperation.  A  position  more 
desperate  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  imagine. 
He  had  recently  lost  his  wife,  whose  voice,  however 
ineffectually,  might  have  pleaded  for  him  with  Louis. 
His  son  and  his  brother,  who  could  have  pleaded 
more  effectually  with  Charles,  were  prisoners  of  war. 
At  both  courts  the  leading  men  were  his  personal 
enemies.  Yet  between  the  two  lay  his  only  choice. 
When  this  had  become  clear  to  him  he  had  no  dif- 
ficulty in  deciding.  Charles,  with  all  his  sternness, 
was  less  venomous,  less  deadly,  than  Louis.     He  was 


'■■•"'■A  f 


'fi 


;  I  ■    li  I 
ill  '! 


198 


FLIGHT  OP  SAINT-POL. 


[book  nr. 


also  less  shrewd.  Surely  he  could  be  induced  to 
forgive  the  immediate  past  in  consideration  of  earlier 
services  and  friendship.  Perhaps  he  might  even  be 
brought  to  believe  that,  in  intention  if  not  in  act, 
Saint-Pol  had  all  along  remained  faithful  to  his 
cause.^ 

The  fugitive  took  the  road  to  Namur  and  Luxem- 
bourg. At  Binches,  just  within  the  frontier  of  Hai- 
nault,  he  waited  while  a  message  was  despatched  to 
the  duke.  When  the  answer  arrived,  he  was  desired 
to  take  up  his  residence  at  Mons.''  The  authorities 
of  the  town  received  him  with  the  outward  marks  of 
respect  due  to  his  station.  A  house  was  assigned  him ; 
wine  was  furnished  for  his  table ;  probably  he  was 
not  made  aware  that  an  officer  had  come  from  the 
court  to  arrange  with  the  magistrates  a  plan  of  sur- 
veillance.® 

Day  and  night  he  sent  off  communications  to  the 
duke "  —  fresh  promises,  fresh  offers,  which  could  now, 
however,  no  longer  delude,  since  he  had  lost  the 
power  to  fulfil  them.  The  possibility  that  the  prey 
might  escape  had  sharpened  the  eagerness  of  the 
hunter.  Louis  pressed  nearer  to  the  covert.  His 
troops  were  massed  as  if  with  the  design  of  bursting 
in.  The  duke  of  Lorraine,  who  for  several  weeks  had 
followed  him  from  place  to  place  without  being  able 
to  gain  his  attention,  was  now  supplied  with  a  force 

^  Commines,  torn.  i.  pp.  382-384,  cause  unable  to  reconcile  such  as 

392L'tscq.  —  Basin,  torn.  li.  p.  368.  are  given   in  the   authorities  with 

^  Haynin,  torn.  ii.  p.  292.  particulars  which  it  is  nevertheless 

*  Gachard,  note  to  Barante,  torn,  impossible  to  reject, 

ii.  p.  487.  —  We  suppress  dates,  be-  "  Molinet,  torn.  i.  p.  149. 


CHAP.  IX.] 


NEGOTIATIONS. 


199 


of  eight  hundred  lances,  and  encouraged  to  believe 
that  all  would  go  well.'" 

As  usual,  however,  these  military  demonstrations 
merely  covered  the  real  object.  Arrangements  had 
already  been  made,  through  Contay  and  others,  for 
a  formal  negotiation,  which  Louis,  who  had  taken  his 
post  at  Vervins,  close  upon  the  frontier  of  Hainault, 
wished  to  superintend  in  person.  He  invited  the 
Burgundian  embassy,  headed  by  the  Chancellor  Hu- 
gonet,  to  a  meeting.  One  of  the  English  hostages, 
who  stood  at  a  window  among  a  group  of  courtiers, 
beheld  with  surprise  the  splendid  body  of  borse  that 
formed  the  Burgundian  escort.  A  light  began  to 
dawn  upon  his  mind.  "Had  we  supposed,"  he  blurted 
out,  "  that  the  duke  of  Burgundy  had  many  such 
troops  as  those,  you  would  not  have  found  us  so  ready 
to  conclude  a  peacpi."  "And  were  you  so  simple," 
was  the  malicious  reply  of  the  young  Vicomte  de 
Narbonne,  son  of  the  count  of  Foix,  "  as  to  doubt  that 
he  had  plenty  of  such  troops  ?  He  was  only  giving 
them  an  interval  of  rest.  But  in  truth  you  had  so 
good  a  mind  to  return  that  it  needed  only  a  pension 
from  the  king  and  a  few  hundred  pipes  of  wine  to 
get  rid  of  you  at  once."  "  Pension ! "  retorted  the 
enra^,ed  Englishman.  "  Do  you  call  the  money  you 
give  us  a  pension  ?  No,  by  Saint  George^  it  is  tribute  ! 
Wo  were  told  that  you  would  jeer  at  us ;  but  have  a 
care,  or  you  may  chance  to  bring  us  back ! "  "  — 
Ay !  "  tribute,"   "  subsidy,"    "  subvention  j "    there  is 

"'  Dialogue  entre  Lud  et  Chrd-        "  Commines,  torn.  i.  pp.  386- 
tien,  p.  22.  —  Hemy,  p.  16.  388. 


ii''' 


'.'•"3 


i:" 


m 


200 


TREATY  OP  SOLEURB. 


[book  IV. 


nothing  in  a  name  —  except  the  subtle  influence  that 
determines  the  opinions  of  mankind. 

Louis  had  intended  to  leave  the  preliminary  discus- 
sions to  his  ministers.  After  the  first  interviev;  they 
reported  that  the  Burgundians  had  talked  in  a  very 
lofty  strain,  but  had  been  met  in  a  corresponding 
spirit.  The  king  was  disgusted.  "Big  words,"  he 
said,  "  do  not  suit  the  occasion ;  I  must  speak  with 
them  myself."  Thenceforward  all  went  smoothly.'** 
An  agreement  was  speedily  framed,  and  on  the  13th 
of  September  was  ratified  by  Charles  at  the  castle 
of  Soleure,  in  Luxembourg.  It  was  the  fifth  treaty 
between  the  parties  within  a  period  of  ten  years,  and 
it  bore  upon  its  face  the  proofs  of  their  mutual  dis- 
inclination to  revive  the  struggle.  It  provided  for 
a  truce  of  nine  years,  with  the  restoration  of  places 
recently  captured,  an  equitable  settlement  of  minor 
questions  which  had  arisen  out  of  the  conflict,  and 
ample  precautions  for  averting  any  future  collisions  j 
—  a  happy  and  sensible  arrangement,  received  with 
general  rejoicings,  especially  by  the  trading  classes 
and  the  population  of  the  border  lands.''  The  allies 
on  both  sides,  including  on  that  of  the  king  the  Swiss 
and  the  duke  of  Lorraine,  were  to  be  admitted  to  the 
benefits  of  the  peace,  provided  they  should  notify 
their  desire  to  that  effect  before  the  1st  of  January 
and  should  refrain  in  the  interval  from  all  acts  of 
hostility.  The  constable,  as  a  traitor  to  both  sides, 
was  excluded.      The  party  in  whose  dominions  he 


>»  Ibid.  p.  388. 


I>  I 


"  Basin,  torn.  ii.  p.  367.  —  Ool- 
lut,  coL  1295. 


i 


CHAP.  IX.] 


SECRET  ARTICLES. 


201 


12 


should  take  refuge  was  to  execute  justice  upon  him 
without  pardon  or  reprieve,  or,  failing  to  do  so  within 
eight  days,  was,  within  the  further  space  of  four  days, 
to  deliver  him  up  to  the  other."  His  estates  in 
France  were  to  go  to  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  who  had 
already  confiscated  those  which  lay  within  his  own 
dominions.'^  Lastly,  the  king  was  to  take  possession 
of  Saint-Quentin,  but,  after  removing  his  artillery,  was 
to  deliver  up  the  town  with  its  dependent  territory 
to  Charts,  the  rights  and  immunities  of  the  inhabit- 
ants remaining  intact.^" 

The  provisions  in  regard  to  Saint-Pol  were  embod- 
ied in  a  separate  article ;  and  there  were  other  and 
more  secret  articles,  relating  chiefly  to  the  allies. 
Charles,  on  his  part,  while  preserving  his  treaties  with 
Aragon,  consented  to  the  French  occupation  of  Rous- 
sillon.  This  was  a  mere  formal  concession  ;  he  had 
never  mooted  the  point ;  and  he  expressly  stipulated 
that  the  facts  should  be  made  known  to  his  ally," 
who  would  therefore  have  no  just  ground  of  com- 
plaint. On  the  king's  side  the  concessions  were  of 
greater  moment.  The  duke  of  Burgundy  was  left  at 
liberty  to  prosecute  his  claims  against  Austria  and 
Alsace,  and,  if  the  resistance  he  might  meet  with 
should  receive  the  least  support  or  countenance  of 
any  description  from  the  Swiss,  a  war  against  them 
would  not  be  construed  as  an  infringement  of  the 


I 


T,  / 


'*  Commines  (torn.  i.  p.  391)  is 
no  doubt  correct  in  stating  that,  to 
save  trouble,  the  unexecuted  clauses 
iu  a  former  treaty  were  embodied  in 
the  present  one. 

VOL.  III.  26 


'^  Gachard,  note  to  Barante,  tom. 
i.  p.  494. 

"  Lenglet,  tom.  iii.  pp.  409-429. 
"  Ibid.  p.  419. 


202 


TREATY   OF   SOLEURE. 


[BOOK  IV. 


treaty,  nor  would  the  king  afford  them  help  of  any 
kind.'**  There  was  no  express  mention  of  the  duke 
of  Lorraine ;  but  an  article  of  somewhat  ambiguous 
wording  was  evidently  meant  to  apply  to  his  case. 
The  duke  of  P  ndy  was  empowered  to  transport 
troops  at  all  times  between  the  Netherlands  and  his 
southern  provinces  by  whatever  route  he  might  him- 
self select.  A  provision  so  vague  was  obviously  open 
to  a  very  wide  interpretation.  There  was  need  of  an 
explanatory  article,  and  one  was  accordingly  inserted. 
Charles  gave  an  assurance  that  the  right  of  passage 
thus  accorded  should  not  be  exercised  in  the  territory 
of  France.'"  He  musit  then  intend  to  exercise  it  in 
that  of  Lorraine. 

When  these  particulars  oozed  out,  the  king  was 
accused  of  having  abandoned  and  sacrificed  his  allies. 
Yet  the  secret  articles  did  not  so  much  modify  the 
main  treaty  as  explain  it.  The  evident  object  of 
that  instrument  was  the  restoration  of  the  status  quo. 
So  far  as  the  contracting  parties  were  concerned  this 
was  settled  by  express  and  minute  stipulations.  So 
far  as  the  allies  were  concerned  it  was  settled  by  im- 
plication. Even  had  there  been  no  separate  articles, 
the  duke  of  Burgundy  could  scarcely  have  been  held 
to  have  surrendered  claims  and  advantages  which  he 
had  lawfully  acquired  and  of  which  he  had  been  vio- 
lently dispossessed.  Louis  had  made  the  same  terms 
for  his  allies  as  he  had  made  for  himself.  They  would 
be  liable  to  no  reprisals  for  anything  done  during 
the  war,  provided  they  should  reestablish  the  state 


hung.^' 
by  an 


"  Ibid.  p.  420. 


"  Ibid.  p.  426. 


CHAP,  1X.1 


INVASION  OF  LORRAINE. 


203 


of  things  which  had  existed  previously  to  the  war. 
This  indeed  it  would  not  be  easy  for  them  to  do. 
Nor  did  Louis  intend  or  wish  that  they  should  do  it. 
From  the  first  he  had  so  contrived  the  knot  that, 
when  he  himself  slipped  out,  it  would  ipso  facto  tighten 
around  the  remaining  parties. 

As  for  the  duke  of  Lorraine,  had  he  clearly  under- 
stood his  position,  he  would  no  doubt  have  heeded  the 
warning  of  Charles  to  retrieve  his  error  by  a  timely 
"  repentance."  But  it  had  been  necessary  to  the 
schemes  of  Louis  that  he  should  be  encouraged  in  the 
notion  of  resistance.  The  show  of  support  afforded  to 
him  was  a  step  in  the  negotiation  of  the  treaty.  On 
his  return  to  his  dominions  he  found  the  situation  ma- 
terially changed.  Early  in  September  the  Bastard  of 
Burgundy,  having  returned  from  Italy  with  a  body  of 
recruits,  and  assumed  the  command  in  Franche-Comte, 
had  entered  Lorraine  at  its  outhern  extremity,  cap- 
tured many  places,  reopened  the  long-impeded  com- 
munications, and  cut  ofif  all  chance  of  further  succors 
from  the  Rhineland.'^  Towards  the  close  of  the 
month  the  invasion  began  in  earnest  on  the  northern 
frontier.  Briey,  the  first  fortified  town  on  the  route, 
surrendered  at  discretion  after  a  cannonade  of  three 
days.  A  fine  was  imposed,  the  houses  were  pillaged, 
and  fourscore  Germans  found  among  the  garrison  were 
hung.^'  The  duke,  who  had  been  detained  at  Soleure 
by  an  affection  of  the  throat,'^  now  took  command  in 


•J 


O 


*°  Letters  of  Guillaume  de  Roche-    pp.  224,  242  et  seq. 
fort  to  the  regent  of  Savoy,  Sept.  5        *'  Remy,  p.  15. 
and  17,  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.        *'  Molinet,  torn.  i.  p.  149. 


li' 


204 


CONQUEST  OP  LORRAINE. 


[BOOK  IT. 


OnAP.  IX.] 


person.  Various  small  strongholds  fell  in  quick  suc- 
cession. On  the  25th  he  arrived  at  Pont-i-Mousson, 
which  he  entered  without  resistance.  Here  he  was 
met  by  the  prince  of  Tarento,  the  second  son  of  the 
king  of  Naples,  who  had  set  out  several  months 
before  at  the  head  of  a  brilliant  cavalcade,  with  the 
ostensible  motive  of  seeing  service  in  the  siege  of 
Neuss,  but  attracted  in  reality  by  the  illusive  hope  of 
gaining  the  hand  of  the  Princess  Mary.*' 

Charles's  train  was  further  swollen  by  a  throng  of 
ambassadors,  inrluding  the  bishop  of  Forli,  who  had 
come  on  an  errand  from  the  emperor.  The  march 
resembled  a  triumphal  procession.  Most  of  the  places, 
as  he  approached,  sent  deputations  to  tender  their 
submission.  Nancy,  indeed,  was  prepared  for  a  siege. 
But  instead  of  attacking  it,  the  Burgundians,  leaving 
it  on  their  left,  passed  southward  through  the  plain 
between  the  Meurthe  and  the  Moselle,  until  they 
reached  the  slopes  of  the  Vosges,  where  they  formed 
an  intrenched  camp.  Having  taken  this  precaution 
against  a  possible  surprise  from  whatever  quartor, 
they  went  on  rapidly  with  their  work.  Detached 
corps  appeared  simultaneously  before  different  places. 
Where  a  vain  resistance  was  attempted,  it  drew  with 
it  the  usual  severities.  But  in  most  cases  the  prof- 
fered grace  was  prudently  accepted.  Epinal,  by  far 
the  strongest  and  most  important  fortress  in  this 
quarter,  the  key  in  fact  of  the  whole  country,  might 
have  made  a  stout  defence.     The  garrison  included  a 

*'  Ancienne  Chronique,  Lenglet,  torn.  ii.  p.  218.  —  Molinet,  torn.  i.  p. 
150  et  seq.  . 


large  I 
mans  i 
Hericoi 
dispose! 
had  be 
trade, 
garded 
of  Vauc 
dislike, 
perceivi 
aware  1 
surrend 
posed  a 
terms  w 
allowed 
inhabits 
propert; 
was  an 
or.  Ch 
ments,  e 
promise 

This 
days,  th 
capital, 
Leaving 
again  ti 
appeare 

Rene, 
neighbo 
He  had 


,i  <i 


ORAP.  IX.] 


CONQUEST  OP  LORRAINE. 


205 


large  body  of  Gascons,  besides  seven  hundred  Ger- 
mans under  Herter,  the  victorious  commander  at 
Hericourt.  But  the  people  generally  were  not  ill- 
disposed  towards  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  whose  troops 
had  before  garrisoned  the  town  and  enlivened  its 
trade.  The  Germans,  on  the  other  hand,  were  re- 
garded with  aversion.  Rene's  lieutenant,  the  Bastard 
of  Vaudemont,  was  also  an  object  of  suspicion  and 
dislike.  When  the  siege  had  lasted  five  days,  Ilerter, 
perceiving  that  the  place  would  not  hold  out,  and 
aware  that,  in  case  of  its  capture  or  unconditional 
surrender,  he  and  his  men  would  be  victimized,  pro- 
posed a  parley.  A  capitulation  on  the  most  favorable 
terms  was  readily  granted.  The  foreign  soldiers  were 
allowed  to  depart  with  their  arms  and  baggage.  The 
inhabitants  were  guaranteed  in  possession  of  their 
property  and  privileges.  The  only  condition  exacted 
was  an  oath  of  allegiance  and  fidell^y  to  the  conquer- 
or. Charles,  on  his  entrance,  confirmed  these  engage- 
ments, exhorted  the  citizens  to  accept  his  rule,  and 
promised  them  full  protection.*^* 

This  example  was  generally  followed.  Within  ten 
days,  the  whole  province,  with  the  exception  of  the 
capital,  had  submitted  or  was  prepared  to  submit. 
Leaving  garrisons  at  all  the  important  points,  Charles 
again  turned  northwards,  and  on  the  28th  of  October 
appeared  before  the  walls  of  Nancy. 

Rene,  with  his  French  lances,  had  arrived  in  the 
neighborhood  while  the  foe  was  still  at  a  distance. 
He  had  proposed  to  the  officer  in  command  of  his 


\<f 


34 


Remy,  pp.  21-25.  —  Knebel,  Iste  Abth.  s.  175,  176. 


lli:: 


206 


TREATY  IN  ABEYANCE. 


[BOOK  »V. 


escort  to  undertake  some  active  operations.  He  was 
told  in  reply  that  the  king  had  given  no  orders  to 
that  effect.  Thus  enlightened  as  to  his  true  situa- 
tion, he  retired  in  despair  to  the  castle  of  Joinville, 
resolved  apparently  amid  the  scenes  of  his  youth  to 
forget  the  turmoils  and  miseries  of  his  present  exist- 
ence. But  he  was  not  to  escape  the  destiny  of  so 
many  of  his  race  —  desertion,  exile,  the  life  of  a 
wandering  claimant,  pitied  and  despised,  aided  and 
repulsed,  by  turns.  Urged  by  his  few  remaining 
adherents,  he  bade  adieu  to  his  retreat  and  went  to 
make  a  last  appeal  to  the  justice  or  sympathy  of  his 
French  protector.^ 

There  seemed  in  fact  to  be  still  a  chance  in  his 
favor.  Although  the  treaty  of  Soleure  had  been 
published  and  celebrated  in  the  usual  manner,  one 
of  its  provisions,  that  on  which  all  the  rest  might 
be  said  to  hinge,  was  still  in  abeyance.  On  the  very 
day  after  the  ratification  Louis  had  taken  possession 
of  Saint-Quentin.  He  declared  himself  ready  to 
restore  it,  and  to  carry  out  all  his  engagements  to 
the  letter,  as  soon  as  the  constable  should  be  given 
up.  He  was  conscious  of  the  weakness  he  exhibited 
in  making  such  huge  concessions  for  the  sake  of  a 
mere  personal  gratification.  "  My  cousin  of  Bur- 
gundy," he  remarked,  "  is  the  wiser  of  the  two ; 
having  got  the  fox,  he  keeps  the  skin  for  himself  and 
leaves  me  only  the  carcass."  ^^  Yet  Charles  showed 
a  strange   reluctance   to   profit  by  so   excellent  a 


"  Dialogue  entre  Lud  et  Chre- 
tien, p.  «!3. 


^'  Molinet,  torn.  i.  p.  181. 


CHAP.  IX.] 


FATE  OF  SAINT-POL. 


207 


bargain.  He  suffered  week  after  week  to  pass  with- 
out giving  the  expected  order.  A  French  ambas- 
sador arrived  to  quicken  his  decision.  It  began  to 
be  feared  that,  after  securing  the  prize  now  within 
his  grasp,  he  would  treat  his  obligations  as  a  nullity.^'' 

A  similar  distrust  on  his  own  side  was  perhaps 
the  chief  motive  of  his  hesitation.  He  required  a 
more  explicit  assurance  that  his  acquisition  of  Lor- 
raine would  encounter  no  interference  while  in 
progress  nor  be  made  the  pretext  of  a  future  quarrel. 
It  was  not  very  palatable  to  Louis  to  give  an  express 
declaration  to  this  effect.  That  which  he  first  offered 
was  fenced  about  with  too  many  "  ifs "  and  "  buts  " 
to  be  accepted.  At  length,  on  the  12th  of  Novem- 
ber, he  signed  a  document  which  was  deemed 
satisfactory.^ 

Saint-Pol,  meanwhile,  had  undergone  the  tortures 
of  a  slow  death.  His  liberty  had  been  gradually 
abridged,  his  doors  were  watched  day  and  night,'^® 
every  hour  brought  with  it  some  fresh  omen  of  his 
impending  fate.  He  who  had  spun  so  many  webs, 
who  had  raised  and  baffled  so  many  hopes,  now 
found  himself  enveloped  in  a  mesh,  with  no  power 
to  plot  or  to  escape.  All  he  could  do  was  to  turn 
his  supplicating  gaze  from  side  to  side.  He  ad- 
dressed a  petition  to  the  king.  He  sent  a  circular 
to  Dammartin  and  the  other  members  of  the  Order 
of  Saint  Michael,  his  brothers  in  arms,  his  enemies 
in  heart.'"    A  fortnight  later,  when  the  matter  was 

"  Commines,  torn.  i.  p.  397.  ii.  p.  487. 

»'  Lenglet,  torn.  iii.  p.  444  et  seq.        ^^  Cabinet  de  Louys  XL,  Lenglet, 

''  Gachard,  note  to  Barante,  ton:     torn.  ii.  p.  247. 


\m 


208 


FATE  OF  SAINT-POL. 


[BOOK  ly. 


already  concluded,  he  wrote  to  the  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy in  the  following  words :  "  My  most  honored 
and  redoubted  lord,  as  humbly  and  affectionately 
as  I  can  I  commend  myself  to  your  good  grace, 
which  is  now  my  only  recourse,  seeing  the  necessity 
into  which  I  have  fallen  through  having  thought  to 
do  you  service.  As  your  poor  retainer  and  kins- 
man, I  have  retired  into  your  dominions,  here  to  live 
and  die,  ready  to  be  employed  as  you  may  see  fit, 
and  to  spend  my  life  and  fortune  on  your  behalf  I 
remember,  my  most  honored  lord,  the  benefits  and 
honors  bestowed  upon  me  while  I  abode  in  your 
house,  which  gives  me  hope  that  you  will  not  now 
cast  me  into  oblivion.  For  I  know  that  you  would  be 
loath  to  sully  your  honor,  and  also  I  make  no  doubt 
that  you  will  recollect  the  promises  you  made  and 
caused  to  be  made  to  me,  together  with  the  service 
I  rendered  you  on  the  day  of  Montlhery ;  sup- 
plicating you  most  humbly,  in  conclusion,  that  my 
pains  may  not  have  been  lost,  and  that  you  will  be 
pleased  to  give  credence  to  the  bearer  of  this  letter, 
whom  I  have  charged  with  the  representation  of  my 
sorrowful  affair.  Written  at  Mons,  the  14th  of 
November.  My  most  honored  lord,  your  most 
humble  and  most  affectionate  servant,  Louis."  '^ 

Historians  have  generally  stated  that  Saint-Pol 
had  returned  to  the  Burgundian  territory  on  the 
security  of  a  safe-conduct.  Such  indeed  was  the 
common  rumor  at  the  time,"^^  industriously  circulated 

''  Cabinet  de  Louys  XL,  Lenglet,        '*  Commines    mentions    it  as  a 
torn.  ii.  pp.  247,  248.  tact,  though  of  course  only  on  hear- 


n 


1    ; 


CHAP.  IX.] 


FATE  OF  SAINT-POL. 


209 


by  Charles's  enemies.^  But  it  is  utterly  destitute 
of  proof  such  as  history  requires.^  It  was  one  of 
several  accounts  all  equally  improbable.^  It  may 
have  arisen  from  the  fact  that,  a  few  months  earlier, 
Saint-Pol  had  undoubtedly  received  a  safe-conduct 
for  the  purpose  of  visiting  the  duke  at  Valenciennes.^ 
It  is  at  variance  with  the  ci»'cumstances  of  his  flight. 
And  finally  it  seems  to  us  inconsistent  with  the 
terms  of  the  letter  just  quoted.  Had  the  writer  had 
in  his  possession  any  formal  guaranty,  he  would  not 
have  talked  vaguely  of  "  promises  made  and  caused 
to  be  made  "  to  him.  Whether  he  was  entitled  to  use 
even  this  kind  of  language  is  excessively  doubtful. 
We  find  him,  after  he  had  fallen  into  other  hands, 
twisting  the  commonplace  expressions  of  comfort  or 
condolence  from  his  jailers  into  assurances  of  safety.^' 
His  position  tempted  him,  his  character  incliiied  him, 
to  every  kind  of  falsehood  and  equivocation.  An 
instance  in  point  is  his  effrontery  in  ascribing  his  mis- 
fortunes to  his  efforts  to  serve  the  duke  of  Burgundy. 


•  Ill  .« 

v"  ill' 

'M|i 


i»tiii-^..a 


say  evidence,  Basin  as  a  rumor,  but 
with  an  evident  belief  in  its  truth. 

'^  The  Swiss  intriguer,  Jost  von 
Silinen,  in  a  letter  to  be  noticed 
again  hereafter,  goes  so  far  beyond 
necessity  —  to  say  nothing  of  prob- 
ability —  as  to  assert  that  three 
separate  letters  of  safe-conduct  had 
been  given  and  violated. 

'*  See  the  remark  to  this  effect  of 
a  most  competent  judge,  M.  Gachard, 
note  to  Barante,  tom.  ii.  p.  494. 

^*  According  to  the  version  gen- 
erally credited  in  the  Netherlands, 
the  French  king  had  both  laid  the 
VOL.  III.  27 


trap  and  decoyed  the  victim  into 
it,  by  inducing  him  to  undertake  a 
public  mission  to  the  duke  of 
Burgundy. 

=>*  See  Molinet,  tom.  i.  p.  147. — 
The  manner  in  which  Commines 
(tom.  i.  p.  392)  alludes  to  the  safe- 
conduct,  as  if  it  had  been  given 
some  time  previous  to  the  flight, 
tends  to  confirm  the  suspicion  that 
two  distinct  events  had  been  con- 
founded. 

^'  De  Troyes,  Lenglet,  tom.  i.  p. 
125. 


210 


FATE  OF  dAINT-POL. 


[BOOK  IV. 


•>m 


It  is  not  the  less  true  that  his  rendition  has  left 
an  inefiliceable  stain  on  Charles's  reputation.  Had 
summary  justice  been  done  upon  him,  it  could  only 
have  been  regarded  as  the  just  reward  of  his  long 
career  of  perfidy.  But  the  very  failure  to  deal  with 
him  in  this  manner,  and  the  delay  in  deciding  on  his 
fate,  take  away  the  justification.  He  did  not  suffer 
for  his  crimes  against  the  duke  j  the  anger  that 
hesitated  might  have  been  appeased;  his  blood  was 
made  a  subject  of  barter;  and  such  transactions, 
whatever  be  the  palliation,  are  odious  and  horrible. 

On  the  18th  of  November  an  order  came  for  the 
prisoner's  removal  to  Valenciennes.^^  Thence  he 
was  escorted  to  Peronne,  and  there  delivered  up  to 
a  French  commission  headed  by  the  admiral  and  the 
Sire  de  Saint-Pierre.  They  were  willing  to  spare 
him  the  ignominy  of  a  public  entry  into  Paris ;  but 
the  gate  which  communicated  with  the  Bastille  be- 
ing found  barred,  it  was  necessary  to  gain  admission 
at  a  distant  point.  Mounted  on  a  hackney,  and 
enveloped  in  a  long  cape  which  he  drew  over  his 
face,  he  passed  through  the  streets  in  sight  of  a 
populace  which  hold  him  in  detestation.^"  No  time 
was  lost  in  instituting  a  court  presided  over  by  the 
Chancellor   Oriole.      The  charges  were   many,  the 


^'  Gachard,  note  to  Barante,  torn, 
ii.  p.  487.  —  The  account  given  by 
Commines  of  the  constable's  removal 
to  Peronne  in  the  <  astody  of  Hugo- 
net  and  Hurabercourt,  with  orders 
for  his  delivery  on  a  certain  day,  — 
Cliarles  intending  to  countermand 
the  order  if  Nancy  should  fall  in 


the  interval,  and  actually  sending  a 
message  to  that  eifect,  which  ar- 
rived three  hours  too  late,  —  is  in- 
consistent with  the  documentary 
evidence  as  well  as  with  the  dates. 
^*  De  Trcyes,  Lenglet,  torn,  ii 
pp.  121,  122. 


CHAP.  IX.] 


PATE  OF  SAINT-POL. 


211 


proofs  abundant,  the  confessions  of  the  accused  suf- 
ficient to  remove  all  uncertainties.  On  the  19th  of 
December  he  was  brought  before  the  Parliament  and 
sentenced  to  death.*"  He  received  the  announce- 
ment with  surprise,  like  a  gamester  who  has  blinded 
himself  to  the  ruin  on  which  he  has  wilfully  rushed. 

Some  hours  were  given  him  for  preparation,  after 
which  he  was  conveyed  to  the  Hotel  de  Ville.  From 
a  window  of  the  second  story  he  passed  by  a  plat- 
form to  the  scaffold  in  the  Place  de  Greve.  In  front 
rose  the  mighty  towers  of  Notre  Dame.  Below,  the 
square  and  the  adjacent  streets  were  paved  with  the 
upturned  faces  of  a  countless  multitude.  With  his 
eyes  directed  towards  the  cathedral  he  fell  upon  hb 
knees,  praying,  weeping,  and  at  times  kissing  tue 
crucifix  held  up  by  the  attendant  priest.  At  last 
the  struggle  ended.  He  rose,  stood  patiently  while 
his  arms  were  bound  behind  his  back,  and,  as  if  to 
evince  his  newly-gained  calmness,  pushed  forward 
with  his  foot  the  cushion  on  which  he  was  to  kneel. 
The  headsman,  who  held  his  office  by  hereditary 
right,  was  a  mere  stripling,  and  had  never  before 
exercised  his  functions  in  public.  But  his  prepara- 
tory training  had  been  perfect,  and  his  self-command 
was  greater  than  that  of  the  illustrious  victim. 
Poising  the  heavy  sword,  he  brought  it  down  with 
such  precision  and  force  that  before  the  eye  could 
follow  its  motion  the  dissevered  head  and  trunk  had 
rolled  apart  upon  the  scaffold.*^ 

*»  ProcesduConndtable.Lenglet,        *'  De  Troyes,  pp.   125,  126.— 
torn.  iii.  pp.  452-457.  Molinet,  torn.  i.  p.  184. 


4 


*'ll    „.i,--H. 


ill 


212 


CONQUEST  OF  LORRAINE. 


[book  IV. 


The  head,  after  being  dipped  in  water,  was  held  up 
to  view.  No  one  lamented,  unless  it  were  in  secret. 
No  act  in  the  reign  of  Louis  the  Eleventh  was  more 
generally  applauded.  It  was  not  his  many  treasons, 
it  was  not  even  his  haughtiness  and  cruelty,  that 
had  left  the  constable  without  a  friend  or  a  mourn- 
er. It  was  the  defect  from  which  these  had  pro- 
ceeded,—  the  boundless  egotism  which  had  led  him 
to  separate  himself  from  every  party,  to  aspire  to 
solitary  triumphs,  to  seek  no  accomplices  even  in 
his  crimes. 


On  the  day  preceding  this  event  a  scene  less 
tragical  but  more  closely  connected  with  our  subject 
had  taken  place  at  Nancy.  From  the  moment  of 
opening  the  siege  Charles  had  pushed  it  with  a  vigor 
which  iihowed  that  an  interruption  on  the  side  of 
France  was  the  main  obstacle  apprehended.  The 
walls  were  in  good  condition,  the  inhabitants  loyally 
disposed,  the  garrison,  chiefly  Germans,  nearly  three 
thousand  strong.  But  the  place  had  none  of  the 
natural  advantages  which  had  proved  so  important 
at  Neuss.  Hence  the  approaches  were  made  with- 
out difficulty,  the  fauxbourgs  stormed  or  occupied 
under  cover  of  night,  intrenchments  thrown  up  and 
batteries  erected  close  to  the  walls.  Tims  tightly 
hemmed  in,  the  defenders  had  no  opportunity  to 
sally,  and  their  fire  was  soon  overpowered  by  that 
of  the  besiegers.  Without  speedy  relief  they  had  no 
chance  of  holding  out,  and  the  hope  of  relief  was 
extinguished  by  a  message   which   is  said  to  have 


CHAP.  IX.J 


CHARLES  AT  NANCY. 


213 


reached  them  from  Eene  himself.  They  therefore 
offered  to  capitulate.  Thero  was  no  motive,  either  of 
policy  or  sentiment,  for  exacting  harsher  conditions 
than  had  been  accorded  at  Epinal.  The  surrender 
took  place  on  the  26th  of  November.  On  the  30th, 
the  day  of  Saint  Andrew,  Charles  made  his  entrance 
with  a  pomp  exceeding  what  he  had  displayed  on 
previous  occasions  of  the  like  nature.**^ 

Few  old  towns  have  retained  less  of  their  primitive 
aspect  than  Nancy.  The  broad,  rectangular  streets, 
spacious  squares,  splendid  edifices,  and  other  architec- 
tural embellishments,  which  have  conferred  upon  it 
the  designation  of  "  the  handsomest  town  in  France," 
bear  the  unmistakable  stamp  of  a  great  but  ruthless 
age  —  the  age  of  Louis  the  Fourteenth.  There  are 
scanty  relics  of  an  older  period,  of  the  Gothic  towers 
and  rich  fa9ades  with  which  the  early  princes,  the 
Kaouls,  the  Ferrys,  and  the  Renes,  had  lined  the  nar- 
row, irregular  streets.  In  the  loth  century  it  was 
considered  simply  as  a  fortress.  Yet  its  site,  in  the 
midst  of  an  extensive  plain  watered  by  rivers  and 
bounded  by  distant  mountains,  was  suggestive  of 
future  greatness,  and  coupled  with  its  central  posi- 
tion, —  central  both  as  regarded  his  own  dominions 
and  the  European  commonwealth  of  states,  —  did  not 
fail  to  produce  this  impression  on  the  mind  of 
Charles  the  Bold. 

He  wore,  on  his  entrance,  his  costliest  robes  and  a 
coronet  garnished  with  diamonds  and  pearls.     Trum- 


•■saaite 


*^  Remy,  Discours  des  choaes  ad-    Chron.  anon,  in  Calmet,  torn.  v. 
venues  en  Lorraine,  pp.  28-30. — 


214 


CONQUEST  OF  LORRAINE. 


[book  IV. 


peters  and  heralds  preceded  him,  pages  and  nobles 
sumptuously  attired  and  superbly  mounted  composed 
his  train.  He  went  directly  to  the  Church  of  Saint 
George,  where  it  was  customary  for  the  sovereigns  to 
receive  their  investiture.  At  the  portal  he  was  met 
by  the  full  chapter,  to  whom,  in  accordance  with 
usage,  he  presented  his  horse  with  its  gorgeous  ca- 
parisons. The  oaths  were  then  administered  and  fol- 
lowed by  the  celebration  of  high  mass.  From  the 
church  he  passed  into  the  adjoining  palace,  a  beauti- 
ful structure,  then  but  half  finished,  now  more  than 
half  demolished.*' 

During  his  stay  of  six  weeks  his  audience  chamber 
was  open  to  all  comers.  On  the  18th  of  December 
he  convoked  the  Estates,  and  addressed  them  in  a 
speech  not  ill  calculated  to  reconcile  them  to  a 
change  which  he  ascribed  to  the  act  of  Providence, 
and  depicted  as  an  obvious  advantage  to  the  country. 
He  spoke  of  its  position,  which  had  invited  constant 
aggression ;  of  the  inability  of  its  native  princes  to 
protect  it  even  against  the  annoyances  offered  by 
such  neighbors  as  the  bishop  of  Metz;  of  his  own 
superior  power,  which  had  held  both  France  and  the 
Empire  at  bay.**  Under  his  dominion  Lorraine  would 
become  the  heart  of  a  monarchy.     Nancy  should  be 


*■'  Remy,  Discours  des  choses 
advenues  en  Lorraine,  p.  32.  —  IIu- 
guenin  jeune,  p.  87  et  seq.  —  Le- 
page, Nancy  et  ses  environs. 

**  "  N'estiez  en  position  que  d'es- 
tre  h  mercy  de  voisins  que  sont  pu- 
issans,  et  n'estoient  vos  dues  asses 


forts  que  conservassent  la  paix  en 
vot  Pays.  Ny  que  pussent,  ainsi 
qu'ai  faict,  mettre  i\  mal  I'Ost  Fran- 
9aise  et  ne  craindre  Monsieur  I'Em- 
pereur."  The  allusion  to  Metz  "  et 
son  Prestre,  que  n'aimes  pas  plus 
que  n'ainie,"  comes  in  subsequently. 


OUAP.  fX.] 


CHARLES  AT  NANCY. 


215 


his  capital.  He  would  make  it  his  ordinary  residence 
and  the  seat  of  his  courts  of  justice  and  finance.  He 
would  enlarge  and  embellish  it  at  his  own  charges. 
He  would  confirm  and  extend  the  privileges  of  his 
new  subjects.  Let  them  repay  him  by  a  cordial  obe- 
dience and  affection.  After  the  present  troubles  he 
looked  forward  to  "  a  beautiful  peace,"  when  neigh- 
boring princes,  ceasing  to  attack  him,  would  acknowl- 
edge his  preeminence  and  bend  to  his  decisions.  In 
his  absence  he  would  leave  as  his  representative  the 
Sire  de  Bievre,  whose  wisdom  and  gentleness  were 
well  known  to  them,  and  who  would  have  no  other 
care  than  to  watch  over  their  happiness.^'* 

"Nor  did  he  use  this  language,"  says  a  chronicler 
of  Lorraine,  "from  the  mere  desire  to  conciliate  or 
with  any  intention  to  deceive.  He  uttered  the  veri- 
table sentiments  of  his  mind,  founded  upon  just  and 
pertinent  reasons."  ^"  In  truth  he  had  but  announced, 
with  a  confidence  and  frankness  inspired  by  the  oc- 
casion, that  plan  which  had  so  long  absorbed  his 
thoughts  and  shaped  his  policy.  He  could  no  longer 
be  accused  of  chasing  a  phantom.  His  failures  in 
Germany  and  France  had  after  all  resulted  in  a  suc- 
cess more  legitimate  and  more  secure  than  he  could 
have  gained  in  any  other  quarter.  True  it  was  but 
another  duchy,  a  single  province,  which  he  had  added 
to  the  list  of  his  states.     But  this  province  was  the 


(. 


'^4^^:  Hi! 


!2il3 


]'■''■  \''^ '' 


I  - , 


■•^  The  speech,  of  which  very  inac-  taille  de  Nancy,  published  by  M. 

curate  versions  are  given  by  several  Cayon. 

writers,  is  printed  verbatim  in  the        '"'  Remy,  DIscours  des  choses  ad- 
Souvenirs  ct  Monuments  de  la  Ba-  venues  en  Lorraine,  p.  34. 


ill!' 


216 


CONQUEST  OF  LORRAINE. 


[book  IV. 


■"«ii! 


c, 


natural  key-stone  of  the  arch  on  which  he  aspired  to 
build.*''  Without  Lorraine,  his  provinces,  geographi- 
cally sundered,  could  never  become  a  political  unit,  or 
claim  the  rank  of  a  great  power.  With  Lorraine  they 
formed  a  continuous  dominion,  which  time  would  not 
fail  to  strengthen  and  cement,  and  which,  skilfully 
wielded,  would  balance  and  control  the  policy  of  sur- 
rounding states. 

The  world  was  not  slow  to  recognize  the  change 
in  his  position.  Already  the  emperor,  proclaiming 
that  he  could  place  no  reliance  on  the  French  king 
and  that  the  Burgundian  princes  were  his  natural 
and  hereditary  allies,*^  had,  with  the  assent  of  the 
electors  and  through  the  mediation  of  the  legate, 
negotiated  a  new  treaty,  not  only  of  peace  but  of 
mutual  defence.*"  On  the  other  hand,  Louis  of  France, 
who  had  concurred  in  what  he  considered  a  mere 
temporary  adjustment,  was  growing  nervous  under 
the  possibility  of  its  proving  to  be  permanent.  In 
this  case  his  laborious  schemings  would  have  come 
to  nought;  the  emancipation  of  his  great  vassal 
would  be  complete ;  nothing  would  remain  for  him 
but  to  ac^inowledge  the  fact  and  shape  his  future 
course  accordingly.  He  hastened  to  prepare  for 
either  event.  He  arranged  a  new  conference,  and 
made  propositions  for  converting  the  nine  years' 
truce  into  a  perpetual  peace.    But  he  coupled  this 


*'  "  Car  ayant  ceste  petite  duchd,  tor  of  Saxony,  Miiller,  Reichstags 

il  venoit  de  HoUande  jusques  aupres  Theatrum,  Th.  II.  s.  717. 

de  Lyon,  tousjours  surluy."    Com-  *^  Treaty  in  Chmel,  B.  I.  g.  123- 

mines,  torn.  i.  p.  397.  130. 

<*  Letter  of  Frederick  to  the  elec- 


CHAP.  IX.] 


NEW  OPENINGS. 


21? 


proposal  with  the  condition  that  Charles  should  now 
at  last  perforin  that  act  of  homage,  and  take  that 
oath  of  fidelity,  to  the  French  crown,  which  he  had 
hitherto  steadfastly  refused.  It  seemed  a  singular 
moment  for  preferring  such  a  demand.  Yet  when  it 
was  scouted,  with  an  intimation  that  no  new  treaty 
was  desired  by  the  opposite  party,  Louis  instructed 
his  envoys  not  to  close  the  discussion,  but  on  the  con- 
trary to  seize  or  create  occasions  for  keeping  it  alive. 
The  point  might  be  waived  without  being  abandoned.'^" 
It  would  serve  either  as  a  protest,  if  the  opportunity 
to  insist  upon  it  should  hereafter  arise,  or  as  a  ground 
of  concession,  if  concession  should  turn  out  to  be  in- 
evitable. , . 

As  usual,  too,  the  advantage  just  obtained  disclosed 
an  avenue  to  still  greater  heights.  Old  King  Rene, 
finding  that  he  had  no  chance  of  bequeathing  his 
dominions  in  the  regular  order  of  descent,  fearing 
moreover  to  be  stripped  of  the  remnant  during  his 
own  lifetime,  had  turned  his  eyes  upon  his  persecu- 
tor's rival,  with  whom  he  opened  a  negotiation 
through  the  regent  of  Savoy .^^  He  offered  to  place 
Provence  under  the  protection  of  the  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy and  to  make  the  latter  his  heir.  Such  an 
arrangement,  if  carried  out,  would  set  the  final  seal 
on  Charles's  undertakings.  It  would  go  far  to  realize 
a  project  which  six  centuries  before  had  been  agreed 
upon  in  a  famous  treaty  between  the  successors  of 

*'  Instructions    and    correspon-        "  DdpSches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p. 
dence,  in  Hist,  de  Bourgogne,  torn.    65  et  al. 
iv.  p.  ccclvij.  et  seq. 
VOL.  in.  28 


ill 


fi  I 


i.'i 


I , 


I'll 


218 


CONQUEST  OP  LORRAINE. 


[BOOK  ir. 


<1 


Charlemagne,  and  which,  in  the  four  centuries  that 
have  since  elapsed,  has  been  oflen  suggested  as  the 
best  security  for  the  peace  of  Europe  —  the  estab- 
lishment, namely,  of  a  "Middle  Kingdom,"  conter- 
minous with  Germany  and  France,  neutralizing  their 
rivalry,  embracing  or  sheltering  whatever  territory 
could  constitute  a  subject  of  struggle  or  debate. 

If  at  this  epoch  Charles's  life  had  been  abruptly 
cut  short,  the  world  would  surely  have  said  that  a 
career  pregnant  with  great  results  had  come  to  an 
untimely  end.  Happier  for  him  had  it  been  so.  The 
height  to  which  he  had  climbed  overlooked  an  abyss 
in  which  all  his  promise,  all  his  greatness,  were  to  be 
suddenly  swallowed  up.  The  conquest  of  Lorraine 
was  the  chief  of  his  successes,  and  the  last. 


m' 


CHAPTER    X. 


WAR   IN   THE   JURA;    BLAMONT   CAMPAIGN.- 8W1S8   CONQUEST  OK 
THE  I'AYS  DE  VAUD CHARLES  CROSSES  THE  JURA. 


1475. 


We  come  back  to  Switzerland  —  that  land  to 
which  the  feet  so  gladly  turn,  where  the  heart  once 
naturalized  abides  forever.  But  it  is  not  of  you,  0 
Mountains,  0  Lakes,  0  Beauty  in  which  are  the 
images  of  all  beauty,  though  in  your  presence  and 
beneath  your  spell  human  contentions  are  hushed 
or  forgotten, — it  is  of  them,  not  of  you,  that  we 
must  speak ! 


When  the  French  king,  as  related  in  a  previous 
chapter,  had  found  himself  compelled,  despite  his 
pacific  inclinations,  to  engage  personally  in  the  war, 
he  had  not  forgotten  to  give  notice  to  his  Swiss 
auxiliaries,  requiring  them  to  follow  his  example 
and  share  his  dangers.  Seeing  that  they  were  now 
actually  involved  in  hostilities,  it  behooved  them  to 
act  with  all  possible  vigor.  If  the  enemy,  breaking 
loose   from    Neuss,   should    turn    his    arms    against 

(219) 


220 


THE  SWISS  INACTIVE. 


[BOOK  IV, 


France,  Louis  earnestly  entreated  that  the  Swiss, 
whom  he  esteemed  as  the  bravest  of  Christians, 
would  come  to  help  in  the  defence.  Should  the 
attack,  on  the  other  hand,  be  directed  against  Lor- 
raine, he  invited  his  allies  to  provide  for  its  security ; 
since  he  had  taken  the  duke  of  Lorraine  under  his 
protection,  and  should  consider  any  assistance  given 
to  that  prince  as  a  service  rendered  to  himself. 
Whatever  might  be  the  scene  of  the  conflict,  he 
would  march  thither  in  person,  ready  to  stake 
fortune  and  life,  being  firmly  resolved  to  live  and 
die  with  the  Confederates,  whom  he  regarded  as  his 
dearest  friends,  the  most  loved,  the  most  cherished, 
in  the  whole  world.^ 

It  appeared  from  all  this,  and  from  much  more 
to  the  same  effect,*^  that  Louis  entertained  so  high  an 
opinion  of  the  Swiss  as  to  be  perfectly  willing  to  put 
them  in  the  front  of  the  battle,  to  rely  upon  them 
for  his  own  safetj^,  and  even  to  devolve  upon  them 
the  execution  of  the  promises  he  had  made  to  his 
weaker  allies. 

Simultaneously  with  this  message,  another,  scarce- 
ly less  flattering,  came  from  a  different  quarter.  By 
their  repeated  refusals  to  join  either  in  the  grand 
crusade  for  the  salvation  of  the  Empire  or  in  the 
minor  expeditions  projected  by  their  Alsatian  neigii- 


•  "  Er  wol  ouch  sin  Up  und  gut 
darzu  setzen  und  in  eigner  person 
daran  ziechen  und  bi  den  H.  den 
Eidgnossen  als  sinen  allerlipsten 
frunden  die  er  fur  die  turresten 
aller  welt  achte  leben  und  sterben." 


Handlung  des  Khunigs  uss  Frank- 
rych  mit  den  Eidgnossen,  Girard 
MSS. 

*  "Mit  vil  nie   fruntlichen  tref- 
fentlichen  worten."    Ibid. 


CHAP.  X.] 


THE  SWISS  INACTIVE. 


221 


bors,  the  Swiss  had  brought  themselves  into  general 
disrepute  with  the  German  people.  "  They  yield  no 
obedience  to  the  emperor,"  it  was  said ;  "  they  draw 
pay  from  France,  from  Austria,  from  all  their  allies, 
and  render  no  assistance  in  return."'^  Sigismund 
had  addressed  a  long  complaint  on  the  subject  to 
the  French  king.  He  acknowledged  that,  as  the 
servant  and  pensionary  of  Louis^,  he  was  bound  to 
give  constant  annoyance  to  Burgundy,  and  that  he 
had  authorized  his  ambassadors  to  promise  as  much. 
But  this  was  on  the  assurance  that  he  would  have 
the  support  of  the  Swiss.  He  had,  however,  called 
upon  them  in  vain.  On  his  own  account,  as  well  as 
on  that  of  the  king,  he  would  gladly  undertake  some 
operations ;  but  he  could  do  nothing  without  the 
Swiss,  and  the  Swiss  would  do  nothing  without  pay. 
For  himself  he  had  no  more  money  to  bestow  upon 
them ;  and  he  must  therefore  be  excused  from  any 
further  exertions,  unless  Louis  would  furnish  him 
with  the  means.* 

A  contribution  for  the  same  object  was  demanded 
of  the  Austrian  subjects  in  Alsace  and  in  the  bishopric 
of  Constance.  Those  of  the  former  region,  being 
exposed  to  the  dangers  of  invasion,  offered  to  take 
the  matter  into  consideration.  But  the  more  remote 
communities,  which,  without  having  any  direct  inter- 
est in  the  war,  had  simply  joined  in  it  at  the  sum- 
mons of  their  feudal  superiors,  raised  an  indignant 
outcry.    "  Let  the  Swiss  do  as  we  do ! "  was  their 


Jg'rri 


>i         .i!i 


1 


=•  Knebel,  Iste  Abth.  s.  164,  216. 


*  Chmel,  B.  I.  s.  285-287. 


222 


THE  SWISS  INACTIVE. 


[BOOK  IV, 


,.  '1' 


reply.  "  We  risk  our  own  lives ;  we  defray  our  own 
expenses.  We  will  not,  in  addition,  pay  others  for 
fighting,  whose  duties  and  obligations  are  the  same 
as  ours."  ^ 

Basel,  Strasburg,  and  other  members  of  the  Lower 
League  were  greatly  disturbed  by  this  state  of  affairs. 
It  was  indispensable  to  them  that  the  alliance  which 
had  emboldened  them  to  begin  the  war  should  be 
firmly  maintained  —  that  all  the  parties  to  it  should 
appear  to  be  embarked  in  a  common  cause.  They 
sent  therefore  a  fresh  appeal,  coupled  with  an  offer 
of  ten  thousand  florins.^  They  asked  for  at  least 
some  token,  however  faint,  of  interest  and  activity. 
Let  the  Swiss,  it  was  suggested,  send  a  thousand 
men,  if  no  more,  to  the  imperial  array,  as  a  proof 
that  they  acknowledged  the  emperor's  authority,'' 

A  diet  empowered  to  decide  upon  this  application 
assembled  at  Lucerne  on  the  7th  of  June.  The  sub- 
ject was  brought  forward  by  Berne.  Heretofore  this 
canton  had  been  foremost  in  opposing  propositions 
like  the  present.  After  using  the  imperial  summons 
and  the  Austrian  alliance  as  engines  for  impelling 
the  Confederacy  into  the  war,  it  had  striven,  as  we 
have  seen,. to  turn  the  power  thus  called  into  play  in 
a  wholly  different  direction,  and  use  it  for  the  ac- 
complishment of  plans  more  consonant  with  the  real 
motives   of  the   instigators.      But   all  its   arts   and 


'  "  Wir  setzen  auch  Leib  und  Gut 
aufs  Spiel ;  ...  die  Schweizer  .  .  . 
soUen  Pflicht  und  Dienst  thun  gleich 
uns.  .  .  .  Ihnen  etwas  zu  zahlen,  ist 
nicht  unser  WiUe."     Knebel,  Iste 


Abth.  8.  154. 

«  Girard  MSS. 

''  Eidgenossische   Abschiede,  6. 
II.  8.  538. 


CHAP.  X.] 


THE  SWISS  INACTIVE. 


223 


endeavors  had  signally  failed ;  and,  by  its  wilful  and 
independent  course,  Berne  had  lost  much  of  its 
influence  with  its  Confederates,  increased  their  dis- 
satisfaction with  the  new  and  alien  policy  imposed 
upon  them,  and  inclined  them  to  embrace  oppor- 
tunities of  retracing  their  steps.  In  order  to  prevent 
this  result  and  give  a  new  impetus  to  the  movement, 
Berne  now  swerved  round,  declared  itself  in  favor 
of  a  project  it  had  formerly  opposed,  and  urged  a 
variety  of  reasons  in  its  favor.  The  claims  of  the 
Holy  Eoman  Empire,  the  "high  summons"  of  his 
imperial  majesty  and  the  "  great  pleasure  "  he  would 
feel  in  finding  himself  obeyed,  the  common  interests 
of  the  "  German  nation,"  and  the  probable  benefits 
to  all  the  parties  concerned,  were  elaborately  set 
forth.  The  French  king,  it  was  announced,  had 
opened  the  campaign  in  person,  had  already  captured 
forty-four  places  in  Burgundy  and  Picardy,  and  had 
recommended  that  the  Swiss  should  also  take  the 
field,  assuring  them  that  they  would  find  their  ac- 
count in  it.^ 

Lucerne,  as  was  to  have  been  expected,  voted  with 
Berne ;  as  did  also  Freyburg  and  Solothurn,  whose 
representatives  had  on  this  occasion  been  admitted 
to  seats.  But  here  the  list  of  the  assenting  voices 
stopped.  Six  cantons,  headed  by  Zurich,  —  which 
had  always  maintained  closer  and  more  cordial  rela- 
tions with  the  Empire  than  any  of  the  rest,  —  nega- 
tived the  request,  on  the  simple  ground  that  the 
treaties  they  had  entered  into  did  not  bind  them  to 


!;*"':»:5S^!*i- 


111*"  .-*•■*. 


?'>ll|l..«iit'^ 


.^'  .'Mi 


Girord  MS 8.  —  Eidgendssische  Abschiede,  B.  U.  s.  544. 


4- 


I  i 


224 


THE  SWISS  INACTIVE. 


[BOOK  IV. 


compliance.  "What  they  were  actually  bound  to 
they  would  perform,  but  nothing  more.  Before  thj 
meeting  closed  intelligence  arrived  that  the  siege 
of  Neuss  had  been  raised,  leaving  the  Burgundian 
army  at  liberty  for  other  enterprises.  Hereupon 
the  deputies  consented  to  refer  to  their  constituents 
for  fresh  instructions.  A  week  later  they  again  met, 
but  only  to  reiterate  the  same  decision  in  still  more 
emphatic  terms.  "  The  people  had  no  wish  to  engage 
in  such  expeditions  ;  they  were  too  poor ;  they  were 
not  obliged  to  do  it  either  by  the  treaty  with  France 
or  by  their  contracts  with  Austria  and  the  allied 
towns."  ^ 

It  must  be  confessed  that  there  was  something 
disingenuous  in  this  mode  of  treating  the  matter.  It 
might  be  strictly  true  that  the  French  treaty  did  not 
oblige  the  Swiss  to  send  troops  into  the  field.  But 
from  what  motive  could  they  suppose  Louis  to  have 
selected  them  as  objects  of  his  liberality  ?  On  the 
other  hand,  it  should  be  remembered  that  the  share 
received  by  the  dissentient  cantons  afforded  no 
adequate  compensation  for  the  service  demanded, 
Berne  and  Lucerne,  which  were  so  much  more  large- 
ly paid,  and  whose  aristocratic  rulers  were  at  once 
the  private  recipients  of  a  separate  bounty  and  the 
irresponsible  controllers  of  the  public  action,  took 
naturally  a  more  honorable  view  of  their  obliga- 
tions. 

Meanwhile  the  tidings  from  Neuss,  received  with 
such  indifference  by  the  Swiss,  had  excited  in  Alsace 

**  Eidgenossische  Abschiede,  B.  II.  s.  544,  551. 


CHAP.  X.] 


THE  SWISS  INACTIVE. 


225 


a  feeling  of  alarm,  which  increased  in  intensity  as  the 
Burgundian  army  began  to  pour  into  Lorraine.  The 
cowardice  and  treachery  of  the  emperor  were  bitter- 
ly inveighed  against.  What  mattered  it  that  the 
enemy  had  relinquished  his  hold  in  one  quarter,  if  he 
had  been  left  free  to  make  his  approaches  with  great- 
er ease  and  security  in  another  ?  Conferences  were 
held.  A  long  memorial,  filled  with  reproaches  and 
appeals,  was  transmitted  to  Frederick.  Succors  were 
sent  to  Rene,  who  had  '^'^en  so  basely  deceived,  and 
who.  3  downfall  would  leave  the  Rhineland  completely 
exposed.  The  cities  separately  began  their  prepa- 
rations for  defence.  Strasburg,  in  particular,  deter- 
mined to  level  all  its  suburbs  and  exterior  buildings, 
including  several  large  and  venerable  monasteries, 
and  to  surround  itself  with  a  huge  ditch,  to  be  con- 
nected by  a  canal  with  the  Rhine.^** 

The  danger,  however,  was  still  remote.  By  way 
of  employing  the  interval,  and  crippling  as  far  as  pos- 
sible the  enemy's  resources,  arrangements  were  made 
for  a  new  expedition  into  Upper  Burgundy.  After  so 
many  fruitless  efforts,  it  seemed  idle  to  ask  the  coop- 
eration of  the  Swiss.  "  If  they  will  not  join  us,"  said 
Basel  in  a  tone  of  solemn  desperation,  "  let  us  resolve 
in  the  name  of  God  to  go  forward  without  them ! "  " 
At  the  last  moment,  however,  Basel  itself  began  to 
falter  j  ^'  and  a  final  attempt  was  made  to  secure  at 


">  Chmel,  B.  I.  s.  203-206.  — 
Strobel,  B.  III.  s.  342  et  seq. 

'"  Kathsbuch,  ap.  Ochs,  B.  IV.  s. 
290. 

"  "  Es  woUe  una  bediinken  rath- 
VOL.  III.  29 


sam  und  nothwendig  zu  seyn,  die 
Eidsgenossen  von  neuem  zu  bitten, 
dass  sie  den  Heerzug  mit  woUen 
helfen  thun."    Ibid.  s.  291. 


I  i 


;•       1 


•  1 


.,'1 


I   I 


il!l' 


>i\ 


m  !i 


226 


WAR  'N  THE  JURA. 


[BOOK  IV. 


least  a  semblance  of  aid  from  those  whose  presence 
could  alone  inspire  confidence.  Strasburg  despatched 
a  message  to  Berne,  offering  pay  for  four  hundred 
men,  and  promising  its  "  eternal  gratitude  "  if  this 
small  number  should  be  sent.  All  that  was  wanted, 
the  envoy  stated,  was  the  name  of  the  Confederates, 
accustomed  as  thev  were  to  strike  their  enemies  with 
terror  at  their  mere  approach  and  by  the  renown  of 
their  invincible  valor.''^  Berne  not  only  acceded  to 
the  request,  but  promised  an  additional  number  at  its 
own  cost.  While  the  levy  was  in  progress  Adrian 
von  Bubenberg  reappeared  In  his  place  in  the  execu- 
tive council,  and  brought  forv/ard  some  proposals  for 
a  negotiation,  such  as  the  six  cantons  had  shown  a 
willingness  to  entertain.  Diesbach,  who  was  again  to 
take  command  in  the  field,  thought  it  advisable  not 
to  leave  home  without  extinguishing  these  embers  of 
disaffection.  Resolutions  were  passed  enjoining  upon 
Bubenberg  to  absent  himself  from  the  council  during 
the  further  continuance  of  the  war,  to  divulge  none 
of  the  secrets  relative  to  the  formation  of  the  French 
treaty,  and  to  hold  no  intercourse  with  subjects  of 
Burgundy.  His  demand  to  be  allowed  to  plead  his 
own  cause  before  the  larger  council,  consisting  of  two 
hundred  privileged  burghers,  was  summarily  rejected." 
On  the  following  day,  the  17th  of  July,  Diesbach 
started  on  his  expedition.  Could  he  have  foreseen 
the  result  to  himself,  he  might  have  thought  that  the 
voice  he  had  stifled  was  that  of  his  better  angel.    He 


^  Schilling,  s.  188.  et   seq.  —  Rodt,  B.  I.  s.   430. 

''*  Valerius  Anshelm,  B.  I.  s.  118 


CHAP.  X.] 


BLAMONT  CAMPAIGN. 


227 


took  with  him  about  thirteen  hundred  men,  including 
a  few  from  Freyburg  and  Solothurn.  Five  hundred 
from  Lucerne,  who  had  accepted  the  pay  of  Basel, 
joined  him  on  his  arrival  at  the  latter  place.  He 
found  the  allies  already  on  the  march.  Strasburg 
had  furnished  two  thousand  of  its  own  people,  besides 
some  of  the  enormous  cannon  for  which  it  was  famed 
among  its  neighbors.  The  whole  force  may  have 
amounted  to  ten  thousand  men.  Count  Oswald  von 
Thierstein,  landvogt  of  Alsace,  though  hardly  less 
unpopular  than  Hagenbach  had  been,  held  the  nomi- 
nal command.^'' 

The  scene  of  operations  was  the  same  as  in  the 
first  expedition  —  the  ridges  connecting  the  Jura 
with  the  Vosges  and  affording  the  easiest  means  of 
passage  between  the  Alsatian  plain  and  that  of 
Franche-Comte.  Scattered  over  the  rugged  surface, 
which  is  cloven  by  narrow  vales  and  sparkling  rivers, 
lay  many  little  towns,  each  with  its  grim  old  castle, 
overlooking  a  route  on  which  the  tide  of  invasion 
had  flowed  back  and  forth  from  the  earliest  times. 
The  garrisons  were  very  inadequate  to  the  present 
need,  having  been  lately  thinned  off  by  the  count  of 
Blamont,  governor  of  the  province  and  himself  the 
chief  proprietor  in  this  part  of  it,  for  the  purpose  of 
making  head  against  the  French  on  the  opposite 
frontier. 

Less  than  a  fortnight  sufficed  for  the  capture  of 
several  of  these  places — Pont-de-Roide,  L'Isle,  Cler- 
mont, and  half  a  dozen  others.    Massacre  and  sack 


W 


(4\ 


'Ilk  ^.v. 


i  I 


I  i 


;!'!' 


"  Schilling.  —  Strobel.  —  Tillier.  —  Knebel. 


[,.:  HI 

li::    III 


1  •       '■! 
]  1  ■ 

t   ;  ' 

ii       II 


228 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA. 


[BOOK  IV. 


m 


were  the  usual  concomitants.  At  L'Isle  on  the  Doubs 
the  terrified  inhabitants  strove  to  emerge  by  a  rear- 
ward gate  while  the  storm  was  going  on  in  front.  A 
party  of  Swiss,  who  stood  on  the  opposite  bank, 
stripped  off  their  clothes,  tied  their  spears  across  their 
shoulders,  and  having  swum  the  river,  charged  the 
fugitives  and  drove  them  back  into  the  thick  of  the 
slaughter.'" 

Blamont,  the  principal  fortress  of  this  region, 
strong  by  position  as  well  as  art,  proved  a  much  less 
easy  conquest.  The  garrison  numbered  only  four 
hundred ;  but  the  castle,  perched  on  the  edge  of  a 
precipice,  whence  its  gilded  turrets  flashed  across  the 
valley  of  the  Doubs,  commanded  all  the  approaches  ; 
while  the  town  was  further  protected  by  a  massive 
wall  and  towers.  After  a  cannonade  of  several  days 
the  assault  was  delivered  on  the  4th  of  August.  Be- 
sides keeping  up  a  shower  of  missiles,  the  defenders 
resorted  to  an  expedient  which  had  at  lesist  the  merit 
of  originality.  Swarms  of  bees,  loosely  enveloped 
in  linen  cloths,  were  dropped  on  the  heads  of  the 
assailants,  compelling  them  to  let  go  their  weapons 
and  guard  their  eyes.  At  the  end  of  four  hours, 
having  sustained  a  heavy  loss  and  failed  in  all  their 
attempts,  they  retired  in  despair.'^ 

This  check,  in  conjunction  with  other  circumstances, 
threatened  to  put  an  end  to  tbo  campaign.  Dis- 
sensions had  alread;'  broken  out  among  the  leaders, 
and  Thierstein,  after  a  violent  quarrel  with  Diesbach, 


'®  Schilling,  s.  191.  —  Letter  of     cerne.  MS.    (Archives  of  Lucerne.) 
Diesbach    to    the  council  of   Lu-        "  Schilling,  8.  197. 


CHAP.  X.] 


BLAMONT  CAMPAIGN. 


229 


had  withdrawn  privately  from  tlie  camp."  The 
troops  generally,  but  especiallv  the  Swiss,  hated  the 
tediousness  of  siege  operations,  which  in  the  present 
instance  were  rendered  more  irKsome  by  the  state  of 
the  weather.  The  August  of  this  year  seems  to  have 
been  singularly  unpropitious  to  military  enterprise. 
On  the  distant  plains  of  Picardy,  it  had  disguised 
itself,  as  we  have  seen,  to  the  English  mind,  as  the 
forerunner  of  winter.  Here,  on  the  contrary,  the 
extreme  sultriness  of  the  atmosphere  had  engen- 
dered a  pestilence,  such  as  had  raged  in  Alsace  in  the 
summer  of  the  preceding  year,  under  the  name  of 
"  cholera."  It  was  noticed  as  a  characteristic  of  the 
attacks,  that  they  usually  proved  fatal  within  twelve 
hours.^*  In  the  case  of  its  most  distinguished  victim, 
the  disease  ran  a  less  rapid  course.  While  before 
L'Isle,  Diesbach  had  received  a  kick  ir.  the  thigh 
from  a  refractory  horse.  Although  hi,  subsequent 
exertions  were  evidently  injurious,  he  could  not  be 
induced  to  allow  himself  necessary  repose.  Alone 
he  had  struggled  against  the  general  depression. 
His  own  men  he  had  encouraged  with  the  hope  of 
soon  encountering  an  enemy  in  the  open  field  ;  while 
he  gave  a  promise  to  the  others,  who  would  not  have 
found  this  prospect  so  consoling,  to  send  for  reen- 
forcements  from  Berne.  In  a  long  letter  to  the  coun- 
cil of  Lucerne,  written  on  the  31st  of  July,  he  char- 
acteristically described  his  relations  with  cue  other 
chiefs,  and  his  parting  with  Thierstein,  as  amicable 


1..      I ,.!(' 


1(1 


'«  Knebel,  Iste  Abth.  s.  166-168.     B.  II.  s.  281,  282. 
—  Letters  from  the  camp,  in  Blaesch,         '^  Knebel,  Iste  Abth.  s.  74. 


230 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA. 


[book  IV. 


^.lillt 


in  the  extreme,  and  urged  upon  his  countrymen,  as 
members  of  the  Holy  Empire,  to  join  in  a  crusade  for 
the  preservation  of  Lorraine.''"  Meanwhile  his  system 
had  been  gradually  sinking,  and  he  was  now  attacked 
by  the  prevailing  disorder.  At  his  own  request  he 
was  transported  to  the  episcopal  residence  at  Prun- 
trut,  where  three  days  afterwards  he  expired,  in  the 
forty-fifth  year  of  his  age.'"*^ 

If  the  world  is  not  familiar  with  his  career,  this 
must  be  attributed  to  the  secrecy  of  his  actions,  not 
to  their  insignificance.  No  Swiss  statesman  has  ever 
exercised  a  greater  influence  on  the  destinies  of  his 
country.  He  guided  it  out  of  the  haven  where  it 
was  securely  moored  into  the  broad  and  stormy 
ocean  of  European  history.  Yet  none  of  the  glory 
of  its  subsequent  exploits  has  been  reflected  back 
upon  his  name,  which  is  remembered  only  in  con- 
nection with  the  venality  and  the  servitude  he  had 
fastened  upon  a  free  and  high-spirited  people.  By 
his  family  and  friends  it  seems  to  have  been  im- 
agined that  this  act  would  itself  form  his  title  to 
renown,  A  tablet  above  his  tomb,  in  the  church  of 
Saint  Vincent,  recorded  the  fact  that  he  was  the 
author  of  the  French  alliance  and  the  pension  system. 
"  An  inscription  worthy  of  the  deed ! "  exclaims  an 
indignant  chronicler  of  Berne,  writing  early  in  the 
next  century ;  "  among  the  Athenians  his  memory 
would  have  been  publicly  dishonored,  like   that  of 


*"  This  is  one  of  the  very  few 
letters  of  Diesbach  extant,  and 
probably  the  last  which  he  wrote. 
It  is  preserved  in  the  Archives  of 


Lucerne. 

"'  Schilling,  s.  200. 
II.  s.  243. 


—  Tillier,  b. 


CHAP.  X.) 


BLAMONT  CAMPAIGN. 


231 


the  traitor  who  brought   the   gold   of  Xerxes  into 
Greece."  ^^ 

His  colleagues  at  home  raised  a  loud  lamentation 
over  their  loss,  and  received  from  some  of  their 
neighbors  messages  of  condolence.  At  the  court  of 
Savoy,  on  the  contrary,  the  event  gave  rise  to 
rejoicings.  It  was  there  anticipated  that  Diesbach's 
death  would  involve  the  overthrow  of  his  policy.-"^ 
Had  it  happened  somewhat  earlier,  such  would 
probably  have  been  the  result.  But  the  whole 
council  was  now  penetrated  with  his  views  and 
animated  with  his  zeal ;  the  ship  was  in  full  career ; 
and  helmsmen  trained  under  his  instructions,  his 
cousin  William  and  Scharnachthal  in  particular,  stood 
ready  to  supply  his  place.  The  latter  had  already 
been  appointed  to  command  the  new  levies,  amount- 
ing to  twenty-five  hundred  men.  He  waited  only  for 
the  interment  of  his  friend  before  taking  his  de- 
jMirture.  On  the  way  he  learned  that  Blamont  had 
already  fallen.  The  pestilence,  a  foe  more  potent  than 
even  the" Swiss,  had  effected  an  entrance,  and  carried 
off  most  of  the  garrison,  including  the  commandant. 
Having  called  a  parley,  the  townspeople  accepted  an 
offer  of  a  free  exit  with  their  personal  effects.  As 
soon  as  the  booty,  including  an  immense  amount  of 
corn,  had  been  secured,  the  walls  were  undermined, 
the  torch  was  applied,  and  the  whole  place  laid   in 


rums. 


24 


Scharnachthal,  on  his  arrival,  found  the  arrny  pre- 

"  Valerius  Anshelm.B.  1. 8. 121.  «*  Schilling,  s.  201-204.  — AVur- 

*^  DepOches   Milanaises,  torn.  i.     stisen,  s.  445.  —  Knebel,  Iste  Abth. 
pp.  200,  203,  221.  8.  168.  —  Tillier,  B.  II.  s.  244. 


nil 


232 


WAR  IN  THE  JURA. 


[book  IV. 


•1 


paring  to  disbaiul.  He  succeeded  by  dint  of  persua- 
sion in  retaining  a  suflicicnt  number  to  finish  up 
the  work  which  had  been  begun.  Accordingly  tlie 
remainder  of  the  month  of  August  and  the  fust  half 
of  September  were  spent  in  a  fresh  series  of  captures, 
in  which  the  daring  and  the  cruelty  of  the  victors 
were  equally  conspicuous.  The  country  north  and 
south  of  the  Ougnon  and  the  Doubs,  and  westward 
to  the  foot  of  the  slopes,  was  thoroughly  devastated. 
The  strong  castle  of  Grammont  having  been  taken 
by  storm,  the  survivors  of  the  garrison,  a  hundred  or 
more  in  number,  were  found  kneeling  around  two  or 
three  priests,  making  their  preparations  for  death. 
Without  a  moment's  pause,  the  work  of  slaughter 
went  on,  and  heads  with  the  half-uttered  confession  on 
the  lips,  rolled  at  the  feet  of  the  priests.  At  length 
the  devouring  pestilence,  which  had  followed  the  con- 
querors on  their  march,  put  an  end  to  the  campaign.*'* 


In  these  butcheries  and  ravages,  Berne  had  borne 
a  conspicuous  part,  yet  simply  with  the  view  of 
keeping  alive  the  war,  or,  in  its  own  phrase,  the 
"  practice  against  Burgundy."  Those  which,  after  a 
short  breathing-space,  it  set  on  foot  in  a  different 
quarter,  had  a  further  and  more  particular  motive. 

Its  attitude  towards  Savoy  had  undergone  no 
change.  It  had  neither  retracted  its  demands  nor 
carried  out  its  threats.  This  forbearance,  though 
trumpeted  by  the  council  as  an  example  of  singular 
generosity,  had  in  fact  proceeded  from  the  continued 


eres. 


25 


Schilling,  s.  206  et  seq.  —  Girard  MS  8. 


CHAP.  X.] 


BERNE  AND  SAVOY. 


233 


opposition  of  Fre^'burg,  whose  hearty  adlicrcneo,  in 
all  its  measures,  had  grown  more  essential  to  Berne 
in  proportion  as  still  nearer  allies  showed  them- 
selves jealous  or  cold. 

Yolande,  meanwhile,  in  daily  expectation  of  the 
menaced  blow,  found  herself  in  a  state  of  pitiable 
helplessness.  The  preparations  she  attempted  to 
make  served  only  to  display  the  inadequjicy  of  her 
strength.  The  champion  in  whom  she  had  put  her 
trust  was  still  far  distant,  and  every  fresh  ruuior  of 
his  approach  was  followed  by  fresh  disappointment. 
Before  the  world  she  still  bore  herself,  bravely.  But 
in  private  the  weakness  of  the  woman,  of  the  mother, 
of  the  female  politician  whose  delicate  fabric  of 
intrigue  one  rude  touch  had  swept  away,  could  not 
be  controlled.  When  alone  in  her  chamber,  or  with  a 
few  confidential  attendants,  she  fell  into  fits  of  silent 
weeping,  or  gave  way  to  bursts  of  passionate  lament.^" 

Without  proclaiming  war,  Berne  had  the  means  of 
making  the  weight  of  its  hand  continually  felt.  It 
occupied  the  mountain  passes,  and  seized  upon  Aigle 
and  other  places  in  the  Valais,  under  the  pretext 
of  military  necessity.^''  Neighbors,  dependants,  even 
subjects  of  Savoy,  —  the  counts  of  Bresse  and  Gruy- 
eres,  the  peasantry  of  the  Simmenthal,  the  bishop 
and  people  of  Sion,  —  yielded  to  the  ascendency  of 
Berne,  and  were  made  the  instruments  of  its  policy.^ 


,,-,-^^ 


'^  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.   i.  **  Instructions  in  Deutsch  Mis- 

pp.  120,  121  et  al.  —  Chroniques  de  siven-Buch  C,  5*52.  J1//S'.  —  Depeches 

Yolande,  and  Menabrea,  append.  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.   231  et  seq. 

"  Girard  MSS.  —  Deutsch  Mis-  — Rodt,  Die  Grafen  von  Greyers. 
siven-Buch  C,  544  et  al.   MS. 
VOL.  III.                   30 


234 


BERNE  AND  SAVOY. 


LBUUK  TV, 


I* 


...M 


It  carried  en  a  long  series  of  efforts,  baffled  finally  by 
the  superior  cunning  of  Rome,  to  establish  one  of  its 
own  creatures,  a  certain  Burkhard  Stdrr,  on  the 
episcopal  throne  of  Lausanne,  to  which  the  greater 
part  of  Western  Helvetia,  Berne  itself  included,  owed 
spiritual  obedience.^'  In  another  quarter  its  raa- 
nceuvres  were  more  successful.  The  bishop  of  Sion, 
dragged  along,  as  he  frankly  avowed,  against  his 
personal  wishes,^*  signed,  on  the  10th  of  September, 
a  treaty  with  Berne  of  mutual  aid  and  defence 
against  Savoy,^^  and  being  thus  guaranteed  against 
the  possible  consequences  to  himself,  permitted  his 
subjects  to  open  hostilities,  gratify  their  own  thirst 
for  plunder,  and  create  a  preliminary  diversion  in 
favor  of  their  instigator  and  ally. 

There  is  nothing  to  show  that  Berne  had  original- 
ly gone  into  the  war  with  any  ideas  of  conquest. 
But  in  the  progress  of  the  war  a  taste  for  conquest 
had  been  acquired.  It  would  not  have  been  strange 
if  the  feeling  had  existed  in  a  stronger  degree  than 
was  actually  the  case.  Berne,  from  its  position  and 
its  institutions,  might  naturally  have  aspired  to  a 
wider  range  of  action  than  the  other  cantons.  It  was 
the  first  in  population  and  extent  of  territory.  It 
could  send,  on  an  emergency,  twenty  thousand  men 
into    the   field.   Lucerne    only   nine    thousand,  the 

**  The  details  of  this  complex  and     Berne.)     See  also  the  Conservateur 
interminable  att'air,  of  which  the  up-     Suisse,  torn.  xii. 


shot  was  sufficiently  amusing,  are 
told  with  characteristic  minuteness 
by  Ituchat,  in  his  manuscript  His- 
toire  des  troubles  dans  le  diocese 
de    Lausanne.      (Stadt-Bibliothek, 


^"  Dcpeches  Milanaises,  torn.  i. 
p.  232. 

^'  Eidgenussische  Abschiede,  B< 
II.  s.  560. 


CHAP.  X.] 


BERNE  AND   SAVOY. 


235 


smaller  cantons  not  more  than  three  or  four  thou- 
sand each.  The  chief  town,  instead  of  lying  close 
beneath  the  shelter  of  overhanging  mountains,  looked 
forth  from  its  river-enfolded  eminence  over  valley 
and  plain,  the  snow-clad  Alps  rising  on  the  horizon, 
less  like  the  solid  works  of  Nature  than  miraculous 
phantoms.  The  main  street,  wider  than  most  thor- 
oughfares at  that  period  and  running  the  whole 
length  of  the  peninsula,  was  already  becoming  lined 
with  stately  edifices  •'''^  erected  with  the  gold  of  France 

—  the  residences  of  men  who  governed  the  state  and 
whose  acquaintance  with  the  affairs  of  nations  and 
courts  served  as  a  spring  to  ambition.  The  places 
captured  in  the  second  campaign,  —  Grandson,  Orbe, 
Jougne,  and  others,  —  though  nominally  held  by  the 
four  states  which  had  taken  part  in  the  conquest, 
were  virtually  subject  to  Berne  alone.  Besides  serv- 
ing as  military  posts,  from  which  almost  weekly 
forays  were  made  into  Franche-Comte,  they  fur- 
nished opportunities  for  the  practice  of  statesmanship. 
Under  the  new  rule  the  people  were  governed  not 
so  much  by  their  native  codes  and  customs  as  by  a 
despotic  will.  The  landvogts  appointed  by  the 
government  of  Berne  decided  their  lawsuits,  at  least 
in  the  last  resort,  and  compelled  them  to  labor  on 
fortifications  designed  to  keep  out  their  former 
rulers.'^  The  growing  pleasure  inspired  by  this 
exercise  of  authority  is  unconsciously  expressed   in 

"*  Alberti  de  Ronstetten  Descrip-  and  the  dedication  of  his  work  to 

tio    Helvetia',    Mittheilungen    der  Louis  XI.  is  dated  1481. 

Antiq.  Gesellschnft  in  Zurich,  B.  III.  '''■'  Eidgenossische  Abschiede,  B. 

—  The  author  was  born  about  1445,  II.  s.  553,  557  et  al. 


;J£ 


236 


BERNE  AND  SAVOY. 


[BOOK  IV. 


i    1 


1 

4 


the  letters  of  the  council,  which  speak  at  first  of  "  the 
conquered  lands,"  then  of  "  our  conquered  lands," 
and  finally,  as  if  these  places  had  been  incorporated 
with  the  canton,  simply  of  "  our  lands." 

But  the  way  to  these  lands,  almost  from  the  walls 
of  Berne,  lay  through  foreign  territory  —  territory 
weakly  guarded,  it  is  true,  and  closed  in  the  back- 
ground hy  the  Jura.  Along  the  summit  of  those 
ridges  lay  the  "  natural  boundary  "  of  Berne.^*  The 
basin  of  Leman,  as  an  integral  portion  of  Helve- 
tia, was  plainly  destined  to  fall  under  Swiss  rule. 
The  present  government,  it  was  clear,  existed  only 
on  sufferance  —  an  anomalous  tenure,  by  which  no 
power  can  be  permanently  held.  Yet  its  violent  dis- 
placement must,  under  the  actual  circumstances,  wear 
an  odious  aspect.  It  would  be  as  if  a  city  should 
make  war  upon  its  suburbs,  as  if  the  shepherd  should 
harry  his  sheep.  The  Pays  de  Vaud  was  under  the 
protection  of  Berne.  In  other  words,  Berne  had 
pledged  its  honor  not  to  attack  or  permit  others  to 
attack  it.  Then  too  the  towns  had  old  alliances  with 
Berne,  and  had  evinced  their  friendliness  by  constant 
good  offices.  The  people  were  pacific  in  their  habits, 
tranquil  and  industrious  under  the  mildest  rule'^  and 
amid  the  loveliest  scenery  of  Europe. 

It  is  true  that  in  the  more  distant  places,  which 
had  witnessed  the  subjugation  of  their  neighbors  and 
found  cause  to  tremble  for  their  own  security,  Berne 
had  already  come  to  be  regarded  not  as  the  shepherd 


mgs 


mg 


^*  See  the  remarks  of  Rodt,  B.  I.        ^*  See  Verdeil,  Hist,  du  Canton 
B.  511.  de  Yaud,  torn.  i.  p.  231. 


CHAP.  X.] 


BERNE  AND  SAVOY. 


237 


but  as  the  wolf.  A  pretext  for  hostilities  was  evi- 
dently sought  for.''"  Let  the  once  clear  stream  be 
muddied,  and"  the  blame,  as  well  as  the  penalty,  would 
be  sure  to  fall  upon  the  weaker  party. 

About  the  middle  of  October  Berne  began  a  series 
of  letters  addressed  to  its  Confederates  and  allies, 
vaunting  the  magnanimity  and  good  faith  of  its  deal- 
ings with  Savoy,  and  especially  with  the  count  of 
Romont,  and  denouncing  the  black  ingratitude  by 
which  its  patience  had  been  at  last  exhausted.  In 
addition  to  its  standing  griefs  —  the  passage  of  the 
Italian  recruits  and  the  position  of  Romont  in  the 
Burgundian  service  —  it  cited  some  recent  and  more 
direct  proofs  of  malevolence.  One  of  its  officers,  sent 
with  an  escort  on  a  tour  of  inspection  up  the  valley 
of  the  Orbe,  had  been  waylaid  and  maltreated  by 
some  soldiers  of  the  garrison  of  Les  Clees.  A  party 
of  Nuremberg  traders,  allies  of  Berne,  had  been  ar- 
rested and  despoiled  of  their  goods,  while  passing 
through  the  Pays  de  Vaud  on  their  way  to  Lyons. 
Worst  of  all,  according  to  a,  report  which  had  just 
been  received,  the  count  of  Romont  had  secretly 
returned  to  his  dominions,  and  was  now  at  Y^  ordun, 
stirring  up  the  people  against  the  Swiss,  and  concoct- 
ing plans  for  expelling  them  from  the  conquered 
places.^'' 


■|-l: 


Canton 


'"  On  this  point  all  who  have 
really  investigated  the  matter  are 
agreed.  "  Solche  Anliisse,"  remarks 
Bla;sch,  "  waren  den  Bernern  er- 
wiinscht  urn  sich ...  die  ganze  Waadt 
in  ihre  lliinde  zu  bringen."  Ge- 
Bchichte  der  Stadt  Biel,  B.  II.  s.  283. 
And  see  Rodt,  B.  I.  s.  511. 


^'  Letters  to  Lucerne,  to  the  Con- 
federates exclusive  of  Lucerne,  to 
the  bishop  of  Sion,  to  Rudolph  of 
Hochberg,  to  Basel,  &c.,  Deutsch 
Missiven-Buth  C,  570-585.  MS.  — 
Instructions  to  envoys  sent  to  the 
French  king,  Zellweger,  Beilage 
xxix.  —  Schilling,  s.  221  et  seq. 


238 


BERNE  AND  SAVOY. 


[BOOK  IV. 


■<il  ■  ,« 
it 


(II 


On  each  of  these  points  Savoy  could  have  given  a 
strong,  perhaps  a  conclusive,  reply .^*  But  Berne 
wanted  no  reply.  It  asked,  it  waite'd,  for  none. 
On  the  14th  of  the  same  month,  before  its  com- 
plaints had  even  been  promulgated,^''  it  declared 
war  against  the  count  of  Romont,  having  first  se- 
cured the  adhesion  of  Freyburg  by  earnest  entrea- 
ties, coupled  with  a  promise  not  to  invade  the  other 
dominions  of  Savoy.*'*  It  also  drew  up,  but  with- 
out venturing  to  issue  it,  a  similar  missive  in  the 
name  of  the  Confederacy,*^  while  most  of  the  can- 
tons were  still  in  complete  ignorance  of  its  intentions 


II  I 


^'  The  promptness  of  the  Savoy- 
ard authorities  in  punishing  the 
violence  at  Les  Clees  is  acknowl- 
edged by  Schilling  (s.  223),  though 
he  complains  that  only  some  of  the 
wrong -duers,  and  those  not  the  most 
prominent,  were  executed.  That 
the  arrest  of  the  Nuremberg  mer- 
chants, which  led  Commines  (tom. 
ii.  p.  10)  and  those  who  have  fol- 
lowed him  to  say  that  the  war  had 
its  origin  in  the  seizure  of  "  a  cart- 
load of  sheep-skins,"  was  a  perfect- 
ly legitimate  act  under  regulations 
which  had  been  sanctioned  by  the 
Swiss  themselves,  has  been  conclu- 
sively shown  by  M.  de  Gingins 
(Episodes  des  Guerres  de  Bour- 
gogne,  p.  176  et  seq.).  With  regard 
to  Yverdun,  it  appears  from  the  ac- 
count of  Etterlin  (Cronica,  fol.  89 
verso)  that  he,  with  some  of  his 
command,  had  gone  to  that  town 
to  purchase  wine  for  the  garrison 
of  Jougne,  and  that,  owing  to  the 
excitement  against  his  countrymen, 
they  were  forced  to  decamp  without 


effecting  their  object.  The  notion 
which  Etterlin  helped  to  disseminate, 
that  the  count  of  Romont  had  arrived, 
seems  to  have  had  as  little  foundation 
as  the  common  statement  of  the 
Swiss  chroniclers,  followed  by  M.  de 
Barante  and  other  modern  writers, 
that  Romont  held  the  post  of  gov- 
ernor of  Franche-Comte,  and  that 
he  had  commanded  the  Burgundian 
troops  at  Hericourt.  Rumor  had 
confounded  him  with  the  count  of 
Blamont. 

^*  The  first  letter  on  the  subject 
was  addressed  to  Lucerne,  and  bears 
date  the  11th;  the  next  —  to  the 
Confederacy  —  is  dated  "Donners- 
tag  nach  Dionysius  [Oct.  12]  in  the 
night."  One  to  the  bishop  of  Sion 
was  written  on  the  next  day.  The 
others  were  all  written  subsequently 
to  the  declai'ation  of  war. 

*"  Schilling,  s.  224.  —  Rodt,  B.  I. 

8.511. 

*'  DeutBch  Missiven-Buch  C,  576. 
M8. 


CHAP.  X.] 


WAR  BEGUN. 


239 


10,576. 


and  proceedings.  Early  in  the  morning  of  the  same 
day  —  coiisequently  before  the  hostile  notice  could 
have  gone  forth,  much  less  have  reached  its  destina- 
tion —  the  first  levy  of  troops,  under  command  of 
Petermann  von  Wabern,  a  prominent  member  of  the 
councii,  left  the  town  by  the  west  gate,  from  which 
the  road  led  straight  to  Morat. 

Precautions  were  taken  to  insure  secrecy  on  the 
march.  At  Giimminen,  twelve  miles  from  Berne  and 
six  from  Morat,  the  party  halted  till  evening  in  the 
woodod  gorge  of  the  Saane,  the  boundary  between 
the  two  states.  Late  at  night,  under  a  pelting  rain, 
which  favored  their  object,  they  arrived  before  the 
walls  and  demanded  entrance.  The  inhabitants  were 
overwhelmed  with  surprise.  For  a  century  and  a 
half  Morat  had  been  leagued  with  Berne  by  the 
closest  ties  of  alliance,  and  but  two  years  ago  the 
treaty  had  been  for  the  fourth  time  solenmly  re- 
newed. In  darkness  and  confusion  the  people,  men 
and  women,  collected  in  the  square,  and  debated 
what  answer  to  give.  If  properly  defended,  the  town, 
one  of  the  strongest  in  the  Helvetian  territory,  might 
defy  an  attack  from  any  'ordinary  force.  On  one  side 
it  was  protected  by  its  lake  with  a  palisade  extending 
far  into  the  water,  on  the  others  by  a  castle  and  walls 
which  in  older  times  had  resisted  the  power  of  the 
Austrian  emperors,  and  which  had  been  recently 
rebuilt  with  a  care  attested  by  the  still  existing 
masonry.  But,  besides  that  there  was  no  regular 
garrison,  the  lower  class  of  the  population  consisted 
mainly  of  settlers  from  the  adjacent  cantons.    These, 


'  I 


m>._il 


I    ■  '    * 


u> 


240 


CONQUEST  OF  VAUD. 


[book  IV. 


'lUUti 


I'l 


having  perhaps  been  tampered  with  beforehand,  clam- 
ored against  the  folly  of  resistance.  The  party  out- 
side, having  meanwhile  been  joined  by  the  Freyburg 
contingent,  Avhich  had  come  by  the  way  of  Laupen, 
began  to  grow  impatient.  Another  message  was 
sent  in,  stating  that  the  hour  and  weather  admitted 
of  no  long  parley,  promising  fair  treatment  if  surren- 
der were  made,  and  threatening  the  worst  in  case  of 
a  refust?l.  A  vote  was  immediately  taken,  and  dread 
of  the  Swiss  spears,  or  a  desire  for  Swiss  rule,  pre- 
vailed with  the  majority.  Yet  among  the  more  sub- 
stantial citizens,  loyally  attached  to  the  house  of 
Savoy  and  not  of  German  extraction,  there  was  a 
deep  feeling  of  rage  and  mortification.  The  burgo- 
master, Richard  Rossel,  dropped  dead  from  excite- 
ment. The  commjindant,  Humbert  de  Lavignier, 
mounted  his  horse,  calling  out,  "Make  way  there, 
you  who  mean  to  surrender!  God  forbid  that  / 
should  deny  my  prince ! "  and  as  the  gate  was 
thrown  open,  rode  forth  between  the  ranks  of  the 
incoming  foe  and  sped  through  the  tempest  to 
Avenches.*^ 

On  the  next  day,  Ganday,  while  the  mass-bells 
were  sounding  across  the  lake  and  along  the  hill- 
sides, the  invaders  pursued  their  march.  The  alarm 
had  now  preceded  them.  Before  they  had  passed 
the  "  lone  wall  and  lonelier  column "  that  attest  the 
extent  and  splendor  of  the  ancient  Aventicum,  the 


*'  Engelhard,  Murten  Chronik  Chanoines  de  Neuchfitel,  Schweiz. 
und  Biirgcrbuch,  s.  51,  52.  —  Schil-  Geschichtforscher,  B.  VIII.  s.  237 
ling,  s.  226,  227.  —  Chronique  des     et  Beq. 


CHAP.  X.] 


ESTAVAYEB. 


241 


Roman  capital  of  Helvetia,  deputies  from  the  little 
town  that  lies  vithin  those  precincts  and  retains  the 
name  met  '.hem  with  offers  of  submission.  Stopping 
only  to  exact  a  contribution  of  food,  they  pushed 
forward  five  miles  farther  to  Payerne,  the  burial- 
place  of  Queen  Bertha,  traditional  founuress  of  un- 
numbered abbeys  and  towns,  female  Alfred  of  the 
ancient  Burgundian  populations.  This  too  was  im- 
mediately surrendered  ;  and  here  a  halt  was  made  to 
give  time  for  additional  troops  to  arrive,  detachments 
being  sent  in  the  interval  to  capture  some  castles  in 
the  vicinity.  On  the  17th  the  march  was  resumed, 
across  the  breezy  table-land  that  stretches  to  the 
Lake,  of  Neuchatel  and  dips  abruptly  to  the  shore. 
The  lofty  bank  conceals  the  town  of  Estavayer, 
which  hangs  upon  the  steep  slope  —  a  quaint  heap  of 
ancient  houses  and  ruined  castles,  containing  some 
seventeen  hundred  souls.  At  the  time  of  which  we 
write  the  population  seems  to  have  been  considera- 
bly larger ;  and  as  it  consisted  chiefly  of  weavers, 
whose  cloth  was  in  demand  throughout  the  neighbor- 
ing region,  the  place  was  reputed  very  active  and 
flourishing.  The  municipal  registers  of  the  period  are 
till  extant ;  but  six  sheets,  instead  of  containing  a 
record  of  the  events  we  are  about  to  relate,  have 
been  left  vacant.  The  scribe  whose  duty  it  was  had 
not  the  heart  to  fill  that  ominous  blank. 

Three  castles,  and  a  wall  with  bulwarks  completely 
surrounding  the  town,  gave  it  an  appearance  of 
strength.  Besides  the  able-bodied  male  inhabitants, 
numbering  a  thousand  or  more,  there  was  a  garrison 


rfi 


-.J 


VOL.  III. 


81 


242 


CONQUEST  OP  VAUD. 


[book  IV. 


0 


r.4 


of  three  hundred  militiamen  from  Nyon.  The  com- 
mandant, Claude  d'Estavayer,  was  descended,  as  his 
name  implied,  from  the  founders  of  the  place,  and 
still  exercised  the  rights  of  a  co-seigneur  in  conjunc- 
tion with  Romont,  to  whom  he  had  written,  on  the 
16th,  announcing  the  enemy's  approach  and  asking 
for  reenforcements.  He  added  that,  in  any  event, 
the  shameful  treason  enacted  at  Morat  would  not 
be  repeated  here.*^  Riding  through  the  streets,  he 
exhorted  the  people  to  bear  themselves  manfully, 
threatening  death  to  whoever  should  talk  of  yielding. 
A  summons  sent  forward  by  the  Swiss  leaders  was 
ycornfully  rejected. 

But  the  spirit  thus  displayed  was  not  of  a  kind  to 
avail  cigainst  Swiss  valor  and  resolution.  Some  men  of 
Payerne,  well  acquainted  with  the  localities,  had  been 
brought  along  as  guides ;  and  under  cover  of  a  fire 
from  the  arquebusiers  the  works  and  approaches  were 
diligently  scanned.  The  halberdiers  made  a  rush  at 
one  of  the  gates,  and,  hewing  away  some  obstructions, 
began  to  smite  the  door  with  their  sharp  and  ponder- 
ous axes.  Another  party,  passing  round  unobserved 
through  groves  and  gardens,  gained  the  margin  of  the 
lake  and  crept  along  beneath  the  wall.  Ha'^ging  from 
the  ramparts  they  detected  some  ropes,  affixed  with 
the  purpose  of  lowering  goods,  or  perhaps  if  neces- 
sary of  effecting  a  retreat,  to  vessels  moored  below. 
With  the  help  of  these  a  few  of  the  Swiss  climbed  to 
the  top  and  speedily  drew  up  theii  comrades.  The 
shout  of  Stafis  gewmnen !  —  "  Estavayer  gained  ! "  — 


and 


"  Girard  MS8. 


CHAP.  X.] 


FATE  OF  ESTAVAYER. 


243 


from  the  rearward  side  startled  the  defenders  and 
diverted  their  attention  from  the  gate.  It  was  soon 
broken  inj  the  whole  army  came  running  up  and 
poured  through  the  breach. 

A  massacre  ensued,  exceeding  in  atrocity  what  the 
world  was  too  familiar  with  on  such  occasions.  Every 
living  thing  that  came  in  the  way  fell  beneath  hal- 
berd or  sword.  The  houses  were  ransacked  for  fresh 
victims.  The  commandant,  with  a  hundred  and  fifty 
of  the  garrison,  had  betaken  himself  to  one  of  the 
castles.  It  was  speedily  stormed,  and  no  prayer  for 
mercy  or  offer  of  ransom  was  listened  to.  Another 
castle  was  fired,  and  the  occupants  were  st'^sd, 
crushed,  or  burned  to  death.  It  was  not  the  rage  of 
vengeance  or  fanaticism  that  inspired  these  cruelties, 
but  simply  the  lurking  savagery  of  human  nature, 
ever  ready  to  burst  its  bounds  and  to  exhibit  its 
kindred  with  the  wolf  The  executioner  of  Berne, 
armed  with  his  sword  of  office,  was  seen  going  from 
street  to  street,  searching  among  the  heaps  of  slain, 
and  when  he  found  a  body  in  which  life  w^as  not 
extinct,  pulling  it  out  and  deliberately  laying  it  in 
a  convenient  posture  to  chop  off  the  head.  From 
this  employment  he  was  at  last  called  away  to 
a  more  regular  exercise  of  his  functions.  Ten  or 
twelve  soldiers,  subjects  of  Lausanne,  had  been 
dragged  from  a  cellar ;  and  these  he  was  ordered  to 
take  out  upon  the  lake  and  drown.  A  rope  was 
given  him  with  which  to  tie  them  together,  and  a 
crowd  of  soldiers,  chiefly  youths,  pushed  out  in  boats 
to  witness  the  sport.    He  performed  his  task  so  un- 


^"^1 


*ui*.  *»!; 


■in; 


I       ;■ 


Ml^ 


244 


CONQUEST  OF  VAUD. 


[ROOK  IV. 


skilfully  that  several  of  the  victims,  after  being  sub- 
merged, got  loose  and  struggled  to  the  bank.  A  ytU 
of  disappointment  and  contempt  arose ;  and  some  of 
the  spectators,  whose  wantonness  and  audacity  are 
properly  censured  by  the  official  chronicler  of  Berne, 
standing  on  the  gunwales  of  the  boats,  impaled  the 
bungling  miscreant  with  their  spears,  and  lifting  his 
carcass  aloft,  tossed  it  off  into  the  water.^ 

About  thirteen  hundred  persons  perished,  most  of 
them  in  the  slaughter,  the  rest  while  endeavoring  to 
escape  in  over-crowded  boats.  The  survivors  were 
nearly  all  women  and  children,  who,  having  avoided 
the  first  fury  of  the  massacre,  were  left  unharmed 
when  it  had  begun  to  subside.  At  night  they  ven- 
tured forth  to  collect  their  dead,  brought  them  into 
the  churches  and  laid  them  on  the  pavement.  The  dis- 
mal wailing  of  the  poor  bereaved  creatures  drowned 
the  tumult  without,  terrifying  the  murderers,  some 
of  whom  were  fain  to  go  among  them  and  offer 
money  by  way  of  reparation  or  condolence.  Others 
were  already  too  busy  with  the  work  of  plunder  to 
spare  even  a  moment's  breath  in  a  prayer  for  the 
souls  they  had  sent  so  swiftly  to  their  accounf^    In 


♦■•  The  manuscript  of  Schilling's 
work  —  a  beautiful  vellum  folio  pre- 
served in  the  Library  of  Berne  — 
contains  a  picture  of  this  scene. 
The  attitudes  are  ludicrously  im- 
possible. There  are  many  other 
illustrations  in  the  volume,  vividly 
colored  and  not  without  histori- 
cal value.  Before  being  deposited 
among  the  civic  treasures,  the  man- 
uscript was  read  before  the  council, 


in  order  that  "  nothing  but  the  bare 
truth"  —  or  rather  nothing  that  it 
might  be  inconvenient  to  make  pub- 
lic—  should  appear  in  it. 

■•*  Schilling  was  not  one  of  this 
class ;  he  is  liberal  with  such  ejacu- 
lations. Our  other  authority,  the 
cold-blooded  canon  of  Neucliatel, 
contents  himself  with  his  usual  re- 
flection, that  it  was  all  owing  to 
the  madness  and  presumption  of 


CHAP.  X.] 


FATE  OF  ESTAVAYER. 


245 


accordance  with  the  established  rule,  it  was  ordered 
that  the  booty  should  be  collectc  d  into  a  common 
pile.  But  those  who  had  been  foremost  or  luckiest 
refused  to  disgorge,  and  the  leaders  Ibund  their 
private  advantage  in  not  insisting  on  compliance. 
There  was  far  more,  however,  than  could  be  removed 
by  the  soldiery,  and  the  heavier  articles  became  the 
prey  of  those  who  tiocked  like  vultures  from  far  and 
near.  A  whole  fleet  of  vessels  arrived  from  Neu- 
chatel  and  went  back  fully  freighted.  Freyburg, 
ambitious  of  succeeding  to  the  position  of  Estavayer 
as  a  manufacturing  town,  sent  a  hundred  wagons  to 
carry  off  the  looms.  The  sack  lasted  until  every 
building  was  completely  cleared.  An  intention  ex- 
isted of  destroying  the  walls ;  but  this  was  fiiiaily 
deemed  too  laborious  an  undertaking,  and  the  sur- 
viving male  inhabitants  were  summoned  to  take  an 
oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Swiss  authorities.  The  num- 
ber, including  priests,  that  appeared,  after  a  careful 
search  had  been  instituted,  fell  short  of  twenty.*" 

The  story  of  these  events,  fresh  from  the  lips  of 
eye-witnesses  and  accompanied  with  details  that  have 
not  been  handed  down,*^  sent  a  shock  through  the 


the  inhabitants    in    attempting  to 
resist. 

^«  Schilling,  8.  228-232.  — Chro- 
nique  des  Chanoines  de  Neuchatel, 
Schweiz.  Geschichtforscher,  B.  VIII. 
243-247.  —  There  is  a  tradition  at 
Estavayer,  according  to  which  the 
present  inhabitants  of  the  place  are 
descended  from  half  a  dozen  young 
Loys,  who  succeeded  in  escaping 
across  the  lake  to  Grandson.    This 


is  not  very  probable :  yet  there  are 
indications  that  Estavayer  for  a 
long  time  afterwards  had  little  in- 
tercourse with  other  places.  It  still 
retciins  the  ancient  creed,  while  sur- 
rounded by  Protestant  neighbors. 

*''  The  contemporary  Swiss  chron- 
iclers were  not  inclined  to  perpetu- 
ate the  memory  of  this  transaction. 
Etterlin  and  Edlibach  are  signifi- 
cantly silent  in  regard  to  it,  while 


-Jli 


iri  "^ 


-:i 


i^li 


246 


CONQUEST  OF  VAUD. 


[book  ir. 


population  of  the  adjacent  countries,  whether  hostile 
or  friendly  to  the  actors.  The  "  bad  day  of  Estava- 
yer "  was  long  remembered ;  and  a  heavy  calamity 
that  a  few  months  later  befell  Berne  was  looked 
upon  even  there  as  the  work  of  a  retributive  justice. 
When  the  first  accounts  came  to  hand,  the  council, 
a])j)alled,  and  not  unconscious  of  their  own  responsi- 
bility, wrote  to  the  commanders  in  a  strain  more 
creditable  than  that  of  their  customary  effusions. 
"  We  learn,"  they  said,  "  from  a  public  and  wide- 
spread report,  that,  after  the  capture  of  Estavayer,  the 
greatest  barbarities  were  practised  by  our  men,  vio- 
lence being  done  even  to  priests,  aged  persons,  con- 
vents, churches,  and  holy  things  ;  which  troubles  our 
hearts  more  deeply  than  it  is  possible  to  express, 
when  we  remember  that  our  fathers  alw.ays  abstained 
from  such  deeds,  punishing  with  the  greatest  severity 
any  who  were  guilty  of  them,  and  thereby  insured  to 
themselves  honor,  safety,  and  success.  We  therefore 
beseech  you,  as  you  respect  the  principles  and  cus- 
toms that  have  been  handed  down  to  us,  and  desire 
that  the  merciful  protection  of  the  Almighty  and  of 
the  heavenly  host  may  continue  to  shield  us,  not  to 
suffer  such  inhuman  cruelties  as  must  draw  upon  us 
the  vengeance  of  God ;  and,  when  words  will  not 
avail  for  restraint,  that  you  will  proceed  to  acts  of 
exemplary  punishment."  ^'^    The  answer  has  not  been 


Schilling  of  Lucerne  frankly  states 
that  he  is  unwilling  to  write  the 
particulars,  adding,  however,  the 
just  reflection  that  "such  things 
will  happen  where  there  is  no  order 


or  fear  of  God."     (Schweizer-Chro-        1 

sciinttei 

nik,  s.  72.)                                                ■ 

aber  U! 

*^  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  589,        1 

gangen 

MS.                                                       1 

nitt  ist 

1 

und  niit 

1 

begaber 

CHAP.  X.] 


FATE  OP  ESTAVAYER. 


247 


preserved ;  but  its  effect,  if  not  its  purport,  niny  be 
read  in  the  altered  tone  of  the  rejoinder.  "  Your 
letter  of  yesterday,"  wrote  the  council  on  the  24th, 
"  has  acquainted  us  with  what  took  place  at  the  cap- 
ture of  Estavayer  in  regard  to  churches,  ecclesiastics, 
shrines,  and  so  forth.  We  perceive  that  what  we 
wrote  has  been  taken  differently  from  what  we  in 
the  sincerity  of  our  good  will  had  intended.  Our 
meaning,  certainly,  was  not  to  cast  any  reproach  upon 
you,  whose  wisdom  and  reverence  for  God  we  well 
knew,  but  merely  to  touch  upon  the  disorderliness 
that  might  exist  among  the  mass  of  the  commor 
people,  not  imbued  with  your  sentiments,  but  con- 
ducting themselves  as  we  have  seen  them  on  previ- 
ous occasions."*" 

This  retreat  in  timidity  and  confusion,  produced, 
as  is  evident,  by  a  sharp  and  angry  retort,  shows 
how  the  basis  of  order  and  authority  among  the 
Swiss  was  getting  shaken  by  events.  From  the  be- 
ginning of  the  war  there  had  been  constant  laments 
over  the  insubordinatior,  of  the  troops,  and  their 
reckless  maltreatment  of  friends  as  well  as  foes.  The 
despatches  to  and  from  the  camp  are  filled  with  such 
complaints  and  with  proofs  of  their  correctness.  Poor 
people  from  the  rural  districts,  alike  of  subject  and  of 
alien  territory,  came  daily  to  Berne  to  seek  redress 


49  "Verstan  daruss  das  unser 
schriften  riitt  also  gewirckt  als  sie 
aber  us  unser  gctruwen  gcmiiten 
gangen  sind,  dann  unser  meinung 
nitt  ist  gewiss  uch  die  wir  hochwiss 
und  mitt  allcr  cristenlicher  gotfurcht 
begaben  wussten  dheinswegs  zu  be- 


laden,  aber  dabi  zu  beruren  das  vil- 
licht  cttlich  ungezangt  ludt,  die 
dann  in  solicher  menge  nitt  euer 
neigung  sind,  sunder  werden  als  wir 
ettlicher  ander  zit  gesehen  haben." 
Ibid.  595.  MS. 


tHi 


to..,  ■'«^ 


t  ''       i: 


!    I      I 


248 


CONQUEST  OF  VAUD. 


[BOOK  IV. 


\ 


ff 


«U' 


for  the  robberies  and  other  injuries  they  had  sus- 
tained. More  than  once  the  matter  had  been  brought 
before  the  diet.^°  At  a  later  period,  when  the  mischief 
had  risen  to  a  head  that  imperilled  the  existence  of 
the  Confederacy,  its  source  was  better  understood. 
So  long  as  the  Swiss  were  fighting  for  a  cause,  the 
general  sentiment  of  the  people  had  prompted  and 
enforced  a  stringent  discipline.  But  the  present  war, 
through  the  very  motives  which  its  instigators  had 
aroused,  was  sapping  the  virtue  that  had  ennobled  the 
rudeness  of  the  national  character.  Traditional  prin- 
ciples had  been  cast  aside,  and  it  was  idle  for  the 
government  of  Berne  to  appeal  to  memories  which  it 
had  set  the  example  of  desecrating. 

Before  leaving  Estavayer  the  army  was  further 
reenforced  by  the  contingent  of  Solothurn.  While 
the  main  force  proceeded  along  the  lake  towards 
Yverdun,  at  the  southern  extremity,  a  strong  detach- 
ment occupied  the  region  between  Freyburg  and 
Lausanne,  a  rolling  country,  sprinkled  with  little 
towns  whose  battlements  and  towers  still  greet  the 
eye  like  the  illuminations  of  a  mediaeval  chronicle.^' 
Moudon,  the  chief  town,  Rue,  Romont,  and  others, 


»"  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  432, 
607,  599,  603  et  al.  MS.  —  Raths- 
buch.  MS.  (Archives  of  Lucerne.) 
—  Eidgenossische  Abschiede,  B.  II. 
6.  536. 

*'  There  is  probably  no  part  of 
Europe  where  the  remains  of  medi- 
scval  town  fortifications  are  so  nu- 
merous and  well  prt;Rerved  as  in 
the  Helvetian  territory.  Erected  in 
times  of  local  division  and  strife, 


and  bearing  only  the  dints  of  an 
extinct  warfare,  they  have  slowly 
and  peacefully  decayed  through  ages 
in  which  every  other  country  has 
been  the  scene  of  conflicts  that 
would  have  shattered  them  to  at- 
oms. In  Belgium,  bristling  with  the 
erections  of  Vauban  and  Cohorn, 
scarcely  a  relic  of  the  kind  is  to  be 
met  with. 


CHAP.  X.] 


SURRENDER  OF  YVERDUN. 


249 


}?ielded  on  the  appearance  of  the  enemy,  or  de- 
spatched their  deputies  in  advance.  Meanwhile 
Yverdun,  on  receiving  a  summons,  took  time  to  de- 
liberate. A  column  that  attempted  to  steal  across 
the  marshes  surrounding  the  place  was  scattered  by 
the  fire  of  the  artillery.  The  citizens  were  not  in- 
clined to  offer  a  useless  resistance ;  but  having  made 
themselves  obnoxious  to  Berne  hy  open  manifesta- 
tions of  dislike,  they  had  little  to  hope  from  submis- 
sion. Yet  the  bloody  scenes  at  Estavayer,  which  had 
seemed  to  foreshadow  their  doom,  proved  their  salva- 
tion. The  Swiss  commanders,  notwithstanding  their 
defiant  air  under  the  rebuke  of  their  masters,  shrank 
from  the  still  deeper  odium  that  must  follow  the 
recurrence  of  such  enormities.  They  therefore  con- 
sented to  a  surrender  on  the  simple  conditions  of  a 
change  of  allegiance,  the  disbandment  of  the  garri- 
son, and  a  contribution  of  provisions.  The  gates 
were  to  remain  closed  against  the  common  soldiers, 
whose  dissatisfaction  was  loudly  expressed,  the  whole 
army  having  looked  forward  to  the  sack  of  Yverdun 
as  the  chief  reward  of  their  labors.^^  Nor  was  the 
council  of  Berne  well  pleased  with  this  exceptional 
leniency  in  a  case  which  had  been  thought  to  call 
for  exceptional  severities.  At  least,  they  wrote,  the 
walls  should  have  been  levelled  as  a  punishment 
for  the  insolence  they  had  protected.^^ 

Orbe  was  now  made  a  place  of  arms,  while  the 
scattered  castles  along  the  slopes  of  the  Jura,  from 


•■l3iJ! 


Urn  Vi  ■ 


If' 


f-*WHi 


^J* 


*'  Schilling    (who    fully   sympa-        *"  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  592. 
thized  with  this  feeling),  s.  232,  233.    MS. 
VOL.  III.  32 


250 


CONQUEST  OF  VAUD. 


[BOOK  IV. 


*ii.iti.( 


Ifli 


Sainte-Croix  to  La  Sarraz,  were  stormed  and  burned 
by  detached  parties.  A  picked  band  of  a  thousand 
men  wa^  sent  against  Les  Glees,  five  miles  up  the 
valley  of  the  Orbe,  which  is  here  enclosed  between 
shelving  cliffs,  overtopped  in  the  background  by  still 
loftier  heights.  In  the  depth  below,  the  river  hurries 
through  a  chasm,  on  the  edge  of  which  stand  the 
ruins  of  a  castle  once  accounted  a  masterpiece  of 
military  architecture.  The  inner  tower,  or  keep, 
could  only  be  reached  through  four  distinct  en- 
closures, each  strongly  fortified,  the  gates  being  even 
more  solid  than  the  walls.  A  large  proportion  of  the 
garrison,  which  numbered  in  all  but  a  hundred  and 
twenty,  were  persons  of  noble  extraction.  They  had 
fired  the  town,  and  the  still  blazing  houses  prevented 
any  approach  on  the  side  where  the  ascent  was  easi- 
est. It  was  necessary  to  mount  by  the  precipitous 
face  of  the  rock,  exposed  to  the  missiles  showered 
from  above.  The  foremost  of  the  assailants  tumbled 
back,  and  others  wavered.  But  shouts  from  the  rear 
urged  them  on,  reminding  them  that  the  first  assault 
was  always  the  most  likely  to  succeed.  Arquebusiers 
were  posted  to  keep  down  the  fire  from  the  loop- 
holes, and,  the  summit  having  been  gained,  the  work 
of  boring  through  the  outermost  wall,  with  picks  and 
other  implements,  went  on  with  less  annoyance. 
When  a  breach  had  been  effected  the  garrison  re- 
treated to  the  next  enclosure.  Several  hours  elapsed 
before  the  last  wall  was  pierced,  and  the  defenders, 
after  losing  more  than  half  their  number,  including 
the  commandant,  took  refuge  in  the  keep. 


OHAF.  X.] 


CRUELTIES  AT  ORBE. 


251 


They  now  offered  to  surrender  on  condition  that 
their  hves  should  be  spared ;  but  the  proposition 
was  rejected  with  disdain.  While  the  majority  of 
the  Swiss,  wearied  with  their  exertions,  dispersed  in 
search  of  plunder  and  refreshments,  others,  more 
amenable  to  the  appeals  of  their  officers,  collected 
timber,  straw,  and  other  materials,  which  they  heaped 
at  the  foot  of  the  tower,  intending  to  try  the  effect 
of  fire  in  smoking  out  or  smothering  the  occupants. 
Again  the  latter  called  a  parley.  They  no  longer 
asked  for  life,  but  proffered  the  last  petition  of  the 
Catholic  soldier  and  knight  —  time  for  confession 
and  death  by  the  sword.  But  this  too  was  refused. 
The  Swiss  were  resolved  upon  killing  both  body 
and  soul. 

They  were  obliged,  however,  to  forego  this  ex- 
quisite gratification.  A  voice  from  the  interior,  in 
their  own  dialect,  informed  them  that  two  of  their 
countrymen  were  prisoners  within  and  would  be  the 
first  victims  if  their  purpose  were  carried  out.  They 
therefore  conceded  the  point.  Taking  with  them 
the  remnant  of  the  garrison,  they  returned  to  Orbe. 
A  ring  was  formed  in  the  courtyard  of  the  castle,  the 
priests  were  set  at  work,  and  a  headsman  was  called 
for.  None  appearing,  one  of  the  prisoners,  the  ser- 
vant of  a  nobleman  among  them,  undertook  the  office 
on  the  promise  of  receiving  his  own  liberty.  His 
master,  the  lord  of  Galera,  while  leaning  from  a  loop- 
hole, had  had  his  head  pierced  by  the  shaft  of  an 
arquebuse.  The  missile  was  still  sticking  in  the 
wound.    "Yet  he  stood   up  manfully  in  the  ring," 


«fi 


;'ii|li^^ll| 


I.   '=!l!i 


252 


CONQUEST  OF  VAUD. 


[book  IV. 


CHAP. 


*' 

\ 


!«' 


!  i< 


wrote  the  captains  of  Berne  with  a  strange  pride  in 
the  endurance  of  their  victim." 

After  five  had  suffered  it  grew  too  dark  to  proceed. 
The  remainder  were  thrust  into  a  close  dungeon,  to 
await  their  doom  on  the  morrow.  The  town  was 
filled  with  revellers.  No  one  listened  to  the  cries 
at  first  extorted,  finally  stifled,  by  the  putrid  atmos- 
phere of  the  den  in  which  the  prisoners  were  im- 
mured. In  the  morning,  when  the  door  was  opened, 
it  was  found  that  nineteen  had  perished  by  suffoca- 
tion ;  and  the  faces  of  the  survivors  were  scarcely  less 
haggard  than  those  of  the  corpses.  Somewhat  dis- 
turbed by  this  spectacle,  the  Swiss  leaders,  after 
executing  five  more,  all  of  them  noblemen,  decided 
upon  sparing  the  common  men,  excusing  themselves, 
in  their  report,  on  the  ground  that  these  poor 
wretches  had,  after  all,  only  obeyed  the  commands 
of  their  superiors.^^ 

Meanwhile  Lucerne  had  sent  out  a  force,  and  the 
diet,  yielding  to  the  repeated  and  urgent  representa- 
tions of  Berne,  had  issued  a  general  call  to  arms.'*^ 
Zurich  obeyed  the  summons;  the  other  cantons, 
without  sending  their  contingents,  allowed  their  men 
to  volunteer.  So  rapid  had  been  the  successes  that 
the  council  half  regretted  having  called  for  aid,  which 
was  seen  to  be  little  needed.^''     The  declared  object 

**  "  Dem    war    ein    pfyll    durch    bation.     Deutsch  Misoiven-Buch  C, 
das  haupt  geschoBSta  und  ist  den-    696.   MS. 
nocht   mannlich  am   Ring  gestan- 
den."  Tschudische  Sammlung.  MS. 
(Stifts-Bibliothek,  Sanct-Gallen.) 

"  Ibid.  MS.  —  The  council  in  re- 
ply graciously  express  their  appro- 


"  Eidgenossische  Abschiede,  B. 
II.  8.  564. 

"  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  601, 
606.  MS. 


CHAP.  X.] 


GENEVA. 


253 


had  been  already  accomplished.  Wabern,  however, 
under  instructions  from  home,  now  proposed  to 
march  against  Geneva  and  exact  satisfaction  for  the 
outrage  to  his  late  colleague,  Nicholas  von  Diesbach. 

The  hostile  feeling  at  Geneva  had,  as  we  have 
before  remarked,  a  special  origin.  The  fairs  of  that 
place  had  formerly  been  much  frequented  by  foreign 
merchants,  whose  most  convenient  route  lay  through 
French  territory.  But  owing  to  a  restriction  on  the 
right  of  transit  imposed  with  this  precise  object  by 
Louis  the  Eleventh,  the  trade  of  Geneva  had,  within 
the  last  dozen  \ears,  been  diverted  to  Lyons.  Savoy 
had  retaliated  by  a  similar  prohibition,  with  an  excep- 
tion, however,  in  favor  of  the  Swiss,  who  would  not 
have  endured  its  operation.  They  were  expected, 
also,  to  use  their  good  offices  for  the  restoration  of 
free  intercourse  j  and  a  representation  on  the  subject 
had,  in  fact,  formed  part  of  the  business  intriL'  ter^  to 
Diesbach  on  the  occasion  of  his  first  mission  i .  the 
French  court.  The  failure  of  the  negotiation  was 
attributed  to  the  lukewarmness  of  the  envoj^^,  who, 
it  was  soon  discovered,  had  returned  in  the  capacity 
of  an  agent  of  Louis,  devoted  to  the  promotion  of  his 
policy  and  interests.  Hence  the  insult  offered  to  him 
when  returning  from  a  subsequent  mission  -  -  an  act 
for  which  Berne  had  demanded  the  enormous  indem- 
nity of  twelve  thousand  florins.^* 

On  hearing  of  Wabern's  design,  Freyburg  im- 
mediately protested  against  it  as  a  violation  of  the 

•*  Gallffe,  Matdriaux  pour  This-     nossische  Abschiede,  B.  II.  s.  332 
toire  de  Geneve,  torn.  i.  —  Eidge-     et  al. 


niii 


254 


CONQUEST  OF  VAUD. 


[book  IV. 


^(,116* 


|tf"' 


4'' 


,.!» 


pledge  under  which  its  own  concurrence  and  support 
had  been  obtained.  Authorized  by  the  assurances  of 
Berne,  it  had  sent  word  to  the  regent  that  the  war 
would  be  confined  to  the  territory  of  Romont ;  ^"  and 
it  therefore  besought  its  ally  to  desist  from  a  step 
which  must  compromise  the  honor  of  both.  "We 
gave  them  many  friendly  words  in  reply,"  wrote  the 
council  to  Wabern,  "  telling  them  that  we  had  no 
certain  knowledge  of  your  intentions,  but  would 
write  to  you  on  the  subject.  They  might,  however, 
be  assured  that  the  bad  feeling  of  Geneva  towards 
them  as  well  as  us  would  be  ready  to  break  out  on 
the  first  opportunity,  and  we  besought  them  there- 
fore, if  any  remedial  measure  were  undertaken,  not 
to  separate  themselves  from  us  and  our  Confederates, 
since  it  was  not  a  thing  that  at  all  conccjrned  the 
house  of  Savoy."  ^  Reading  the  truth  through  these 
equivocations,  Freyburg  peremptorily  recalled  its 
troops.  This,  as  the  council  wrote  to  Wabern, 
troubled  them  not  a  little.**  Seeing  how  much  was 
involved,  it  behooved  him  to  act  with  the  greatest 
prudence,  averting  any  misconduct  or  mischance 
which  might  expose  them  to  fresh  obloquy  and 
scandal.®*^     He  was   not,  however,  to   imagine  that 


"»  Girard  MSS. 

*"  "Ihnen  ist  gar  freundlich  ge- 
antwurt,  wir  wuss  eigentlich  uwer 
furnenien  nitt,  und  wollen  uch  da- 
rumb  traulich  schriben;  .  .  .  und 
haben  ihnen  in  unsser  schrift  briider- 
lich  geraten  ob  ettwas  deshalb  gegen 
die  von  Jenif  furgenommeu  wurd, 
sich  von  unnssern  Eidgnossen  und 


uns  nitt  zu  sundern,  dann  es  das 
hus  Safoy  nutz  berui',  mitt  mer  wor- 
ten  unsers  schribens."  Deutsch 
Missiven-Buch  C,  607.   MS. 

"  "Das  uns  nu  nitt  wenig  be- 
trubt." 

62  "irrung  und  mishell  die  uns 
geschrey  und  bekrenkung  bringen 
mocht  zu  verkomen." 


CHAP.  X.] 


SUBMISSION  OF  GENEVA. 


255 


jnig  be- 

die  uns 
bringen 


they  had  any  thought  of  letting  the  insolence  of 
Geneva  go  unpunished ;  "  and  we  recommend  you," 
they  concluded,  "  above  all  things,  not  to  forget  the 
twelve  thousand  florins.'"" 

Capturing  and  burning  the  places  on  the  route, 
the  army  proceeded  to  the  shores  of  Lake  Leman. 
It  was  the  first  time  in  history  that  the  Swiss  had 
come  in  sight  of  those  waters  in  hostile  array.  They 
entered  Morges  without  resistance,  a  force  of  three  or 
four  thousand  men  which  had  been  collected  there 
retreating  before  them  with  precipitation.  Geneva, 
destitute  of  fortifications,  and  full  of  wealth,  both 
domestic  and  foreign,  including  a  great  ecclesiastical 
treasure,  was  in  a  state  of  panic.  Deputies  were 
hastily  sent  to  purchase,  if  possible,  immunity  from 
the  impending  horrors.  The  cautions  of  the  council 
had  prepared  Wabern  and  his  associates  to  listen  to 
proposals  of  the  kind.  They  began  by  demanding 
a  hundred  thousand  florins,  but  accepted  finally  an 
offer  of  twenty-six  thousand  crowns,  payable  within 
the  yecv  in  two  instalments,  and  secured  by  the 
delivery  of  hostages.  Freyburg,  in  spite  of  its  own 
renunciation,  was  made  a  sharer  in  the  transaction, 
being  everywhere  named  in  the  treaty  as  the  part- 
ner of  Berne.^  There  was  also  a  liberal  distribu- 
tion of  gratuities  among  the  leaders ;  while  the 
private  soldiers,  who  had  again  been  disappointed  of 
their  prey  and  whose  claims  to  compensation  were 


"  "  Und  so  vil  an  uns  legt  so  be- 
dunckt  uns  das  ir  vor  alien  dingen 
die  zwolf  tusend  guldin  nitt  verges- 


sen."    Ibid.   MS. 

^*  Eidgenossische  Abschiede,  B. 
II.  8.  567.  — Schilling,  s.  243,  244. 


*^i 

Mk 


'H';     ^S- 


«*!* 


h 


256 


CONQUEST  OP  VAUD. 


[book  IV. 


CHAP.  3t. 


ignored,"^  took  their  revenge  by  thoroughly  pil- 
laging Merges  in  contravention  of  the  terms  of 
surrender. 

There  was  now  no  further  reason  for  prolonging 
the  campaign  ;  but  another  old  score,  not  unlike  that 
of  Geneva,  could  be  conveniently  wiped  out  on  the 
homeward  march.  Lausanne  had  incurred  the  ani- 
mosity of  Berne  by  its  contemptuous  rejection  of 
Storr  as  a  candidate  for  the  see,  and  by  refusing  even 
to  recognize  his  appointment  as  vicar-general,  artful- 
ly conferred  by  Rome  as  a  means  of  getting  the  nom- 
ination into  its  own  hands.  In  the  course  of  the  con- 
troversy many  threats  had  been  uttered,  of  which 
the  chapter  had  hitherto  eluded  the  execution.  An 
additional  pretext  was  now  found  in  the  fact  that 
Lausanne  had  granted  an  asylum  to  the  fugitives 
from  the  adjoining  country.  Returning  by  the  mar- 
gin of  the  lake,  the  army  began  to  ascend  the  slopes 
of  the  Jorat.  While  many  of  the  citizens  fled  with 
their  property  to  the  opposite  shore,  the  authorities 
came  out  to  seek  a  composition.  Besides  being 
mulcted  in  nearly  the  same  sum  as  Geneva,  they  were 
compelled  to  acknowledge  the  Swiss  as  their  future 
sovereigns  —  a  humiliation  the  more  bitter  that  the 
city,  with  its  environs,  though  geographically  a  part 
of  the  Pays  de  Vaud,  had  under  the  rule  of  Savoy 
enjoyed  a  practical  independence.  In  consequence 
of  this  submission  the  army  remained  outside,  while 
the  leaders,  ascending  to  the  regal  site  which  is 
crowned  by  the  cathedral,  gave  thanks  at  the  shrine 

•*  Schilling,  s.  244. 


of  «0 

succes 

The 

Noven 

teen  fc 

had    e 

sprung 

Such  f 

able  tc 

Sion,  w 

the  mo 

service 

back  ui 

on  the 

arrival 

changec 

escaped 

of  the  p 

this  bio 

might  1: 

gered  it 

battle-fi( 

peasanti 

most  al^ 

descendi 


"  Chroni 
Neuchatel, 
scher,  B.  V 
of  expenses 
included  tl 
Stiirr  in  his 

VOL.  m. 


CHAP.  X.] 


LOSSES  or  SAVOY. 


257 


of  "  Our  Lady  of  Lausanne  "  for  their  uninterrupted 
successes.*^ 

The  troops  of  Berne  reached  home  on  the  2d  of 
November.  In  three  weeks  they  had  captured  seven- 
teen fortified  towns  and  twenty-seven  castles5  They 
had  encountered  no  resistance  except  what  had 
sprung  from  a  sense  of  honor  or  a  feeling  of  despair. 
Such  forces  as  the  government  of  Savoy  had  been 
able  to  muster  had  been  sent  against  the  people  of 
Sion,  whose  depredations  in  the  Valais  had  preceded 
the  more  deadly  attack  and  insured  its  success.  The 
service  thus  rendered  was  proii  ..ly  repaid.  Driven 
back  under  the  wails  of  Sion,  th'^  all:  of  Berne  were 
on  the  point  of  being  crushc  \>  'len  the  opportune 
arrival  of  three  thousand  men  rom  the  Oberland 
changed  defeat  into  victory,  ^nd  the  routed  enemy 
escaped  across  the  Saint-Bernard,  leaving  the  whole 
of  the  province  to  be  overrun  and  annexed."^  After 
this  blow  the  dominion  of  Savoy  north  of  the  Alps 
might  be  considered  at  an  end.  Where  it  still  lin- 
gered its  plight  was  that  of  the  woanded  left  on  the 
battle-field  amid  swarms  of  marauders.  Already  the 
peasantry  of  the  Simmenthal,  the  nearest  and  the 
most  alert,  had  crossed  the  Plan  de  Jaman,  and, 
descending  on  a  region  which  the  flaming  swords  of 


**  Chronique  des  Cbanojnes  de 
Neuchatel,  Schweiz.  Geschichtfor- 
scher,  B.  VIII.  s.  259.  In  Cne  bill 
of  expenses  paid  by  Lausanne  were 
included    the    sums   expended    by 


for  "  over  a  thousand  letters  written 
on  his  behalf  by  the  chancellor  of 
Berne."    Ruchat,  Hist.  MS. 

"  List  in  Schilling,  s.  246. 

«^  Schilling.  —  Edlibach.  —  Rodt. 


Storr  in  his  journeys  to  Rome  and    —  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C.  MS. 
VOL.  III.  38 


ilin.. 


"m 


i 


!i:l 


Mii 


I      !: 


[■'■■ 

!  i 


I  : 


258 


CONQUEST  OF  VAUD. 


[book  ly. 


'4;[iL* 


'i 


Iff** 


^:: 


angels  should  have  guarded  from  devastation,  had 
pillaged  and  burned  Vevay,  Montreux,  and  the  neigh- 
boring villages,  and  massacred  numbers  of  the  inhab- 
itants."" 

Thus  Berne  had  gained  the  end  at  wiiich  it  had  so 
long  been  aiming.  Originjilly,  indeed,  it  had  sought 
to  obtain  control  of  the  l^ays  de  Vaud  merely  as  a 
means  of  facilitating  its  intercourse  with  France  and 
its  attacks  upon  Burgundy.  Now  it  held  full  posses- 
sion by  the  right  of  conquest.  According  to  former 
practice,  it  should  have  shared  the  acquisition  with 
its  two  chief  assistants,  Freyburg  and  Solothurn. 
But  the  latter  was  unceremoniously  set  aside,  and  its 
inquiries  on  the  subject  drew  forth  nothing  but  a  curt 
rebuff.'"  Freyburg,  on  the  contrary,  without  claiming 
to  participate,  was  studiously  put  forward  as  a  co-equal 
in  power  and  a  co-agent  in  every  measure.  Joint 
garrisons,  officered  by  Berne,  were  distributed  among 
the  principal  strongholds.  A  joint  commission  con- 
sisting of  two  members  of  the  council  of  Berne,  Schar- 
nachthal,  and  Wabern,  convened  the  Estates  of  the 
province,  and  set  before  them  its  new  status,  under 
which  all  its  privileges  were  declared  to  have  been 
voided,  so  that  taxes  would  henceforth  be  levied,  judi- 
cial decisions  revised,  unqualified  obedience  exacted, 


*»  Schilling.  —  Stettler.  —  Boyve, 
Annales  de  Neuchatel. 

'"  "  Ir  haben  .  . .  begert  zu  wissen 
die  ordnung  durch  uns  mit  unsern 
mitburgern  von  friburg  jetz  der 
eroberten  landen  halb  furgenomen. 
Die  uns  etwas  leltzam  bedunckt, 


angescchen  das  urer  Lieb  wohl  wuss 
was  darinn  durch  uns  gehandelt  ist. 
...  So  haben  si  und  wir  in  gemei- 
nem  irm  und  unserm  namen  unnser 
erobert  landschafft  besetzt,  damit 
die  in  ordnung  gehalten."  Deutsch 
Missiven-Buch  C,  656.    MS. 


CIUP.  X.J 


RODOLPH  OF  HOCHBERG. 


259 


by  the  conquerors.  Finally,  thu  seat  of  government 
having  been  transferred  to  Lausanne,  Rodolph  von 
Erlach,  now  likewise  a  member  of  the  council  of 
Berne,  went  thither,  attended  by  deputies  from  Frey- 
burg,  to  exercise  the  functions  of  a  vicegerent  in  the 
name  of  both  states.'* 


It  remained  to  be  seen  whether  Berne  would  be 
able  to  maintain  itself  in  a  position  where,  if  stronger 
than  before,  it  was  also  more  vulnerable.  That  po- 
sition had  been  seized  with  a  view  to  the  continuance 
of  offensive  movements.  But  the  time  was  at  hand 
when  Berne  must  prepare  to  stand  on  the  defensive. 
Its  own  gain  would  be  counterbalanced  by  the  fall  of 
Lorraine.  The  minor  pieces  being  swept  from  the 
board,  Burgundy  and  the  Swiss  would  come  within 
range  and  be  forced  to  try  conclusions. 

This  had  been  already  foreseen  by  one  who  had 
much  to  lose,  nothing  to  gain,  by  the  collision.  Ro- 
dolph of  Hochberg,  as  a  vassal  of  one  power,  an  ally 
of  the  other,  and  the  ruler  of  territory  subject  to 
neither  but  exposed  to  the  incursions  of  both,  per- 
ceived that  in  the  new  phase  which  the  conflict  was 
about  to  assume,  he  would  no  longer  be  permitted  to 
stand  neutral,  and  that  his  county  of  Neuchatel 
might  not  improbably  be  the  scene  of  the  slruggle. 
Unlike  Saint-Pol,  who,  in  the  same  situation  and  at  a 
similar  crisis,  had  madly  invited  the  storm,  Rodolph 
conceived  the  hope  and  addressed  himself  to  the  task 
of  bringing  about  a  reconciliation.      He  knew  that 


h  ': 


-I     li 


'**<  M«i< 


i 


1        . 


"  Girard  MSS.  —  B.odt,  B.  I.  s.  555  et  ssq. 


260 


NEGOTIATIONS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


lltil  ft 


throughout  the  two  Burgundies  there  was  a  groat 
longing  for  peace.  The  people,  unable  to  compre- 
hend the  fury  with  which  they  had  been  assailed, 
imagined  that  they  could  charm  it  away  with  depre- 
catory words.  In  the  preceding  spring,  Pierre  de 
Joigne,  the  former  connnandant  of  Grandson,  acting 
as  the  representative  of  influential  persons,  had  tried 
to  open  a  negotiation,  and  with  consummate  simplici- 
ty had  addressed  his  inquiries  to  Diesbach.  It  was  a 
sufficient  answer  that  he  did  not  appear  to  be  fur- 
nished with  any  authority  to  treat.'^-  The  present 
conjuncture  seemed  more  favorable.  France  as  well 
as  the  Empire  had  made  peace,  and  the  Swiss,  stand- 
ing alone,  were  menaced  with  a  danger  which  they 
had  never  expected  to  encounter.  Having  obtained 
from  the  council  of  Dijon,  not  indeed  formal  powers, 
which  the  authorities  there  were  incompetent  to 
grant,  but  letters  which  might  serve  as  vouchers  of 
a  readiness  to  negotiate,  Rodolph  came  to  Berne, 
towards  the  close  of  October,  and  laid  the  matter 
before  the  council.  So  many  of  the  principal  mem- 
bers were  then  absent  with  the  army  and  on  em- 
bassies, that  the  remainder  were  reluctant  to  take 
upon  themselves  the  responsibility*  of  giving  any 
reply.  It  seemed  to  them,  they  wrote  to  their  col- 
leagues in  the  camp,  "  a  dark  water,"  "  especially  as 
they  were  ignorant  of  the  king's  designs,  and  knew 
not  but  some  movement  on  his  side,  by  embarrassing 
the  enemy's  progress  in  Lorraine,  might  be  at  the 


bottom  of  it", 


Moreover  nothing  was  said  of  Austria 


"  Girardilf/SS.. 


CHAP.  X.] 


NEGOTIATIONS. 


261 


and  their  other  alHes,  whom  it  would  be  dishonora- 
ble and  impossible  for  them  to  desert.  They  had 
therefore  answered  briefly  and  indefinitely,  objecting 
to  the  documents  produced  as  not  duly  attested  or 
otherwise  sufficient,  but  leaving  the  margrave  at 
liberty  to  feel  his  way  further  if  so  inclined." 

It  is  easy  to  account  for  this  dubiety  and  hesita- 
tion. If  allowed  to  dictate  the  terms,  Berne  would 
have  found  a  peace  not  inconvenient.  It  must  in 
any  case  desist  for  the  present  from  further  enter- 
prises and  look  to  its  own  security.  To  what  extent 
it  might  count  upon  the  support  of  its  Confederates 
was  less  clear  than  it  would  have  wished.  On  the 
other  hand,  a  negotiation  would  in  all  probability  lead 
to  nothing,  and  might  even  add  to  the  risks  and  un- 
certainties. If,  indeed,  the  enemy  should  refuse  to 
include  the  members  of  the  Lower  League,  it  would 
be  safe  to  take  issue  with  him  on  that  point.  Every 
canton,  Unterwalden  itselfj  would  admit  the  necessity 
of  standing  by  engagements  once  formed.  But  if 
Berne's  desire  to  retain  its  own  conquests  should 
appear  to  be  the  obstacle,  it  might  perhaps  be  left 
to  defend  them  at  its  own  risk. 

About  a  week  later  the  margrave  returned  with 
ampler  credentials  and  a  proposal  for  a  preliminary 
meeting  of  envoys,  at  his  own  castle,  to  arrange  a 
truce.  As  the  duke  himself  must  have  assented  to 
this,  Rodolph's  sanguine  representations  seemed  not 
without  ground.  Yet  in  furnishing  the  required  safe- 
conduct,  the  council  started  a  fresh  difficulty.    They 

"  Deutsch  Missivea-Buch  C,  615.  MS. 


;«■ 


i' 


1| 


1.       I 


262 


NEGOTIATIONS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


i 


t   ■" 


Iff 

•4,1* 


.^^' 


were  much  concerned  about  the  fate  of  the  German 
garrison  now  shut  up  in  Nancy.     The  emperor,  they 


understood,   had    issued    his 


«  high 


mandate  "    to 


princes,  nobles,  and  towns,  to  see  that  no  evil  be- 
fell these  subjects  of  the  Empire,  whose  lives  were 
threatened  by  the  besiegers.  Under  these  circum- 
stances little  fruit,  they  said,  could  be  expected  from 
the  conference.''* 

It  took  place,  however,  on  the  26th  of  November. 
Wabern  and  the  chancellor  of  Berne  were  present  on 
the  part  of  the  Swiss ;  on  that  of  Burgundy,  Besan9on 
Philibert,  the  duke's  secretary,  with  two  members  of 
his  council."^  They  agreed  upon  a  truce  till  the  1st 
of  January,  to  be  extended  three  months  from  that 
date  if  all  the  parties  should  previously  acquiesce. 
But  who  were  to  be  reckoned  as  parties?  Berne 
insisted  on  including,  not  only  Austria  and  the 
Alsatian  towns,  but  the  duke  of  Lorraine ;  Wabern 
was  instructed  to  assent  to  no  arrangement  that  did 
not  extend  to  all  the  allies,  "  be  they  who  or  where 
they  would."  '"  The  Burgundians  yielded  the  point, 
subject  to  their  master's  approval.  Practically  it  was 
one  of  no  importance.  Nancy  had  surrendered  on 
that  very  day ;  Rene  was  in  exile ;  the  war  in  Lor- 
raine was  over. 

The  gratified  margrave,  having  now  a  clear  space 
for  his  structure,  had  only,  as  he  thought,  to  go  on 
and  lay  the  foundations.     lie  forgot  apparently  that 

'*  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,G;j2.  barre,  torn.  ii.  p.  263. 

MS.  '"  "  Si  syen  welche  oder  wo  si 

'*  Chnmbrier,  Description  de  la  wollen."      Deutsch  Miasiven-Buch 

mairie  de  Neuchutel,  p.  2ol.  —  La-  0,041,  MS. 


CHAP.  X.] 


REMISSNESS  OF  LOUIS. 


263 


wo   81 
3n-Buch 


he  had  neither  plan  nor  materials  —  no  terms  to 
propose,  no  mode  of  reconciliation  to  suggest.  The 
war  had  not  arisen  out  of  any  difference  or  dispute. 
There  was  consequently  no  matter  for  discussion,  for 
mediation,  for  compromise.  If  peace  was  to  be  ef- 
fected, it  must  be,  not  through  mutual  concession, 
but  by  absolute  submission  on  one  side  or  the  other. 
And  which  was  to  make  this  submission — the  wrono;- 
doer  flushed  with  triumph,  or  the  sufferer  smarting 
under  his  injuries  ?  Should  Charles  forego  his  rights 
and  put  up  with  insult  and  outrage,  or  the  Swiss 
resign  their  conquests  and  make  atonement  for  the 
damage  they  had  inflicted  ?  Above  all,  were  both, 
or  either,  to  abandon  their  allies  ?  Each  had  a  well- 
earned  reputation  for  fidelity,  which  neither  would 
be  tempted  to  hazard  when  want  of  fidelity  would 
argue  a  want  of  courage. 

On  the  part  of  the  Swiss,  it  is  true,  the  binding 
force  of  the  engagements  which  had  been  formed 
lay  in  a  cord  of  questionable  strength.  For  several 
months  there  had  been  no  direct  or  spontaneous 
tidings  from  the  French  king.  His  last  letter  had 
borne  the  date  of  the  17th  of  July,  when,  as  we  have 
seen,  he  was  telling  his  own  people  that  the  emperor 
had  scattered  the  Burgundian  forces  and  was  march- 
ing onward  into  France.  To  his  friends  at  Berne  he 
had  given  a  more  truthful  account.  Frederick  had 
shamefully  deserted  him.  It  was  only  what  might 
have  been  expected,  li  was  of  a  piece  with  his  whole 
career.  It  was  so  that  he  had  acted  thirty  years  be- 
fore, Avhen  he  had  inveigled  France  into  an  alliance 


^l:i.i  :u.i  •« 


264 


LETTERS  TO  SILINEN. 


[BOOK  IV, 


S 


against  the  Swiss,  and  then  sought  to  incite  the  latter 
against  the  former.  His  present  treachery,  much  as 
it  deserved  exposure,  must  be  kept  secret  as  long  as 
possible,  lest  it  might  breed  discouragement  among 
the  allies."  From  the  same  good  motive  doubtless, 
when  Louis  himself,  two  months  later,  signed  a  treaty 
with  Burgundy,  he  had  refrained  from  making  any 
communication  to  the  Swiss.  Berne  had  sent  to  him 
repeatedly,  beggmg  him  in  particular  to  provide  for 
the  prompt  payment  of  the  half  year's  pensions,  which 
would  be  due  on  the  26th  of  October.  Having  failed 
to  secure  his  attention,  the  council  now  wrote  to  Jost 
von  Silinen,  who  next  to  Diesbach  had  borne  the 
most  active  part  in  the  formation  of  the  treaty,  and 
who,  in  addition  to  other  rewards,  had  received  from 
Louis  the  post  of  coadjutor  of  the  diocese  of  Grenoble. 
They  informed  him  of  the  truce,  adding  that  they 
could  have  had  it  prolonged  at  their  own  pleasure 
by  consenting  to  the  overthrow  of  the  duke  of  Lor- 
raine. But  they  had  refused  to  abandon  the  good 
prince,  and  they  wondered  that  the  king  should  have 
concluded  a  treaty  without  providing  for  his  security. 
But  the  matter  of  chief  importance  now  was  the  ten 
thousand  francs  and  the  other  sums  of  which  Silinen 
knew.  They  had  already  gone  to  much  expense  in 
messages  and  writings  about  the  matter,  and  trusted 
that  he  would  use  his  endeavors  to  procure  payment 
without  further  delay.  "It  is  full  time,"  they  said, 
"  to  put  an  end  to  the  variances  among  our  Con- 

"  Kodt  (B.  II.  8.  408),  who  cites     without  mentioning  its  present  place 
the  original  "  on  parchment,"  but     of  deposit. 


-^ 


CHAP.  X.] 


LETTERS  TO  SILINEN. 


265 


federates,  which  we  have  this  long  time  been  staving 
off."  The  money  would  be  a  remedy  for  all.  "  It  will 
inspire  belief,  a  dutiful  disposition,  and  a  willingness 
to  please."'®  William  von  Diesbach  would  write  to 
him  more  explicitly. 

Lucerne  wrote  to  him  more  explicitly  and  more  em- 
phatically, reminding  him  that  it  was  through  his  influ- 
ence that  his  native  canton  had  become  a  party  to  the 
alliance,  and  intimating  doubts  whether  it  would  turn 
out  to  have  been  a  wise  proceeding.  The  king  appar- 
ently despised  the  Confederates  and  was  preparing  to 
drop  them.  It  was  said  that  he  was  unable  to  cope 
with  his  difficulties  at  home,  that  the  princes  and  fac- 
tions were  too  strong  for  him  to  control.  Besides  he 
was  old,  his  heir  a  mere  child  ;  his  allies  had  nothing 
to  depend  upon  in  case  of  his  death.  They  had  made 
two  campaigns  without  the  least  coopercftion  from  him, 
and  therefore  thought  themselves  entitled  to  the  eighty 
thousand  francs  stipulated  to  be  paid  in  certain  contin- 
gencies. —  This,  it  must  be  confessed,  was  a  preposter- 
ous demand ;  and  doubtless  much  of  the  language  used 
proceeded  from  pique  rather  than  a  serious  distrust. 
The  Swiss  had  grown  so  accustomed  to  the  flatteries  of 
Louis  that  his  long  silence  and  neglect,  arising  from 
his  absorption  in  domestic  affairs,  wounded  their  vanity. 

Silinen,  who  had  taken  up  his  permanent  abode  in 
France,  could  hardly  be  expected  to  feel  the  same 
warm  personal  concern  in  these  bygone  matters  as 

'^  "  Es  ist  warlich  zit  ivrungen  in  allem   gutem   '^rschiessen,   und   vil 

unnsern  Eyilguossen,  die  wir  laiigzit  gloubeu    gevallen    und    dieiistliche 

uffenthalteu  hahen,  zu  verkomen. . . .  neigung  us  iin  heberen."     Deutsch 

Wo  solich  gellt  kom,  es  werd  zu  Missiveu-Buch  C,  5G1,  G48.   MS. 
VOL.  III.                     34 


'1,1,:   ,  M?    ■   ■ 


.  ,    .•^•, 


I  ;  ' 


HI' 


266 


LETTEKS  FIIOM  P-ILiNEis. 


fBOOK  !V 


\ 


XiU ., 


r 


.i-'i 


4 


when  his  rotund  face  '"  hid  s we.'  ted  over  the  labor. 
But  he  had  before  him  tbe  pro^spcct  of  a  still  higher 
elevation,  and  he  knew  that  the  Interests  of  his  patrcn 
were  even  more  deeply  involved  than  those  of  his 
countrymen.  Once  more  therefore  he  put  his  shoul- 
der to  the  wheel  and  lifted  it  out  of  the  rut.  Hav- 
ing roused  the  king  from  his  |)ovilous  obliviousness, 
he  proceeded  to  allay  the  suspicions  and  stir  ulate 
the  zeal  of  the  Confederates.  He  desired  the  coun- 
cil of  Lucerne  to  entertain  no  doubts  of  his  own  con- 
tinued devotion  to  them,  and  to  command  his  services 
at  all  times.  He  was  now  forwarding,  as  he  had 
already  written  to  Berne,  the  ten  thousand  francs,  as 
well  as  what  belonged  to  tlio  three  cjintons  separately. 
With  respect  to  their  appliciitlon  for  eighty  thousand 
francs,  he  did  not  clearly  ua<lerstand  the  grounds,  not 
having  by  him  a  copy  of  the  treaty.  But  the  king 
would  fulfil  all  that  he  had  promised.  Were  there 
any  reason  to  doubt  it,  8ilinen,  their  fellow-towns- 
man, whose  ancestors  had  ever  been  true  to  them 
and  who  meant  himself  to  continue  so  till  death, 
woi  1 ""  ^iiey  might  be  assured,  have  given  them  a 
wa.nir-,.  They  had  told  him  that  they  had  entered 
into  this  thing  in  reliance  upon  him.  It  was  his  con- 
fident hope  that  they  would  never  have  reason  to 
repent  it.  God  was  his  witness  that  he  had  acted 
for  their  interest,  and  he  firmly  believed  that  it  would 
be  to  their  advantage  forever.  For  he  saw  no  sign 
of  any  such  dangers  as  they  seemed  to  apprehend. 


'*  There  is  a  portrait  of  him  at     cates  sensuality  rather  than  shrewd- 
Lucerne.     The  physiognomy  indi-     ness. 


CHAP.  X.I 


LETTERS  FROM  SILINEN. 


267 


The  kins*  was  at  the  height  of  his  j[.ower  vvid  in  the 
full  vigor  of  Lis  faculties.  He  was  even  now  causing 
to  be  executed  many  great  lords  concerned  in  trea- 
sonable practices.  That  he  despised  the  Confederates 
or  had  any  thought  of  deserting  them,  Silinen  could 
never  believe.  As  to  his  permitting  Lorraine  to  be 
overrun,  and  not  interfering  till  it  was  too  late,  this 
must  not  be  attributed  to  dilatoriness  or  bad  faith. 
There  might  be  reasons  for  it ;  Rene  had  perhaps  had 
something  to  do  with  the  English  invasion.  But  the 
duke  of  Burgundy  had  no  reason  to  be  confident. 
He  had  not  so  great  a  force  as  was  pretended ;  the 
king  of  England  and  he  were  bitter  enemie^^,  so  that 
he  could  derive  no  help  from  that  quarter;  and  he  had 
lost  his  reputation  by  his  shameful  betrayal  of  the 
constable.  The  king,  it  was  true,  had  made  a  peace 
with  him,  but  not  with  any  thought  of  forsaking  the 
Swiss.  In  danger  as  in  victory  he  would  stand  by 
them,  and  never  suffer  any  harm  to  befall  them.  Let 
them  therefore  be  full  of  courage  ,:  great  blows  might 
be  projected,  but  they  would  come  to  nothing.*'' 

A  few  weeks  later  he  wrote  again,  in  a  still  \  jore 
reassuring  strain,  from  Lyons,  whither  he  had  gene  to 
see  about  the  transmission  of  the  pensions.  He  could 
now  give  them  positive  proofs  t  the  king's  good 
faith,  of  his  resolution  not  to  abandon  them,  of  his  pur- 
pose to  do  all  that  he  had  said.  Silinen  had  received 
a  letter  from  him,  in  which  he  announced  that  he 


**»  Printed  by  Lutolf,  in  the  Ge- 
schichtsfreuiid,  B.  XV.  —  The  origi- 
nals uf  this  and  some  other  letters 


of  Silinen  are  in  the  Archives  of 
Lucerne. 


Ir 


.1 


v" 


..h 


III       ! 


1    ,i,;i 


i  !    II  ' 


ill 


!   J 


i'        i 


i ; ! 
c:   i 


:,  ii 


;i-    If 


268 


LETTERS  FROM  SILINEN. 


[book  IV. 


'% 


1 


:i&. 


.'.Em.  <«> 


was  shortly  coming  to  Lyons.  Report  said  that  he 
would  bring  with  him  fifteen  hundred  lances.  He  had 
declared  publicly  that  if  the  duke  of  Burgundy  should 
make  war  upon  the  Confederates,  he  would  go  to 
their  help,  and  risk  his  life  and  power  in  their  de- 
fence. The  Burgundian  envoys  had  told  him  that 
the  Swiss  would  gladly  make  peace  if  he  would  con- 
sent. But  he  had  answered  that  he  could  not  believe 
it,  and  that  for  his  own  part  he  would  never  deviate 
from  his  engagements  with  them  so  long  as  they 
remained  steadfast.  He  had  now  sent  the  president 
of  Toulouse  and  two  others,  the  same  that  had  treat- 
ed with  them  before,  to  meet  their  envoys  at  Lyons 
and  confer  with  them  about  certain  secret  matters. 
Let  them  beware  of  the  margrave  and  of  all  who 
were  seeking  to  shake  their  confidence  in  the  king. 
The  duke  of  Burgundy,  after  giving  the  constable 
thre'^  separate  safe-conducts,  had  delivered  him  up  to 
die ;  on  him  therefore  they  could  place  no  reliance. 
They  could  trust  to  the  king,  and  to  the  king  alone.*^' 
The  warnings  at  the  close  of  this  persuasive  letter 
were  uncalled  for.  The  negotiation  had  already  fallen 
through.  On  learning  from  Silinen  that  the  expected 
sums,  amounting  to  twenty-one  thousand  francs,  had 
been  deposited  to  their  credit  at  Lyons,  the  council  of 
Berne  had  written  to  him  in  reply,  enclosing  a  re- 
ceipt, thanking  him  for  his  exertions,  and  giving  him 
to  understand  that  they  would  stick  to  their  bargain. 
"  We  shall  expect  nothing  but  favor  from  our  most 
gracious  lord  the  king,  and  will  faithfully  and  in  all 


^'  Liitolf,  Beilage,  No.  4,  ubi  supra. 


CHAP.  X.] 


NEGOTIATIONS  ABANDONED. 


269 


e  king. 


things  show  ourselves  trusty  servants."  ®^  They  wrote 
at  the  same  time  to  Bartholemy  Huber,  their  deputy 
to  a  diet  which  had  been  summoned  to  meet  at  Zu- 
rich, on  the  26th  of  December,  for  the  express  pur- 
pose of  learning  the  result  of  the  negotiation  with 
Burgundy  and  deciding  upon  the  steps  to  be  taken 
in  consequence.  The  council  had  not  yet  received 
the  particulars,  but  enough,  they  said,  was  known  to 
render  it  certain  that  no  good  was  to  be  looked  for. 
The  margrave,  whose  fidelity  and  good  intentions 
could  not  be  questioned,  had  just  sent  a  secret  mes- 
sage to  the  effect  that  the  archbishop  of  Besan^on 
was  preparing  to  receive  the  duke  of  Burgundy  as 
his  guest  at  the  beginning  of  the  new  year.  All 
their  information  from  other  sources  pointed  in  the 
same  direction.  Lorraine  was  completely  subdued ; 
the  count  of  Romont  was  expected  to  enter  the  Pays 
de  Vaud  in  the  course  of  the  next  month.  Huber 
was  to  tell  all  this  to  the  Confederates  and  to  urge 
upon  them  the  necessity  for  immediate  preparations. 
The  Austrian  prince  should  also  be  exhorted  to  show 
a  bold  face  and  be  ready  to  take  the  field  in  person 
with  his  whole  power.  This  would  exhibit  his  inter- 
est as  a  principal  in  the  war  and  could  not  foil  to 
have  a  good  effect.  The  diet  had  been  already  told 
that  the  ten  thousand  francs  were  at  Lyons.  Berne 
was  now  actively  employed  in  getting  them  through, 
and  if  the  roads  were  unobstructed,  as  the  count  of 


:% 


*^  "  Wir  woUen  uns  ouch  zu  unti-  en  als   getruw  diener  uffrechentli- 

serm  aller  gniidigBten  Herrn  dem  chen  erzdugen."    Deutsch  Missiven- 

Kung  anders  nit  dann  allcr  gnaden  Buch  C,  672.   MS. 
versechen,  und  uns  in  alien  ding- 


270 


NEGOTIATIONS  ABANDONED. 


[BOOK  IV. 


'i 


<; 


4u, 


m 


4ik 


Bresse  bad  certified,  no  delay  would  take  place  in  the 
distribution.^^ 

In  subsequent  letters  some  details  were  given  from 
the  margrave's  report.  He  had  deputed  the  business 
to  Simon  de  Cleron,  a  Burgundian  subject  of  noble 
birth,  formerly  a  member  of  his  own  household  and 
still  his  confidential  agent.  The  duke  had  answered 
that,  before  consenting  to  a  peace,  he  must  have  res- 
titution. What  was  comprised  in  this  demand  Berne 
was  unable  to  say.  His  whole  demeanor  had  shown 
that  he  was  full  of  resentment,  and  he  had  intimated 
that  he  did  not  regard  the  persons  who  had  set  the 
negotiation  on  foot  as  having  any  view  to  his  honor 

Although  we  have  no  better  authorit}^  for  this 
transaction  than  the  interested  statements  of  the 
council  of  Berne,  we  need  not  withhold  our  belief  ^^ 
It  is  hard  to  see  how  else,  as  an  honest  man,  Charles 


84 


*^  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  665. 
MS. 

^*  Letters  to  Basel,  Zurich,  and 
Sigismund,  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch 
C,  674,  676,  678.   MS. 

**  The  chroniclers  differ  widely 
in  their  statements  on  this  matter, 
some,  like  Commines,  asserting  that 
the  Swiss  offered  to  give  up  all  their 
alliances,  that  with  France  included, 
and  to  supply  the  duke  of  Burgundy 
with  soldiers ;  while  others,  like 
Knebel,  pretend  that  Charles  tried 
to  buy  off  the  Swiss,  making  them 
enormous  offers  if  they  would  de- 
sert their  allies.  The  absurdity  of 
both  these  stories  would.be  apparent 
even  if  they  were  less  amply  con- 
tradicted by  authentic  evidence. 
The  account  of  the  council  of  Berne 


is  so  far  confirmed  that,  in  the  case 
of  Alsace,  in  which  the  elector  pal- 
atine had  offered  his  mediation, 
Charles  gave  a  very  similar  reply. 
He  would  make  no  peace,  he  said, 
without  a  previous  restitution,  since 
he  had  never  forfeited  his  rights 
through  anything  done  or  intended 
either  by  himself  or  hie  subordi- 
nates. His  assailants  had  not  been 
so  much  as  mentioned  in  the  peace 
made  with  the  emperor,  and  this 
for  no  other  reason  than  because 
Frederick  himself  well  knew  the 
injustice  and  groundlessness  of  their 
proceedings.  Strobel  (from  a  man- 
uscript at  Strasburg),  B.  HI.  s. 
349.  The  letter  is  dated  Nancy, 
Dec.  2. 


CUAP.  X.] 


PURPOSES  OF  CHARLES. 


271 


could  have  borne  himself,  what  other  reply  he  could 
have  given.  The  proposition  made  by  those  who, 
though  bound  to  him  by  allegiance,  were  plainly 
devoted  to  the  enem;  amounted  simply  to  this :  that 
he  should  abstain  from  making  war  upon  the  Swiss 
—  that  he  should  seek  no  redress  for  his  own  wrongs, 
leave  his  states  and  subjects  unprotected,  sacrifice  the 
allies  whose  constancy  to  him  had  cost  them  so  dear. 
In  his  darkest  hour,  when  beset  by  the  forces  of  the 
Empire  and  harassed  by  those  of  France  and  Lor- 
raine, he  would  have  scouted  the  suggestion.  But 
there  had  been  no  one  to  offer  it  then. 

Now  that  the  league  had  been  cut  in  twain,  the 
struggle  limited  to  a  single  corner,  and  a  vantage 
ground  secured,  he  had  only  to  brace  himself  up  for 
the  final  throw.  It  was  not  a  war  of  conquest  he 
was  about  to  undertake.  "  I  am  going,"  he  said,  "  to 
deliver  and  avenge  my  own  subjects  and  those  of 
Savoy,  harassed,  injured,  and  oppressed  by  the  Swiss 
and  their  allies."  ^°  In  what  quarter  should  he  open 
the  attack  ?  Personal  considerations  pointed  to  Al- 
sace, where  his  private  quarrel  was  to  be  fought,  his 
own  dominion  restored.  There,  too,  he  could  strike 
with  least  risk  and  manoeuvre  with  most  freedom. 
The  preparations  made  to  encounter  him  indicated 
panic  rather  than  a  spirit  of  cool  resolution  ;  and  the 
Swiss,  when  requested  to  join  in  concerting  measures 
of  defence,  had  given  the  cold  response,  that  this  was 
a  matter  with  which  they  had   no   concern ;    they 

*^  Letter  to  the  magistrates  of      I'Acad.  de  Dijon,  1851,  p.  131. 
Dijon,    Jan.  29,    1476,   M6m.   de 


'!l 


""'"•i. 


i:       (. 


272 


PRELIMINARY  MOVEMENTS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


would  do  what  they  had  promised,  neither  less  nor 
more5  But  strong  as  were  the  indi.  cements,  others, 
more  powerful,  forced  Charles  in  a  different  direc- 
tion. Honor  forbade  any  further  delay  in  going  to 
the  rescue  of  Savoy.  His  own  cause  must  be  post- 
poned to  that  of  his  allies.  Romont  and  the  regent 
were  besieging  him  with  supplications.^  The  Pays 
de  Vaud  was  groaning  under  the  oppressor.  Orbe, 
Les  Glees,  Estavayer,  cried  for  vengeance. 

In  anticipation  of  this  design,  Berne  had  already 
begun  drawing  in  its  forces.  Jougne,  as  command- 
ing the  main  pass  across  the  Jura,  had  been  deemed 
of  primary  importance.^^  But  it  was  too  remote  from 
succor  to  be  tenable  in  the  hands  of  the  Swiss,  and 
the  garrison,  not  relishing  their  exposed  position  nor 
emulous  of  a  Thermopylean  fame,  had  clamored  for 
their  recall.**  This  evacuation  had  involved  that  of 
the  valley  of  the  Orbe.  As  a  further  consequence, 
the  inhabitants  of  other  places  grew  impatient  to 
throw  off  the  yoke,  and  concerted  schemes  for  rid- 
ding themselves  of  the  Swiss  garrisons.  They  com- 
municated secretly  with  the  lord  of  La  Sarrjiz,  who 
was  hovering  about  the  mountain  defiles  and  rallying 
his  plundered  tenantry.  Romont  himself,  with  a  few 
Burgundian  troops,  came  across  to  aid  in  the  attempt. 
In  the  night  of  the  12th  of  January  the  Swiss  soldiers 


"'  Eidgenossische  Abschiede,  B. 
II.  8.  o(io. 

"*  "  Mi  a  dicto  .  .  .  essere  infcs- 
tato  da  Madama  di  Savoy  a  et  Mon- 
sig'^  de  Komont .  .  .  di  andarli  a 
soccorrere."   Panigarola  to  the  duke 


of  Milan,  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn. 
ii.  p.  262. 

"*  "  Dan  68  was  ein  schliissel  des 
gantzen  landes."    Etterlin,  fol.  88. 

"^  Schilling,  s.  240. 


i  't- 


CHAP.  X.] 


PRELIMINARY  MOVEMENTS. 


273 


at  Yvordun  were  summoned  to  the  walls  to  repel  a 
sudden  onslaught,  and  were  set  upon  at  the  same  time 
by  the  citizens,  armed  with  knives  and  bludgeons. 
Broken  into  small  bands  they  kept  up  the  contest 
till  dawn,  and  then  fought  their  way  back  into  the 
castle,  which  they  barricaded  securely.  The  noise  of 
the  tumult  reached  Grandson,  three  miles  off,  and 
roused  the  garrison.  The  commandant,  Brandolf  von 
Stein,  after  posting  his  men,  went  towards  the  town 
wall  to  reconnoitre.  On  the  way  he  fell  into  the 
hands  of  a  party  who  had  been  privately  admitted 
by  a  postern  that  opened  into  a  convent  adjoining 
the  works.  Disconcerted  in  their  hope  of  surprising 
the  castle,  his  captors,  by  way  of  extorting  a  sur- 
render, put  a  rope  about  his  neck,  and  placing  him 
in  front  of  the  gate,  threatened  to  hang  him  unless 
it  were  opened.  He  himself  called  out  to  his  men 
to  remain  firm,  and  a  defiance  was  accordingly 
returned.  An  assault  being  out  of  the  question,  the 
party,  after  doing  some  damage  to  the  outworks, 
went  ofl^  with  their  prisoner. 

Swift  messengers  carried  the  alarm  to  the  neigh- 
boring places  and  to  Berne.  The  small  garrison  of 
Payerne  marched  on  the  instant  to  the  relief  of  their 
brethren  at  Yverdun.  A  more  competent  force,  col- 
lected by  the  alarm-bell,  set  out  under  Wabern,  in 
the  forenoon  of  Sunday,  the  14th,  while  the  council 
were  despatching  calls  for  immediate  aid  to  Lucerne, 
Freyburg,  and  Solothurn.  Keenforcements  flocked 
from  all  these  quarters,  but  before  any  of  them  had 
reached  the  scene  of  action   the  danger  was   over. 


i  :r 


'i 


i     ! 


VOL.  HI. 


35 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


&^ 


o 


4 


/. 


%° 


I/., 


1.0 


I.I 


l^|2£    |2.5 

■^  i^    12.2 

^    1^    112.0 


IL25  i  1.4 


II 


1.6 


V] 


y^ 


>> 


Hiotographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  I45S0 

(716)  S72-4S03 


\ 


iV 


'^ 


\ 


:\ 


r-        ^    ^     '^  rs. 

<0> 


1 


c,\ 


274 


PRELIMINARY   MOVEMENTS. 


[book  IV. 


After  a  single  ineffectual  attack  upon  the  castle,  the 
oaptors  of  Yverdun,  fearing  to  be  surrounded  in  their 
turn,  had  evacuated  the  town.  The  inhabitants,  well 
knowing  what  their  own  fate  would  be  if  they  re- 
mained behind,  snatched  up  what  was  most  needful 
or  least  burdensome,  and  migrated  to  Orbe.  Three 
persons  only,  partisans  of  the  Swiss,  awaited  the 
arrival  of  Wabern,  whose  men  united  joyfully  with 
the  garrison  in  sacking  the  deserted  houses.''* 

Had  the  attempt  succeeded  at  one  point,  a  gen- 
eral rising  would  have  followed.  The  people  of  Ro- 
mont,  fearing  to  be  punished  for  the  mere  intention, 
followed  the  example  of  those  of  Yverdun  and 
abandoned  their  homes  in  a  body.  But  the  revolt, 
though  nipped  in  the  bud,  had  revealed  the  difficulty 
of  holding  the  country  against  an  invading  army 
backed  by  a  disaffected  population.  Lucerne  advised 
that  Yverdun  should  be  abandoned,  or  that  at  all 
events  the  town  should  be  burned,  and  the  castle 
alone  maintained.  But  Berne  could  not,  at  the 
present  moment,  make  another  retrogressive  step 
without  incurring  a  great  disaster.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  assurances  of  the  count  of  Bresse,  the  road 
by  which  the  French  money  was  coming  was  evident- 
ly insecure.  Romont  was  even  reported  to  be  on 
the  lookout  for  the  ^11-important  prize.  It  was  sup- 
posed to  be  now  at  Geneva,  which,  taking  advantage 
of  the  sudden  change  in  the  aspect  of  affairs,  was 
putting  off  the  payment  of  its  own  debts,  and  might 


*'  Schilling.  —  Etterlin.  —  Chro-     D^peches  Milanaises.  —  Letters  in 
nique  des  Chanoin«8  de  Neuchatel.  —     the  Deutsch  Mlssiven-Buch  C.  MS. 


CHAP.  X.] 


PRELIMINARY  MOVEMENTS. 


275 


be  tempted,  by  any  sign  of  weakness  on  the  part  of 
Berne,  to  connive  in  the  seizure.  A  loss  of  this  kind, 
as  the  council  wrote  to  Wabern,  would  work  them  a 
double  mischief  It  would  damage  their  reputation 
and  influence  abroad,  and  frustrate  their  hopes  of 
securing  unanimity  at  home.®''  So  critical  did  the 
circumstances  appear  that  many  members  of  the 
larger  council  were  called  in  to  assist  in  the  delibera- 
tions. Wabern  was  ordered,  instead  of  retiring,  to 
strengthen  the  garrison  at  Yverdun,  and  then  to 
advance  as  far  as  Morges,  or  farther  at  his  own 
discretion.  A  mere  demonstration  would  doubtless 
be  sufficient  for  the  object.  "We  do  not  intend," 
wrote  his  colleagues,  "  that  you  should  do  any  dam- 
age to  the  country,  and  we  trust  that  you  have  your 
men  under  better  control  than  before.  Those  of 
Freyburg,  thank  God,  are  of  a  different  stamp  from 
the  rest,  more  orderly  and  obedient"*^—  a  striking 
testimony  to  the  evil  spirit  which  Berne  itself  had 
let  loose,  and  which  its  more  conscientious  ally  had 
foreseen  and  resisted. 

Charles  meanwhile  had  completed  his  arrange- 
ments for  the  expedition  which  •  he  trusted  was  to 
give  the  finishing  blow  to  the  combinations  of  his 
enemies.  Conscious  of  the  magnitude  of  the  task, 
he  had  bestowed   more  than  oidinary  attention  on 


i!l 


'*  "  Also  nu  uns  an  disen  dingen  Bern  in  das  Veld,  Deutsch  Missiven- 

unnser   eren  glimpffe    und    ander  Buch  C,  694,  705.   MS. 

sachenhalb  vil  ligt."  .  .  .  "Solich  "  "Die  von  gots  gnn.den  in  an- 

untruwe  und  gespots,  so  uns  deshalb  drer  gehorsame  dann  die  iibrigen 

erwachsen.  mocht,  ouch  den  unwil-  sind."    Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C, 

len  under  uns  selb  zu  verkomen."  706.  MS. 


276 


PRELIMINARY  MOVEMENTS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


C 


the  details  of  preparation.  "  Against  the  Swiss,"  he 
remarked,  "it  will  not  do  to  march  unprovided."'* 
During  Christmas  week  he  was  so  incessantly  em- 
ployed that,  far  from  taking  any  part  in  its  festivi- 
ties, he  gave  himself  scarcely  time  to  eat  one  meal 
a  day.'®  Besides  collecting  material  and  reviewing 
his  receipts  and  expenditures,  he  reorganized  his 
army  in  such  a  manner  as  to  render  the  infantry  a 
more  distinct  and  serviceable  force,  and  to  bring  the 
Italian  bands  somewhat  more  directly  under  his  own 
control.  After  posting  the  necessary  garrisons  he 
would  be  able  to  take  the  field  with  at  least  twenty- 
five  thousand  troops.  Of  these  he  had  already  de- 
tached four  hundred  lances,  —  about  thirty-five  hun- 
dred combatants,  —  sending  them  round  by  way  of 
Geneva,  to  join  the  levies  of  the  country  in  securing 
the  passes  and  seizing  such  points  as  would  be 
hazardous  to  his  flanks  if  left  in  the  enemy's  posses- 
sion. The  remainder,  with  the  artillery,  were  to 
march  in  two  bodies  by  parallel  roaas,  and  effect 
their  junction  before  crossing  the  mountairs  by  the 
most  convenient  route. 

As  a  precaution  against  unfavorable  contingencies, 
whether  a  reverse  to  his  own  arms  or  a  movement 
on  the  side  of  France,  he  had  given  orders  for  calling 
out  the  feudal  levies  of  the  two  Burgundies  under 
the  command  of  his  half-brother  Anthony.    But  while 


**  *'  Mi  a  dicto  la  S'**  Soa  che  peches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  266. 
.  .  .  contra  li  Sviceri  Alamani  non  bi-        •*  "  Apena  a  mangiato  una  volta 

Bogna  andare  disproveduto."     Pa-  el  di."    Ibid.  p.  262. 
nigarola  to  the  duke  of  Milan,  De- 


OK  IV. 


CHAP.  X.] 


PRELIMINARY  MOVEMENTS. 


277 


,"he 
d."  »* 
em- 
istivi- 
meal 
swing 
i  his 
itry  a 
sc  the 
s  own 
ns  he 
venty- 
iy  de- 
3  hun- 
?ay  of 
scuring 
aid  be 
posses- 
ere   to 
effect 
by  the 

rencies, 
rement 
1  calling 
under 
It  while 


p.  266. 
una  volta 


meaning,  as  he  intimated,  to  leave  nothing  to  chance,^ 
he  thought  it  probable  that  propositions  to  which  he 
could  listen  would  yet  be  tendered ;  and  at  all  events 
he  might  doubt  whether  Berne,  Lis  real  antagonist, 
would  succeed  in  rousing  the  enthusiasm  and  rallying 
the  numbers  necessary  for  a  protracted  resistance. 
That  the  war  had  been  unpopular  from  the  first, 
that  the  majority  of  the  cantons  had  offered  through- 
out a  steady  if  passive  opposition  to  it,  were  facts  well 
known  to  him  from  the  accounts  sent  from  Savoy.  It 
was  now  reported  —  and,  as  we  have  seen  from  inter- 
nal sources,  not  without  foundation  —  that  the  uneasi- 
ness and  discontent  were  more  general  than  ever, 
the  impending  attack  being  commonly  talked  of 
among  the  people  as  a  calamity  brought  upon  them 
by  priviote  ambition."'  Let  their  military  prestige  be 
shaken,  their  career  of  victory  cut  short,  let  them 
begin  to  feel  the  evils  they  had  so  long  inflicted 
with  impunity,  and  neither  the  gold  of  France  nor 
the  wheedlings  of  Berne  would  keep  them  united. 
Hitherto  their  prowess  had  not  been  fairly  tested. 
The  foe,  intimidated  by  their  rampant  self-confidence, 
had  always  shrunk  from  their  hug.  They  should 
now,  if  Charles's  spirit  could  animate  his  followers, 
find  themselves  locked  in  a  grip  as  close  and  un- 
flinching as  their  own.  Before  setting  out  he  assem- 
bled his  captains,  gave  them  his  directions,  and  ex- 


"*  "  Andara  como  dice  in  modo  alii  majorenghi  che  sono  stati  causa 

potera  guadagnare  et  non  perdere."  di  metterli  in  questa  guerra."    Pe- 

Ibid.  ubi  supra.  trasanta  to  the  ,duke  of  Milan,  De- 

•"  ••  Li  populari  dano  imputatione  pcches  Milauaises,  torn.  i.  p.  293. 


■r 


278 


PRELIMINARY  MOVEMENTS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


i 


1^4  ■  • 
4;  i 


horted  them  to  do  their  duty.  "  Let  every  one,"  he 
sait  *•  be  ready  for  action  and  filled  with  a  fervent 
courage.  The  Swiss,  according  to  their  habit,  will 
not  fail  to  meet  and  offer  us  battle  on  their  frontiers. 
It  is  necessary  that  we  should  break  them  in  the  first 
encounter.  If  they  meet  with  a  repulse,  however 
slight,  they  will  be  confounded  and  lost."^^ 

At  the  head  of  one  division  of  his  army,  number- 
ing about  eleven  thousand  men,  he  left  Nancy  on  the 
11th  of  January.  He  staid  a  week  at  Neufchateau, 
an  important  fortress  within  a  bow-shot  of  the  French 
froittier,  and  while  here  granted  a  furlough  to  the 
count  of  Campobasso,  who  deemed  this  a  seasonable 
moment  for  performing  a  vow  at  the  shrine  of  Saint 
James  of  Compostella  —  or  for  keeping  a  more  pri- 
vate appointment  with  a  correspondent  in  France. 
On  the  22d  the  duke  arrived  at  Besan9on,  where  he 
remained  till  the  6th  of  February,  waiting  for  cannon 
and  stores,  and  transacting  such  business  as  had  been 
reserved  for  a  time  of  leisure.'"  It  was  now  that  he 
ratified  his  treaty  of  alliance  with  the  emperor,  in- 
cluding a  supplementary  article  by  which  he  con- 
sented to  defer  for  six  months  the  assertion  of  his 
claims  against  Sigismund,  Frederick  undertaking  in 
the  interval  to  bring  about  a  satisfactory  arrange- 
ment.^** Verbally  he  made  a  more  important  conces- 
sion.    He  gave  a  promise  to  the  legate,  confirmed  a 


'*  DepGches  Milanaises,  torn.  i. 
p.  2G6. 

"^  Ancienne  Chronique,  Lenglet, 
torn.  ii.  p.  219. —  Letters  of  Berne 
to  Basel  and  Zurich  (on  information 


furnished  by  the  margrave  of  Hoch- 
berg),  Deutsch   Missiven-Buch  C, 
708,  714.  MS. 
"">  Chmel,  B.  I.  s.  133,  134. 


CHAP.  X.] 


PRELIMINARY  MOVEMENTS. 


279 


few  months  afterwards  in  writing,  that  his  daughter 
should  become  the  wife  of  MaximiHan.  It  was  a 
promise  never  revoked,  and  coupled  with  no  con- 
ditions. It  had  doubtless  sprung  from  a  decision 
of  his  judgment,  enlightened  by  recent  experience, 
moderated  by  success  as  well  as  by  failure.  By  the 
acquisition  of  Lorraine  he  had  united  his  states.  By 
his  breach  with  England  he  had  lost  the  last  hope  of 
further  aggrandizement  on  the  side  of  France.  His 
power,  from  both  these  causes,  was  becoming  essen- 
tially a  German  power.  As  the  greatest  of  the  Ger- 
mfin  powers  it  would  form  the  proper  basis  of  the 
imperial  dominion.  What  he  had  once  demanded  as 
the  price  of  a  union  with  the  house  of  Austria  would, 
without  any  express  stipulations,  follow  as  the  natural 
result.  Or  even  if  Charles  should  not  be  preferred  to 
Maximilian  as  Frederick's  immediate  successor,  it  was 
clear  that  to  Maximilian  alone  could  Charles's  daugh- 
ter and  her  heritage  be  safely  intrusted. 

Such,  at  this  moment  pregnant  with  his  fate,  were 
his  views  of  the  future,  views  with  which  his  actual 
undertaking  had  no  connection.  He  as  little  dreamed 
at  present  as  he  had  ever  done  of  scaling  the  Alps 
in  pursuit  of  a  fantastic  glory.  It  was  not  he  who 
had  kindled  the  fire,  and  his  object  still  was  simply  to 
stamp  it  out  He  was  in  quest,  not  of  adventure,  but 
of  security.  He  talked,  not  of  conquest  or  of  fame, 
but  only  of  extorting  by  reprisals  the  peace  which 
others  had  broken,  and  which  he  had  labored  to 
preserve. 

From  Besan^on  he  proceeded  to  La  Riviere,  near 


h 


280 


PRELIMINARY  MOVEMENTS. 


[BOOK  IV. 


c 

C 


the  foot  of  the  pass  leading  up  to  the  Val  de  Travers 
and  the  valley  of  the  Orbe.  Hitherto  Berne,  having 
little  intelligence  beyond  that  of  his  actual  move- 
ments, had  been  in  doubt  as  to  his  precise  intentions. 
At  first  it  had  been  supposed  that  he  would  direct 
his  course  towards  Alsace  and  begin  operations  with 
the  capture  of  Montbelliard.  No  steps  had  been 
taken  for  disputing  his  passage,  the  members  of  the 
Lower  League,  while  talking  much  of  concerted 
action,  having  confined  themselves  to  measures  of 
individual  security .^"^  They  were  reproached  for  this 
negligence  by  the  council  of  Berne,  which  warned 
them  that  the  duke  of  Burgundy  would  "hasten 
after  a  different  fashion,"  and,  if  the  resistance  of  the 
Swiss  were  overcome,  would  make  short  work  with 
the  rest  of  his  enemie*  Subsequently  it  had  been 
reported  that  he  w.  iading  for  Geneva,^"^  the 
detachment  which  he  had  sent  thither  being  taken 
for  his  advanced  guard.  Wabern,  consequently,  lost 
no  time  in  retracing  his  steps.  He  had  secured  the 
French  gold,  and  had  extorted  from  Geneva  a 
pittance  of  two  thousand  florins  in  broken  silver 
and  in  coins  of  a  dozen  different  countries  and  de- 
nominations.^"* But  while  there  was  a  general  move- 
ment to  the  rear,  the  question  where  the  line  of 
defence  should  be  drawn  was  still  undetermined. 
Berne  would  fain  have  contested  the  advance  at 
every  step,  holding  Yverdun  and  Grandson  as  twin 


">'  Letter  of  the  bishop  of  Basel,  "=•  Ibid.  714.  MS. 

in  Blffisch,  B.  II.  s.  284,  285.  '"*  Eidgenossische  Abschiede,  B. 

'"*  Deutsch    Missiven-Buch    C,  II.  s.  5V8. 
708.  Mi. 


Ill 


CHAP.  X.] 


PRELIMINARY  MOVEMENTS. 


281 


outposts,  Romont  and  Payerne  as  an  interior  line, 
Morat  as  a  bulwark  in  front  of  its  own  gates.  But 
this  plan  would  be  feasible  only  if  its  Confederates 
should  exhibit  an  ardor  like  its  own,  and  the  diet 
had  not  even  issued  a  call  to  arms  when  the  enemy's 
design  began  to  be  developed  by  his  more  rapid 
approach.  Some  vacillation  and  one  grievous  mis- 
take resulted  from  the  previous  suspense  followed  by 
the  sudden  necessity  for  acting.  Munitions  were  on 
the  point  of  being  forwarded  to  Yverdun,  whyn  orders 
were  despatched  to  the  garrison  to  burn  both  town 
and  castle  and  remove  the  cannon  to  Grandson,  send- 
ing also,  if  possible,  a  detachment  to  Payerne.'"^  But 
Grandson  was  no  nearer  nor  less  exposed  than  Yver- 
dun. It  commanded,  indeed,  the  road  to  Neucha- 
tel,  and,  if  the  invaders  should  turn  in  that  direc- 
tion, would  serve  to  delay  their  advance.  On  this 
chance  the  council  had  decided  on  holding  it.  But 
they  liad  formed  the  decision  hastily,  without  countr 
ing  the  risk  or  having  time  to  throw  in  supplies. 
They  consoled  themselves  afterwards  with  the  reflec- 
tion that  the  garrison,  if  straitened,  would  be  able  to 
make  their  escape  or  receive  succors  by  water. 

They  now,  however,  fully  expected  that,  without 
turning  to  the  right  or  left,  Charles  would  march 
directly  against  Berne.^"^  To  impede  his  progress,  to 
keep  him  at  a  distance  till  the  Confederate  forces 
should  have  assembled,  was  therefore  the  point  on 
which  their  deliberations  centred.    But  on  this  point 


"*  Deut8chMissiven-BuchC,739.  MS. 
VOL.  III.  36 


"«  Ibid.  734  et  al.  MS. 


282 


PRELIMINARY  MOVEMENTS. 


[nooK  IV. 


also  tliere  was  a  loss  of  time,  arising  not  from  tardi- 
ness, but  from  uncertainty.  The  more  distant  the 
danger  the  slower  would  be  the  movements  of  the 
Confederates.  Yet  if  ground  were  yielded,  damnge 
might  ensue  which  no  subsequent  haste  would  re- 
pair. Freyburg,  for  its  own  security,  demanded  that 
Romont  and  the  adjacent  places,  being  of  the  same 
importance  to  itself  as  Morat  was  to  Berne,  should  be 
strongly  garrisoned.  The  count  of  Gruyerea,  who, 
despite  the  menaces  of  Berne  and  the  friendly  per- 
suasions of  Freyburg,  hesitated  to  take  the  definitive 
step  now  demanded  of  him  and  exchange  his  fealty 
to  Savoy  for  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Swiss,  stood  in 
equal  danger,  and  must  either  be  protected  or  given 
up.  A  conference  on  these  matters  was  held  at  Frey- 
burg on  the  9th.  Kudolph  von  Erlach,  called  thith- 
er to  give  his  opinion,  was  in  favor  of  holding  the 
country  as  far  as  Lausanne,  sending  out  a  thousand 
men  to  serve  as  a  nucleus  of  resistance  at  any  point 
that  might  be  menaced,  arming  such  of  the  people  as 
seemed  well  disposed,  and  despatching  reenforcements 
wherever  they  might  be  specially  needed.^"'  But 
even  had  this  advice  been  sound,  it  was  already  too 
late  to  act  upon  it.  The  Burgundian  detachment  at 
Geneva,  having  been  joined  by  a  force  under  Romont 
and  the  brothers  De  Giiigins,  —  the  lords  of  La  Sar- 
raz  and  Chatelar, — had  pushed  forward  with  the 
greatest  expedition.  On  the  8  th  of  February  they 
were  at  Aubonne,  a  place  near  Morges  belonging  to 
the  count  of  Gruyeres.    Lausanne  gave  them  instant 


""  Girard  MS 8.  —  Rodt,  Die  Grafen  von  Greyers. 


CHAP.  X.] 


CUAKLES  CROSSES  THE  JURA. 


283 


admission.  On  the  11th  the  town  of  Romont  was  oc- 
cupied in  force  by  Pietro  di  Legnana,  one  of  Charles's 
Italian  captains.  Neighboring  places  were  simultane- 
oiLsly  secured.  The  frontier  of  Freyburg  was  crossed, 
and  the  flames  of  burning  villages  were  visible  from 
the  town.^**  Payerne  also  was  threatened,  and  the 
inhabitants,  who  on  slight  grounds  had  been  consid- 
ered friendly  to  their  conquerors,  were  in  such  excite- 
ment that  many  of  them  stole  out  or  flung  them- 
selves from  the  walls  by  night,  and  went  off"  to  join 
the  invaders.^"* 

Thus,  in  a  few  days  and  without  a  struggle,  nearly 
the  whole  of  the  territory  ravished  from  Savoy  had 
been  perforce  relinquished.  The  tide  had  ebbed  as 
suddenly  as  it  had  risen,  and  ^hrough  every  creek 
and  inlet  a  counter-flood  was  setting  in.  Even  the 
Valais  was  reinvaded  by  the  defeated  Savoyards,  and 
Sion  could  neither  expect  succor  from  Berne  noi 
repay,  in  the  time  of  need,  that  which  it  had  before 
received. 

Meanwhile  the  Burgundian  army  —  some  twenty 
thousand  men,  with  many  siege  guns,  two  or  three 
hundred  lighter  pieces,  and  a  numerous  train  of  wag- 
ons —  had  crossed  the  Jura."°  Four  days  —  from 
the  8th  to  the  12th  of  February  —  were  occupied  in 
the  passage,  the  road  being  arduous  and  the  weather 
inclement.      Charles   spent  the  whole  time   at   the 


.:i.^' 


'"'  Letter  of  the  council  of  Berne 
to  Lucerne,  Feb.  13.  MS.  (Archives 
of  Lucerne.)  — Depcches  Milanaises, 
torn.  i.  pp.  275,  277,  278.  — Rodt, 
Die  Grafen  von  Greyers,  s.  328. 


""•  Girard  MSS. 

•'"  Ancienne  Chronique.  —  De- 
pcches Milanaises.  —  Schilling.  — 
Chroniques  de  Neuchatel. 


/ 


284 


CHARLES  CROSSES  THE  JURA. 


[book  IV. 


summit  of  the  pass,  superintending  the  movements, 
watching  the  defile  of  Les  Bayards,  the  issue  from 
the  Val  de  Travers,  and  pushing  forward  troops  as 
rapidly  as  possible  into  the  valley  of  the  Orbe,  in 
order  to  save  from  destruction  places  which  the  ene- 
my was  known  to  be  evacuating.  On  the  12th  he 
descended  to  Orbe  and  took  up  his  quarters  at  the 
castle.  On  the  ancient  towers,  which  had  so  lately 
experienced  the  strength  and  witnessed  the  brutal- 
ity of  the  Swiss,  the  standard  of  Burgundy  was  again 
displayed.  It  was  greeted  with  acclamations  by 
crowds  of  fugitives  from  desolated  homes.  However 
it  might  be  regarded  on  other  soils,  here  on  the  slopes 
of  the  Jura,  here  in  the  liice  of  the  Alps,  it  was  an 
emblem  of  deliverance  and  of  hope. 


1^! 


OK  IV. 


ents, 

from 

)8  as 

e,  in 

it 

ene- 

<«i 

h  he 

t 

tthe 

ately 

'utal- 

BOOK  V. 


CHAPTER   I. 


by 


GBANOSON. 


1476. 


With  what  emotions  the  regent  of  Savoy  received 
the  news  of  her  champion's  arrival  need  hardly  be 
told.  Though  it  was  midwinter,  she  prepared  at  once 
to  cross  the  Alps,  with  her  children  and  the  ladies  of 
her  court,  and  go  to  meet  and  embrace  him.  Litters 
for  the  easier  part  of  the  journey  and  mules  for  the 
steeper  places  were  got  ready  at  Rivoli,  and  orders 
were  sent  to  Geneva  to  fit  out  galleys  for  a  triumphal 
procession  across  the  lake  to  Lausanne.^  The  measure 
of  her  joy  would  have  overflowed  if  she  could  have 
carried  with  her  a  good  sum  of  money  and  a  body  of 
well-equipped  troops,  as  her  contribution  to  the  com- 
mon cause  and  a  solid  proof  of  her  gratitude.  Surely 
the  duke  of  Milan,  who  must  be  equally  delighted 
with  herself,  would  supply  her  with  theee  desiderata. 
Sforza,  unhappily,  was  obliged  to  decline,  the  notice 


Menebrda,  appendix. 


(886) 


/ 


Hfff 


286 


VIEWS  OF  SFORZA. 


[BOOK  V. 


\*  ... 

'V. 


C 


being  so  short  and  the  season  so  unsuitable.^  But  he 
would  take  as  good  care  of  her  dominions  during  her 
absence  as  if  they  were  his  own,'  and  a  pompous 
embassy  should  attend  her  and  convey  his  con- 
gratulations to  their  common  ally.  He  would  also 
have  been  happy  to  give  her,  as  she  had  asked,  some 
useful  advice  as  to  her  conduct ;  but  unfortunately 
he  did  not  understand  ultramontane  affairs:  she, 
having  been  born  and  brought  up  on  that  side,  must 
be  much  more  familiar  with  them,  and  would  doubt- 
less display  the  expertness  of  a  master.*  Yet  he 
might  himself  hope  to  be  somewhat  enlightened  by 
the  ministers  he  was  sending,  having  instructed  them 
to  watch,  listen,  and  report  with  the  greatest  minute- 
ness, not  neglecting  the  minor  duty  of  making  civil 
and  non-committal  speeches." 

His  interest  in  the  situation  was  in  fact  exceeding- 
ly keen.  The  struggle  between  Burgundy  and  the 
Swiss  was  to  be,  in  his  view,  a  struggle  for  the  pos- 
session of  Savoy  —  of  the  defenceless  prey  he  had 
looked  upon  as  his  own.  His  attempt  to  snatch  it  at 
a  previous  period  had  been  balked  by  the  interposi- 
tion of  Venice  and  lack  of  encouragement  on  the  part 


*  "  Li  havemo  resposto  .  .  .  non 
era  possibile  prestarli,  adesso  ha- 
vendo  contrario  et  la  celerita  che 
Sua  S''*  reccrca  )i  siano  mandati,  et 
el  tempo  che  non  poteriano  andare 
per  tanta  aspreza  de  stagionc." 
Duke  of  Milan  to  Leonardo  Botta, 
Feb.  9,  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn. 
i.  p.  273. 

"  "  Che  po  essere  certa  che  lo  ha- 


veremo  ad  core  quantc  el  nostro 
proprio."    Ibid,  ubi  supra. 

■•  "  Che  noi  non  saperessimo  con- 
segliare  Sua  S""'"  perche  non  inten- 
demo  ben  la  natura  di  quelle  cose 
ultramontane.  Ma  lei  per  esser  li 
nata  et  allevata  ne  e  molto  piu  ex- 
perta  et  maestra  che  noy."    Ibid. 

*  Ibid.  p.  274. 


pHAP.  I.J 


VIEWS  OF  SFORZA. 


287 


of  France.  Yielding  gracefully  to  necessity,  he  had 
made  an  instant  and  complete  change  in  his  demeanor. 
From  the  brutal  ravisher  he  had  become  the  most 
respectful  and  assiduous  of  adorers.  In  deference  to 
Yolande  he  had  abandoned  his  former  companionships 
and  cultivated  the  society  of  her  own  more  select 
circle.  Was  he  now,  as  the  reward  of  his  patience 
and  attentions,  to  see  the  prize  removed  forever 
beyond  his  reach  ?  The  duke  of  Burgundy,  if  the 
winner,  would  of  course  appropriate  the  whole,  thus 
putting  an  extinguisher  on  Sforza's  hopes.  The  suc- 
cess of  the  Swiss,  on  the  other  hand,  would  not  neces- 
sarily lead  to  the  same  result,  and  might  even  be 
made  conducive  to  his  aim.  They  would  hardly 
desire  to  extend  their  conquests  in  this  direction 
across  the  Alps,  and,  if  properly  managed,  might  be 
induced  to  join  him  in  a  fair  partition.  The  French 
king  would  have  his  own  motives,  or  could  be  sup- 
plied with  motives,  for  consenting.  It  would  only 
remain  to  secure  at  least  the  passive  acquiescence  of 
Venice.  This  was  to  be  done  by  appealing  to  that 
jealousy  of  Italian  independence  which  was  the  main- 
spring of  her  policy,  and  which  had  led  her  to  keep 
so  close  a  watch  on  the  movements  of  Sforza  himself. 
If  she  could  be  brought  to  see  a  danger  to  Italy  in 
the  duke  of  Burgundy's  position,  she  would  doubtless 
veer  from  her  present  course,  and  lose  sight  of  the 
headlands  by  which  she  had  hitherto  steered.  It 
would  be  necessary,  however,  to  move  with  caution, 
masking  as  far  as  possible  the  drift  of  his  overtures. 
Besides  the  danger  of  premature  disclosures  in  the 


iffhW 


i 


288 


VIEWS  OF  SFORZA. 


[BOOR  r. 


€ 


C 


event  of  a  Biirgundian  victory,  Sforza  well  knew  the 
deep-rooted  distrust  with  which  he  was  still  regarded 
by  all  except  the  credulous  Yolande.  He  sent  by  a 
roundabout  channel  a  message  to  the  Swiss,  request- 
ing that  an  envoy  might  come  to  him,  as  he  had 
something  very  secret  to  discuss  with  them,  and  some- 
thing to  propose  highly  beneficial  to  both  parties.**  In 
the  communication  which  he  directed  his  envoy  at 
Venice  to  make  to  the  senate,  he  showed  a  still 
greater  delicacy  and  reserve.  He  informed  them  of 
his  late  transactions  with  the  regent  of  Savoy,  be- 
cause he  did  not  wish  them  to  be  ignorant  of  any  of 
his  affairs,  and  also  because  he  was  anxious  to  learn 
their  opinion  as  to  the  propriety  of  Yolande's  pro- 
ceedings. For  his  own  part,  he  must  confess,  he 
thought  her  demented.'  Her  states  were  about  to 
become  a  scene  of  tumult  and  conflagration,  and 
though  she  might  retain  her  titular  authority,  the 
country  would  really  pass  under  a  foreign  rule.  He 
had  not  attempted  to  dissuade  her,  since  he  had  seen 
it  would  be  useless  and  he  did  not  wish  to  have  his 
views  reported  to  the  duke  of  Burgundy ;  but  it  was 
in  the  vain  hope  of  deterring  her  from  her  purpose 
that  he  had  refused  her  requests  for  money  and  men. 
The  ambassadors  he  was  sending  with  her  were 
merely  a  corps  of  observation,  and  in  case  of  a  meet- 
ing which  was  talked  of  between  the  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy and  the  French  king,  they  had  orders  to  hold 

®  "  Wel  er  etwz  heimlichs  an  sy  sig."    Eidgenbssische  Abschiede,  B. 

bringen  .  .  .  dz  sich  zwiischen  Inen  II.  s.  279. 

und  Im  wol  erschiessen,  dann  er  ^  "  Pare    se    sia    demfinticata." 

den  Eidgnosseu  tun  wel,  dz  Inen  lib  Ddpcches  Milanaises.  torn.  i.  p.  273. 


CHAP.  I.] 


SFOEZA  AND  VENICE. 


289 


no  communication  with  his  majesty,  beyond  the 
commonplaces  of  official  courtesy.  As  for  the  rumor 
of  an  intended  interview  between  himself  and  the 
king  of  Naples,  it  was  utterly  false.® 

Between  the  Venetian  government  and  that  of 
Milan  there  was  an  absolute  contrast.  Bloody, 
voluptuous,  false  in  every  impulse  and  volition, 
Sforza  was  a  tyrant  after  the  popular  idea  of  that 
character.  In  policy,  as  in  his  amours,  he  saw  no 
object  but  the  gratification  of  an  appetite,  no  means 
but  seduction  and  treachery.  Public  interest  he  was 
incapable  of  comprehending;  coalitions  for  mutual 
service  or  a  common  good  were  useful  only  as  instru- 
ments of  deception.  This  total  want  of  principle  and 
of  all  enlarged  views  made  him,  in  spite  of  his  astute- 
ness and  his  selfishness,  the  proper  tool  of  a  superior 
cunning,  and  he  had  recognized  his  natural  chief  in 
Louis  the  Eleventh.  The  latter,  in  his  place,  might 
have  made  himself  the  master  of  Italy ;  Sforza  was 
only  qualified  to  become  its  betrayer.  Although  the 
assassin's. dagger  was  erelong  to  cut  short  his  career, 
he  was  already  paving  the  road  by  which  the  heir 
of  his  policy  was  to  introduce  the  successor  of  Louis 
into  the  Peninsula.® 

Venice,  from  its  position  as  weW  as  from  its  consti- 
tution, was  inspired  by  a  very  different  spirit.  En- 
gaged single-handed  in  a  perpetual  struggle  with  the 
Moslem,  secretly  detested   by  the  petty  despotisms 


«^  a 


V     M 


^  Ibid,  ubi  supra,  and  p.  284.  in  Romanin,  Storia  documentata  di 

'  See  some  remarks  on  this  point     Venezia,  torn.  iv.  p.  38d. 
VOL.  Ill,  81 


/ 


290 


PO:.:.ICY  OP  VENICE. 


[BOOK  V. 


:'N 


that  had  sprung  up  around  it,  exposed  to  a  still 
greater  danger  in  the  event  of  their  coalescence  or 
their  subjugation  by  a  foreign  power,  the  republic 
had  learned  that  its  preservation  depended  on  the 
practice  of  a  guarded  and  enlightened  statesmanship. 
Hence,  while  in  some  respects  the  most  isolated  of 
states,  Venice  was  a  post  from  which  the  characters 
and  designs  of  nations  and  their  rulers  were  surveyed 
and  calculated  with  a  keenness  and  a  systematic 
accuracy  of  which  there  has  been  no  similar  exam- 
ple. The  rivalry  between  France  and  Burgundy  had 
engaged  from  the  outset  the  attention  of  the  sen- 
ate. They  saw  that  it  would  lead  to  many  changes 
and  involve  the  lestinies  of  many  states.  Rejecting 
the  superficial  view,  they  discerned  the  greater  dan- 
ger, not  in  the  undisguised  ambition  of  Charles,  but 
in  the  stealthy  activity  of  Louis.  Something  was 
even  to  be  hoped  from  the  more  adventurous  spirit 
of  the  former  in  behalf  of  that  cause  —  the  cause  of 
Christendom  and  of  Venice  —  to  which  his  father 
alone  among  the  princes  of  the  West  had  afforded 
substantial  aid.  Without  therefore  departing  from 
their  neutrality  they  had  gi  on  such  tokens  of  their 
preference  as  to  draw  upon  them  the  enmity  of  the 
French  king  and  expose  their  commerce  to  the  dep- 
redations of  his  cruisers.^"  Their  envoys  to  the  duke 
of  Burgundy  had  been  instructed  to  show  the  warm- 
est sympathy  in  his  fortunes,  to  congratulate  him 
*•'  vehemently "  on  every  success,  and  to  treat  him 


*"  Quod  scripturn  fuit  111™  Domo-    (1476).    MS.     (Archivio  generale 
Du'.i  Burguudie,  die  xxii.  Februarii    de  Frari,  Venezia.) 


CHAP.  I.] 


POLICY  OF  VENICE. 


291 


in  all  respects  as  their  "  greatest  and  closest  ally."  " 
They  had  received  his  own  ambassadors  with  ex- 
traordinary magnificence,  had  aided  him  in  his  en- 
listments in  Italy,  labored  to  eifect  his  reconciliation 
with  Austria,  and  even  proposed  a  treaty  for  mutual 
pecuniary  assistanre.^^  Above  all  they  had  kept  him 
constantly  informed  of  the  manoeuvres  of  Sforza  in 
reference  both  to  France  and  to  Savoy."  Charles, 
on  first  receiving  overtures  from  the  duke  of  Milan, 
had  deferred  taking  any  action  until  he  had  privately 
consulted  those  who  would  be  best  able  to  penetrate 
the  motives.  In  reply  the  senate  had  expressed 
their  amazement  at  Sforza's  boundless  dissimulation, 
and  at  his  audacity  in  thus  approaching  so  great  and 
so  clear-sighted  a  prince.  If  they  could  suppose  Ima 
sincere  their  wonder  would  be  still  greater.  That  he 
was  bound  to  France  by  the  most  intimate  ties,  that 
all  his  schemes,  hopes,  and  confidence  reposed  on  that 
alliance,  had  been  long  and  ostentatiously  manifestr 
ed."     Yet  they  did  not  advise  that  his   proposals 


ti-ihii 


'Ij!'  lilH 


mm 


1  i;i':iil»}l 


"  "Veheraenter  certe  letati  su- 
mus,  nee  secus  omni  prospera  for- 
tuna  sua  atque  nostra  gaudemus. . . . 
Quod  nostrum  gaudium  declarabitis 
et  augebitis, . .  .  et  quo  erunt  verba 
ornatiora  et  amabiliora  tanto  gratius 
et  acceptius  nobis  erit.  Et  hoe  idem 
facialis  de  omni  alio  successu  Celsi- 
tudinis  prefaete  quod  postea  aeci- 
deiat.  .  .  .  Ut  intelligat  non  solum 
amari  a  nobis  sed  etiam  coli  et  con- 
servari  ut  precipuum  et  omnium 
amieorum  et  confederatorum  nos- 
trorum  maximum  et  charissimum." 
Quod  scriptum  fuit  oratoribus,  De- 


liberazioni  secrete  del  Senato,  lib. 
xxiii.,  xxvi.  MS.  (Archives  of 
Venice.) 

'*  Quod  scriptum  fuit  die  xvi. 
Marcii,  1472,  xx.  Aprilis,  1475,  vi. 
Maii,  1475,  xxv.  Julii,  1475,  Deli- 
berazioni  secrete,  lib.  xxv.,  xxvii. 
MS.     (Archives  of  Venice.) 

"  This  is  the  leading  subject  of 
most  of  the  letters  extant.  Those 
of  1472-1474  should  be  compared 
with  Sforza's  own  reports  of  the 
same  transactions  to  the  French 
king. 

'*  "Magna  profecto  et  difficilis 


';;* 


I ' 


'  i{t 

1 

L 

■J   . 

J 

L 

^^^ 

292 


POLICY  OP  VENICE. 


[BOOK  V. 


*.»• 


'"*-.'  « 


should  be  declined.  On  the  contrary  they  suggested 
that  he  should  be  invited  to  enter  as  a  third  party 
into  their  own  league  with  Burgundy.  This  would 
offer  a  security  for  the  peace  of  Italy,  of  which  the 
duke  of  Milan  himself  had  been  the  prime  disturber.'" 
Practically  the  suggestion  was  carried  out  by  a  triple 
alliance  embracing  Venice,  Florence,  and  Milan,  an 
engagement  entered  into  by  Sforza  with  the  same 
readiness,  and  in  the  same  spirit,  with  which  he  had 
entered  into  the  alliance  with  Burgundy  and  Savoy. 
His  present  communication  was  listened  to  by  the 
senate  without  the  least  misconception  of  its  ten- 
dency. They  contented  themselves  with  replying 
that,  while  the  excitable  temperament  of  Yolande 
boded  ill  for  the  quiet  and  security  of  her  dominions, 
they  could  not  undertake  to  judge  of  the  importance 
of  her  present  journey.  In  private  conversation  with 
some  of  the  principal  senators,  the  envoy  had  a  bet- 
ter opportunity  of  learning  their  sentiments.  They 
spoke  of  the  duke  of  Burgundy  as  too  active  and 
enterprising.     On  no  account  would  they  see  him 


ad  credendum  res  videtur  quod  dux 
Mediolani  qui  in  regia  Francorum 
Majestate  tantum  presidii  tantum 
ornamenti  et  spei  coUocavit,  tan- 
tam  semper  facit  de  regia  amicitia 
et  affinitate  ostentationem  et  tot  re 
vera  cum  rege  habet  obligationes, 
velit  nunc  illam  deserere,  et  illus- 
trissimo  domino  duci  tarn  amplis 
tamque  liberalibus  conditionibus 
quas  offert  adherere  et  conjungi. 
Quod  autem  dux  ipse  audeat  cum 
tanto  principe  simulare  hoc  etiam 
mirabile  nobis  videtur,  cum  preser- 


tim  pro  comperto  habere  possit  dif- 
ficile illi  future  verba  dare  et  fallere 
Celsitudinis  ipsius  domini  ducis 
cujus  singularis  sapientia  omnibus 
Christianis  principalibus  manifesta 
est."  Alia  litera  die  xvi.  Martii, 
1472,  Deliberazioni  secrete,  lib.  xxv. 
MS.     (Archives  of  Venice.) 

•*  "  Quod  infirmius  et  invalidius 
potest  reputari  ob  animorum  sua- 
pensionem  et  ambiguitatem  et  dif- 
fidentiam  inter  Italie  potentatus 
procedentem  a  motibus  prefacti 
ducis."    Ibid.  MS. 


CHAP.  I.] 


COURSE  OF  THE  SWISS. 


293 


established  on  the  Italian  frontier.  But  they  added, 
with  a  significance  that  showed  their  peiception  of 
the  trap  which  had  been  baited  for  them,  that  they 
feared  still  more  the  encroachments  of  the  French 
king,  whom  they  qualified  with  the  epithets  of  "  rest- 
less "  and  "  malignant."  ^^ 

Venice  therefore,  it  appeared,  did  not  intend  to  be 
made  the  victim  of  its  own  fears  or  a  catspaw  of 
Milan  and  of  France.  It  could  discern  the  signs  of 
a  hurricane  in  the  distance  without  driving  on  the 
sunken  rocks  where  others  had  cast  themselves  away. 
There  was  no  Diesbach  among  its  rulers,  and  had 
there  been,  his  head  would  have  paid  the  forfeit  of 
his  treasonable  intrigues. 

But  neither,  in  fact,  had  the  Swiss  been  betrayed 
by  mere  false  lights  and  misleading  cries.  They  too 
had  been  conscious  that  their  true  course  lay  in  the 
observance  of  a  cool  and  watchful  neutri  !ity.  Or,  if 
it  were  indeel  true  that  the  var  had  been  under- 
taken from  motiv-  s  of  policy,  it  was  surely  a  wretched 
policy,  and  the  mistake  must  now  have  been  appar- 
ent. Far  from  preventing  aggression,  they  had 
simply  furnished  the  opportunity  and  the  justifica- 
tion. What  had  they  gained  by  not  waiting  till  they 
were  attticked  ?  Their  danger  could  never  have  been 
greater  than  it  now  was.  True  they  were  perfectly 
well  able  to  defend  theinselves ;  and  so  they  would 
always  have  been.  The  duke  of  Burgundy  was  no 
weaker,  they  were  no  stronger,  —  certainly  not  more 


'i.:. 


U  M 


■J  n 


'*  "  El  quale  baptizano  per  inqui- 
eto  et  maligno."    Depeches  Mila- 


naises,  torn.  i.  p.  281. 


294 


APPEALS  OF  BERNE. 


[BOOK  V. 


united,  —  for  the  acts  by  which  they  had  driven  him 
into  becoming  their  assailant. 

It  was  still  a  question  indeed,  and  a  very  doubtful 
one,  whether  Berne  had  not  deprived  itself  of  that 
necessary  assistance  on  which,  in  a  different  case,  it 
could  have  securely  depended.  If  a  report  brought 
to  Charles  was  correct,  —  and  besides  its  intrinsic 
probability,  we  find  that  on  every  point  he  was  sup- 
plied with  more  exact  information  of  the  proceedings 
of  the  Swiss  than  they  were  able  to  obtain  of  his, 
—  the  people  of  Zurich  and  the  smaller  cantons 
talked  openly  of  leaving  the  authors  of  the  war  to 
extricate  themselves  as  they  could."  There  had 
been  a  meeting  of  the  diet  at  Lucerne  on  the  9th 
of  February.  Wabern  brought  before  it  the  infor- 
mation received  by  his  colleagues  and  their  conjec- 
tures as  to  the  enemy's  design.  It  was  certain,  they 
said,  that  he  was  now  on  his  way  into  Savoy,  and, 
though  his  plans  were  unknown,  they  presumed  that, 
after  joining  his  forces  with  those  of  the  regent,  he 
would  march  directly  against  Berne.  They  there- 
fore requested  that  the  Confederate  forces  should 
be  called  out  at  once,  in  readiness  to  move  at  their 
summons.  The  French  money  had  arrived,  and  an 
application  had  been  made  for  the  further  sum  of 
eighty  thousand  francs.  The  king  had  also  sent  to 
desire  a  consultation  with  his  allies  at  Lyons.^^ 

Instead  of  assenting  to  the  proposition,  the  diet 


"  "  Dicendo    anno   facto   questa         "  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,722- 
guerra  senza  loro  participatione,  che     724.  MS. 
loro  si  defl'endano."    Ibid.  p.  301. 


"•  Eld 
II.  s.  51i 


;  i:! 


OK  V. 


CHAP.  I.] 


APPEALS  OF  BERNE. 


295 


him 

btful 

that 

se,  it 

lught 

rinsic 

5  sup- 

sdings 

)f  his, 

nitons 

var  to 

e  had 

le  9th 

I  infor- 

conjec- 

n,  they 

y,  and, 
d  that, 
ent,  he 
there- 
should 
,\f  their 
and  an 
|sum  of 
sent  to 

the  diet 

ucbC,722- 


decided  m  refer  it  to  their  constituents,  and  to  reas- 
semble wilh  instructions  on  the  19th,  when  deputies 
should  also  be  sent  to  Berne  to  receive  the  pensions.*' 
In  any  case  the  postponement  would  have  been  far 
from  agreeable  to  the  council ;  but  the  tidings,  true 
and  false,  that  now  came  pouring  in,  threw  them  into 
a  state  of  agitation.  They  therefore  endeavored  to 
cut  short  the  deliberations  by  vehement  appeals.  In 
a  circular  dated  on  the  10th,  "in  haste,"  they  stated 
their  purpose  to  take  the  field  with  their  own  forces 
and  those  of  Freyburg  and  Solothurn  on  the  16th. 
"  The  duke  of  Burgundy,"  they  said,  "  as  we  have 
this  moment  learned  from  a  sure  source,  has  crossed 
the  mountains,  and  is  close  upon  our  borders.  All 
Savoy,  as  we  perceive,  is  about  to  unite  with  him. 
The  matter  concerns  our  lives  and  possessions,  and 
there  is  no  room  for  delay.  We  therefore  most  ear- 
nestly summon  and  exhort  you  by  your  brotherly 
love  to  repair  at  once  with  all  your  forces  to  our 
town,  for  the  rescue  of  our  lands  and  lives,  in  like 
manner  as  our  fathers  and  yours  were  accustomed  to 
stand  by  one  another  faithfully,  and  as  we  and  you 
are  mutually  bound  to  do."  ^ 

On  the  next  day  they  addressed  a  still  more  urgent 
letter  to  Lucerne,  requesting  that  it  might  be  com- 
municated to  the  other  cantons.  "  We  have  just  re- 
ceived sure  intelligence,"  they  wrote,  "  that  the  duke 
of  Burgundy  dines  to-day  at  Lausanne.  The  whole 
of  the  Pays  de  Vaud,  except  Yverdun,  Grandson, 

''  Eidgendssische  Abschiede,  B.        *"  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  726. 
II.  8.  518  MS. 


f 


■  3 

11 


296 


APPEALS  OF  BERNE. 


[book  v. 


1 


Payerne,  and  Morat,  has  fallen  into  his  hands ;  and 
there  is  no  doubt  that,  without  making  the  least 
pause,  he  will  move  straight  against  us.  We  fear, 
therefore,  that  our  intended  sett'-  out  on  Friday 
next  will  be  too  late,  and  that  i  .  iier  measures,  for 
which  we  are  preparing,  must  be  taken.  Seeing,  then, 
the  greatness  of  the  need,  and  how  it  increases  from 
hour  to  hour,  we  conjure  you  by  your  brotherly  love, 
on  which  we  confidently  rely  and  which  we  shall 
never  cease  to  deserve,  to  hasten  with  all  possible 
despatch  to  our  defence."  '^^ 

A  repetition  of  these  appeals,  with  a  yet  stronger 
representation  of  the  peril,  folk)wed  on  the  12th.  The 
enemy's  forces,  horse  and  foot,  Burgundians,  Lom- 
bards, and  Germans,  with  artillery  great  and  small, 
were  steadily  advancing.  The  people  of  u.2  Pays  de 
Vaud  were  entirely  on  their  side,  and  subjects  of 
Berne  had  been  obliged  to  fly  for  their  lives.  Pay- 
erne  and  Morat  were  now  the  only  obstacles  in  the 
way,  and  the  former  town  was  already  besieged.'^ 

Rising  by  a  steady  climax,  the  excitement  reached 
its  height  on  the  13th.  The  news  brought  to  Berne 
came  in  a  heap  which  the  council  had  no  means  of 
sifting.  Knowing  themselves  to  be  the  proper  ob- 
jects of  vengeance,  they  had  taken  for  granted  that 
Charles  would  choose  the  nearest  route  to  their  own 
gates.  This  impression  had  been  confirmed  by  his 
occupation  of  the  Pays  de  Vaud,  and  by  the  taunts 
and  boasts  of  the  embittered  and  inflamed  population. 
Hence  the  approach  of  the  detachment  under  Ko- 


**  MS.  (Archives  of  Lucerne.)       *'  MS.  (Archives  of  Lucerne.) 


CHAP.  I.] 


APPEALS  OF  BERNE. 


29T 


mont  and  his  associates  had  been  mistaken  for  that 
of  the  whole  Burgimdian  army,  or  rather  of  a  host 
which  existed  only  in  imagination.  Again  addressing 
themselves  to  Lucerne,  as  the  nearest,  ablest,  and 
most  deeply  bound  of  their  allies,  the  council  wrote, 
under  date  of  "  Tuesday  before  Saint  Valentine's,  at 
noon,  in  haste,"  that  the  duke  of  Burgundy  in  per- 
son was  besieging  Payerne  at  the  head  of  sixty  thou- 
sand men,  and  that  he  intended  to  press  forward  in 
the  same  direction,  attacking  one  canton  after  anoth- 
er, first  Berne,  then  Lucerne,  and  the  rest  in  succes- 
sion. "  Wherefore,"  they  continued,  "  out  of  the 
depth  of  our  hearts  we  call  upon,  exhort,  and  entreat 
you,  as  the  dearest  of  our  co-citizens,  to  come  with 
all  your  power  and  without  any  stop,  for  the  deliver- 
ance of  our  hereditary  as  well  as  of  our  acquired 
lands ;  sending  also,  at  our  cost,  instant  notice  to  our 
other  Confederates,  that  they  too  may  not  'ally,  as 
you  and  they  desire  the  preservation  of  us  as  the  bor- 
der people,  and  value  your  and  gjl  our  lives,  goods, 
honor,  wives  and  children,  towns,  lands,  and  people  ; 
not  allowing  yourselves  to  think  otherwise  than  that 
this  is  a  real  and  pressing  need,  your  help  wherein 
we  shall  be  ready  to  recompense  in  all  future  time, 
without  sparing  life  or  property  for  you  and  yours."  ^ 


jKii 


"  "  Das  wir  uch  als  unnser  lieb- 
sten  Mittbi'Uder  us  grund  unnsers 
HerUen  vermanen  bitten  und  an- 
ruffen  das  ir  an  all  verziechen  zu 
unns  mit  gantzer  tnacht  ziechen 
zu  rettung  unnser  erplichen  und 
zugebrachten  lannden,  und  ouch  das 
ander  unnser  Eydgnoss  an  verzug 
VOL.  m.  38 


in  unnsern  kosten  verkunden  sicb 
ouch  nit  zu  siimen  so  lieb  uch  und 
inen  sy  unnser  als  der  anstiisser  und 
darnach  uwer  und  unnser  aller  lib 
gut  ere  wib  und  kind  statt  lannd 
und  lutt  zu  behalten,  und  lassen 
uch  kein  ander  beduncken  sin  dann 
das  es  rechte  not  tut,  Das  wollen 


/ 


208 


SILENCE  OP  THE  CONFEDERAT^. 


[BOOK  V. 


1 


«B  9 


Strange  to  say,  this  torrent  of  supplication  failed  to 
set  the  mans  in  motion,  or  even  to  meet  with  any 
corresponding  outflow  of  comfort  and  assurance.  We 
cannot  suppose  that  the  other  cantons  entertained  a 
deliberate  thought  of  leaving  Berne  to  its  fate.  But 
it  was  natural  that,  when  extraordinary  exertions 
were  demanded,  they  should  recollect,  not  only  the 
original  ncedlessness  of  the  war,  the  arts  by  which  it 
had  been  started,  and  the  evils  which  it  had  engen- 
dered, but  also  how  their  own  remonstrances  against 
the  openly  aggressive  character  which  Berne  had 
persisted  in  giving  to  it  had  been  slighted  and  con- 
temned. Was  it  so  certain  even  now  that  they  had 
not  been  sunmioned  with  the  mere  object  of  secur- 
ing conquests  made  without  their  participation  and 
against  their  advice  ?  The  cry  of  "Wolf ! "  had  been 
heard  before,  and  its  tone  in  the  present  instance 
betr.ayed  u  suspicious  eagerness  to  create  an  ebulli- 
tion. And  in  fact  Berne  itself  was  made  aware  on 
the  14th  that  it  had  greatly  exaggerated  the  danger. 
The  duke  of  Burgundy,  it  appeared,  instead  of  being 
at  Payerne,  had  but  just  arrived  at  Orbe.  But  while 
their  fears  were  thus  in  some  measure  allayed,  the 
mortification  of  the  council  at  the  passiveness  and 
silence  of  their  Confederates  was  on  this  account  only 
the  deeper.  In  a  letter  to  Lucerne  dated  on  the  last- 
mentioned  day,  they  complained  that  their  repeated 
appeals,  made  with  so  much  confidence,  should  have 
been  treated  with  indifference,  and  have  drawn  forth 

wir  zu  ewigen  zitten  umb  uch  und     guts  verdienen."  MS.    (Archivefi  of 
all  die  uwern  ungespart  libs  und     Lucerne.) 


24    II 

schiiff 
hochei 
uerviii 
durfft 
feU  w 


CHAP.  I.] 


MEASURES  OF  BERNE. 


299 


no  reply  either  in  writing  or  by  message.  They 
resented  the  supposition,  which  they  instinctively  felt 
to  be  entertained,  that  they  would  have  written  so 
strongly  without  sufficient  cause.'^*  Their  Confeder- 
ates might  be  assured  that  the  Burgundian  prince  was 
personally  in  the  land,  and  that  his  aim  was  nothing 
else  than  the  perpetual  subjugation  of  them  all. 

Still  persuaded  of  the  correctness  of  their  conclu- 
sions, and  seeing  no  prospect  of  a  prompt  and  gen- 
eral support,  the  council  now  decided  on  a  further 
retrograde  movement.  They  called  in  the  garrison 
of  Payerne,  which  had  reported  the  impossibility,  if 
attacked,  of  holding  out  without  assistance,'^*  and 
determined  to  make  their  stand  at  Morat.  Here 
they  massed  their  own  levies  and  invited  their  allies 
to  rendezvous.  Scharnachthal  was  placed  in  com- 
mand, a  deputation  from  the  council  being  sen!,  to 
assist  —  or  embarrass  —  him  with  advice.  He  might 
hope  to  derive  more  valuable  aid  from  the  experience 
of  his  lieutenant,  Hans  von  Hallwyl,  a  gray-haired 
soldici-  of  fortune,  who  had  served  under  Podiebrad 
in  the  Hussite  wars,  as  well  as  in  Hungary  and  else- 
where.'^" In  the  Pontarlier  expedition  the  veteran 
had  instructed  Diesbach  how  to  protect  his  columns 
from  cavalry,  on  the  march  across  an  open  country, 
by  a  moving  fence-work  of  wagons.  On  the  present 
occasion  he  seems  to  have  suggested  the  formation 

*■•  "  Und  getruwen  nitt  das  unnser  Briiderlich  Heb  so  vil  zu  schriben 

schritflen    oder    beger    us   so   gar  es  ware  dann  grundtlich  an  im  selbs 

hochem  vertruwen  beschechen  vu-  war."    MS.  (Archives  of  Lucerne.) 

uerviinklich  geschetzt  oder  zu  vnnot-  **  Girard  il/,S/Sf. 

durffc  gekert  werd,  Dann  an  zwif-  ^'  Schilling,  s.  272. 
fell  wir  wollten  gar  ungem  uwer 


ORi 


■  / 


I 


300 


GRANDSON. 


[BOOK  V. 


m 


'^K! 


1, 
C 


of  a  signal  corps.  A  line  of  posts  was  extended 
across  the  strip  of  land  between  the  lakes  of  Morat 
and  Neuchatel.  As  an  immediate  result  word  was 
received  and  transmitted  to  Berne,  on  the  18  th,  that 
the  duke  of  Burgundy,  instead  of  taking  the  direc- 
tion in  which  he  v»as  expected,  had  laid  siege  to 
Grandson.'^'' 

Had  his  real  aim  been  the  overthrow  of  the  Helve- 
tian Confederacy  and  the  subjugation  of  the  country, 
Charles  would  probably  have  acted  as  his  enemies 
had  anticipated.  Berne,  in  that  case,  would  have 
been  the  true  objective  point,  and  the  road  by  Pay- 
erne  and  Morat  the  line  of  operations.  But  having 
come  with  a  different  object,  it  was  not  his  purpose 
to  strike  at  once  at  the  heart  of  the  Confederacy, 
leaving  its  members  no  choice  but  to  combat  for 
theii-  independence  and  existence.  He  has  been 
correctly  described  as  doubting  the  determination  of 
the  Swiss ;  but  this  was  not  because  he  undervalued 
their  courage,  but  because  he  believed  them  to  be 
paralyzed  by  their  divisions  and  the  notorious  aver- 
sion of  so  many  of  them  to  a  war  undertaken  from 
no  sufficient  motive.  Either  they  would  renounce, 
at  his  approach,  a  contest  in  which  they  were  "  mere 
helpers,"  or,  fighting  with  lack  of  numbers  and  of  zeal, 
they  would  sustain  a  defeat  that  would  insure  the 
desired  result.  He  had  heard  on  his  passage  over  the 
Jura  that  they  had  not  yet  decided  on  their  course, 
and  were  about  to  hold  a  diet  for  the  purpose  at 
Lucerne.^^    It  was  his  policy,  therefore,  to  menace 

"  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  742,        **  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  i. 
748.  MS.  p.  275. 


»B 


CHAP.  I.] 


THE  SIEGE  OPENED. 


301 


rather  than  attack  —  not  to  shorten  the  crisis,  but  to 
protract  it.  The  road  to  Neuchatel  was  that  on 
which  he  would  be  least  liable  to  meet  them  in  force, 
while  the  place  itself,  when  reached,  would  form  a 
new  and  convenient  base,  if  further  demonstrations 
should  be  necessary.  His  object  in  occupying  also 
the  other  route  had  been,  not  to  open  his  own  way 
to  Berne,  but  to  hold  that  line  against  irruptions 
from  Berne,*^  which  would  have  endangered  his  flank 
and  rear  during  his  contemplated  movement. 

The  order  for  the  evacuation  of  Yverdun  had  not 
been  despatched  a  moment  too  soon.  The  Bur- 
gundian  vanguard  had  already  enclosed  it  on  the 
land  side  when  the  garrison  were  prepared  for  their 
retreat,  which  they  effected  in  the  night  by  means  of 
boats,  after  setting  fire  to  the  town.  Their  accession 
with  guns  and  ammunition  was  thought  a  material 
addition  to  the  strength  of  Grandson,  although  even 
with  this  reenforcement  the  number  of  its  defenders 
scarcely  exceeded  five  hundred,  and  there  was  no 
proper  store  of  provisions."'"  The  place  was  imme- 
diately invested.  It  lies,  as  already  mentioned,  close 
to  the  lake,  at  the  foot  of  an  inclined  plane,  which 
stretches  along  the  shore  and  which  forms  the  broad 
and  gently  sloping  base  of  the  line  of  mountains  in 
the  background.  It  is  therefore,  of  course,  com- 
manded from  the  higher  ground  immediately  in  the 
rear,  to  which  the  ascent  is  somewhat  sudden.  And 
this  ground  was  the  more  easily  occupied  that  it  is 


!D 


Ibid,  p-  266. 


=«'  Ibid.  —  Schilling.  —  Deutsch 
Missiven-Buch  C.    MS. 


I 


302 


GRANDSON. 


[BOOK  V. 


c 

it 


flattened  and  expanded  into  the  form  of  a  plateau, 
widening  fan-like  towards  the  north  and  east,  where 
it  is  skirted  by  the  Arno,  a  stream  of  inconsiderable 
breadth,  but  flowing  in  a  deep  bed,  which  in  the 
early  spring  is  filled  with  a  dark  volume  of  half-melted 
snow  from  the  crevices  of  the  mountains.  There  was 
consequently  ample  space  for  the  formation  of  a 
camp  to  cover  the  siege.  The  road  to  Neuchutel,  by 
which  a  relieving  army  might  be  expected  to  advance, 
traverses  the  plateau,  and  crosses  the  Arno  about  two 
miles  beyond  Grandson.  Both  sides  of  it  were  there- 
fore occupied  by  the  Burgundians,  whose  outposts 
extended  to  the  Arno,  while  the  camp  itself  was  pro- 
tected in  front  by  ditches,  as  well  as  by  the  usual 
breastwork  of  wagons.  Their  right  was  covered  by 
the  lake.  On  their  left  were  the  mountains,  pathless, 
wooded,  seamed  with  deep  fissures,  making  it  all  but 
impossible  for  the  position  to  be  turned. 

In  the  midst  of  the  most  tempestuous  weather  the 
duke  left  Orbe,  on  the  19th,  and  proceeded  to  the 
camp.^^  An  unsuccessful  attempt  to  carry  the  place 
by  a  coup-de-main  had  been  made  the  day  before,  when, 
according  to  a  letter  of  the  council  of  Berne,  the  as- 
sailants had  lost  a  hundred  men,  the  garrison  only 
two.^'^  Without  waiting  for  a  breach,  the  duke  ordered 
a  general  assault  on  the  21st.  The  defenders  were 
too  few  for  the  circuit  of  the  walls.  An  entrance 
having  been  effected,  they  were  chased  back  into  the 


was 

a  di 

ing 

The 

pabl( 

to  L 

repoi 


l!    I 


'"  "  Ali  19  di  questo  usci  in  cam-     pcches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  287. 
po  a  dicto  Granzon  con  cativissimo        ^*  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  755. 
tempo  quanto  si  potesse  dire."   Dd-     M8. 


■33    J3 

p.  287. 

"  Ei 


CHAP.  I.] 


BEItNE  AND  ITS  ALLIES. 


303 


castle,  losing  about  fifty  in  their  flight.  Their  task 
would  now  be  more  perilous,  but  better  proportioned 
to  their  strength.  The  height  and  solidity  of  the 
walls  made  it  useless  to  try  an  assault  before  a  breach 
had  been  opened.  A  battery  was  immediately  planted, 
though  the  heaviest  pieces  had  not  yet  arrived.  Meas- 
ures were  also  adopted  to  prevent  the  garrison  from 
escaping  by  the  lake.^' 

At  the  meeting  of  the  diet,  on  the  19th,  it  had 
been  voted  that  the  troops  of  each  canton  should 
assemble  on  the  23d,  and  report  to  the  council  of 
Lucerne,  who  were  empowered,  when  thi  ?  had  been 
done,  to  call  another  meeting,  for  the  purpose  of 
determining  what  proportion  should  take  the  field,  or 
"  how  otherwise  to  proceed."  ^*  The  proposal  to  send 
an  embassy  to  Lyons  was  necessarily  rejected,  the 
route  being  now  closed  against  the  Swiss.  On  the 
chance,  however,  of  finding  a  mode  of  conveyance, 
a  letter  was  drawn  up  by  the  council  of  Berne,  in 
which  they  formally  summoned  Louis  to  come  to 
their  aid,  expressing  their  full  confidence  that  such 
was  his  intention,  but  hinting  that,  in  the  event  of 
a  disappointment,  means  might  be  found  of  divert- 
ing the  enemy's  vengeance  into  a  different  channel."^ 
The  bad  taste  of  this  intimation  was  the  more  pal- 
pable that  Louis  was  known  to  be  now  on  his  way 
to  Lyons,  with  even  a  larger  force  than  had  been 
reported.     The  duke  of  Burgundy  had  been  warned 


;■'  i 


i, '' 


'•''^  Depcches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.     II.  s.  580. 
p.  287.  ^*  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  752, 

^^  Eidgendssische  Abschiede,  B.     M8. 


/ 


304 


GRANDSON. 


[BOOK  V. 


c 


of  the  fact,  although,  with  his  usual  carelessness  in 
such  cases,  he  had  professed  to  feel  no  alarm.  He 
was  aware  that  French  messengers  had  recently 
passed ;  he  doubted  not  that  everything  would  be 
done  by  means  of  money  and  promises  to  encourage 
the  Swiss ;  but  he  was  strangely  confident  that  the 
king  would  not  openly  violate  the  treaty  and  renew 
the  war.^^ 

Nor  was  it  from  France  alone,  among  foreign 
states,  that  Berne  had  a  right  to  expect  succor.  Let- 
ters were  sent  to  the  imperial  towns  in  Suabia  and 
elsewhere,  representing  that  the  Swiss  had  originally 
taken  up  arms  at  the  command  of  the  emperor,  that 
the  duke  of  Burgundy  was  the  notorious  foe  of  the 
whole  German  nation,  and  that  his  present  expedi- 
tion, like  that  against  Neuss,  was  designed  merely  as 
a  prologue  to  the  overthrow  of  the  free  communities 
and  the  seizure  of  the  imperial  crown.^'  Answers 
were  received  from  some  qv.arters;  but  far  from 
promising  the  assistance  which  had  been  asked  for, 
they  contained  no  word  even  of  sympathy  or  good 
will.^  With  so  magnificent  a  cause  to  defend,  fighting 
on  everybody's  account  rather  than  its  own,  Berne 
was  yet  left  to  sink  alone ;  —  unless  it  should  be 
helped  by  Zurich,  Schwytz,  Unterwaiden,  by  the  old 
and  true  friends  on  whom  it  had  turned  its  back, 
while  prosecuting  its  schemes  of  conquest  and  exult- 
ing in  the  giaciousness  of  its  French  ally. 


union 


'*  Ddpcches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.     et  seq.  MS. 
pp.  278,  288,  302.  ^^  Schilling,  s.  277.  — Rodt,  B. 

3»  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch,  C,  728    II.  s.  30,  31. 


vol.. 


CHAP.  I.] 


EXPECTATIONS  OF  CHARLES. 


305 


When  notice  was  brought  to  Charles  that  the  Con- 
federates had  begun  to  assemble,  he  scarcely  attempt- 
ed to  conceal  his  disappointment.  It  was  evident 
from  his  own  language  and  that  of  his  ministers  that 
he  had  indulged  to  the  last  a  strong  hope  of  being 
met  with  pacific  proposals.  Had  any  honorable 
terms  been  offered,  it  was  intimated  that  he  would 
not  have  rejected  them.  But  he  would  not  himself 
take  the  initiative,  nor,  if  hostilities  were  opened, 
would  he  be  the  first  to  recede.^"  He  ordered  imme- 
diate preparations  in  case  of  a  sudden  attack.  Owing 
to  the  continued  inclemency  of  the  weather,  great 
numbers  of  the  troops,  the  Italians  in  particular,  had 
dispersed  among  the  neighboring  villages.  The  cap- 
tains were  summoned  and  sternly  rebuked  for  not 
maintaining  better  discipline,  a  striking  example  be- 
ing threatened  if  order  were  not  instantly  restored. 
The  men  were  accordingly  brought  back  to  camp 
and  posted  at  their  stations  in  readiness  for  battle.'" 
Even  now  a  notion  was  entertained  that  advances 
might  perhaps  have  been  made  through  the  regent 
of  Savoy,  whose  arrival  Charles  was  impatiently 
expecting.  He  continued  to  receive  reports  of  dis- 
union among  the  Swiss,  but  also  more  explicit  details 
of  their  warlike  attitude.  The  expressions  he  let 
drop,  while  intended  as  proofs  of  his  confidence,  be- 
trayed the  depth  of  his  chagrin.  Hereafter  he  would 
turn  a  deaf  ear  to  any  overtures  that  might  be  made. 
What  kept  the  Confederates  together  was  the  money 


ii 


I      ■■•     i.ir. 


^'  D^peches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  289. 
VOL.  III.  39 


40 


Iiiid.  p.  288. 


/ 


306 


GRANDSON. 


[BOOK  V. 


,fV"-; 


i, 


•li 


distributed  by  France.  But  he  would  carry  on  his 
enterprise  till  he  had  made  some  of  them  repent  of 
the  support  which  they  had  given  to  the  king.  He 
would  reduce  them  to  such  terms  that,  when  he  had 
turned  his  back,  there  would  be  no  danger  of  their 
again  raising  their  heads  and  renewing  their  furious 
attacks.*' 

The  season  was  backward.  The  winter  had  been 
severe  beyond  precedent,*^  and  now,  when  it  was 
breaking  up,  mountains  and  valleys  lay  shrouded  in 
gloom  and  the  tempests  howled  from  the  Jura  to  the 
Alps.  In  crossing  the  pass  of  Mont  Cenis,  Yolande 
had  been  caught  in  a  terrific  snow-storm,  and  there 
were  no  signs  of  clearing  when  she  descended,  on  the 
evening  of  the  22d,  to  Chambery.  Her  courage  had 
been  severely  tried  by  the  unaccustomed  discomforts 
and  fatigue.  She  owned  that  she  looked  forward 
with  dread  to  resuming  her  journey ;  but  since  the 
duke  had  braved  the  same  terrible  weather  on  her 
account,  she  was  resolved  to  do  everything  in  her 
power  to  gratify  him.*'*  Her  reception  at  Geneva 
inspired  her  with  fresh  spirits.  Two  thousand  nobles 
and  gentlemen,  mounted  and  armed,  had  assembled 
to  escort  her,  and  she  was  welcomed  by  the  people 
with  every  demonstration  of  attachment  and  joy.** 
Charles  had  at  first  sent  his  brother  Anthony  with  a 
splendid  train  to  await  her  arrival  at  Lausanne,  but 
seeing  a  prospect  that  the  services  of  these  cavaliers 


*'  Panigarola  to  the  duke  of  Mi- 
lan.    Ibid.  pp.  301,  302. 
•»«  Knebel,  2te  Abth.  s.  1. 


*^  Ddpeches  Milanaises,  torn.  i. 
p.  295. 
"  Ibid.  p.  307. 


CHAP.  t.J 


FEELING  AT  BERNE. 


307 


would  be  prese  tly  needed,  had  since  recalled  them. 
He,  however,  despatched  a  messenger  to  Geneva,  with 
a  cordial  greeting  under  his  own  hand.  "  You  have 
taken  so  much  trouble,"  he  wrote,  "  in  so  rude  a  sea- 
son, that,  notwithstanding  my  singular  desire  to  see 
you,  I  cannot  bear  to  urge  your  speedier  coming  +o 
Lausanne.  It  is,  however,  a  thing  of  much  impor- 
tance, in  order  not  to  retard  the  prosecution  of  the 
war.  And  by  my  faith,  were  it  not  for  the  open 
demonstration  by  the  enemy  of  an  intention  to  fight, 
I  would  go  in  person  to  meet  you.  But  I  know  well 
that  what  you  chiefly  desire  is  the  certainty  of  our 
approaching  victory ;  of  which  I  have  the  less  doubt 
that  I  do  not  imagine  the  enemy  will  show  such  ardor 
for  battle  as  has  been  reported.  Yet  I  pray  you, 
madam,  to  persevere  in  your  determination  to  take 
every  precaution,  which  is  the  way  to  insure  a  good 
and  profitable  result;  committing  you,  madam,  to 
the  pleasure  of  God,  who  have  you  in  his  holy  keep- 
ing and  grant  your  desires."  *' 


'ii  i 


Jm 


The  first  intelligence  that  Grandson  was  besieged 
had  not  created  any  special  alarm  at  Berne.  On  the 
contrary  it  had  quieted  the  overstrained  apprehen- 
sions previously  felt.  The  defence  would  no  doubt 
be  obstinate ;  the  enemy  was  wasting  time,  which  the 
council  could  profitably  employ  in  gathering  their 
allies  from  far  and  near.  The  repulse  of  the  first 
attack  strengthened  their  feeling  of  security.  On  the 
22d,  when  it  was  known  that  the  town  had  fallen. 


*i 


Ibid.  p.  29?. 


i 


808 


GRANDSON. 


[BOOK  V. 


IMI  h 


they  wrote  to  their  Confederates  for  aid,  adding  that 
they  were  more  anxious  about  the  garrison,  who  were 
chiefly  from  their  own  town,  than  about  the  castle, 
though  this  was  important  for  the  safety  of  Neucha- 
tel.*"  They  also  gave  orders  for  fitting  out  four  large 
vessels  at  Estavayer,  Scharnachthal  being  instructed 
to  man  them,  and  either  to  reenforce  or  withdraw 
the  garrison  as  he  should  find  most  feasible.*''  Two 
days  passed  without  any  further  tidings  or  increased 
alarm.  The  council  talked  of  sending  their  forces 
to  reoccupy  Payerne,  or  else  to  raze  the  walls  and 
devastate  the  surrounding  country,  but  consented, 
by  the  advice  of  the  military  commanders,  to  suspend 
this  movement  until  it  was  certain  that  Grandson 
would  hold  out.*^  On  this  point  they  appeared  to 
feel  no  doubt.  But  on  the  evening  of  Saturday,  the 
24th,  news  arrived  of  a  terrible  import.  Two  of  the 
garrison,  having  been  lowered  from  the  walls  in  the 
previous  night,  had  succeeded  in  getting  through  the 
enemy's  lines  to  Neuchatel.  They  reported  that  the 
fire  of  the  besiegers  was  incessant  and  destructive. 
The  defences  of  the  gates  had  been  shot  away,  and 
all  the  bulwarks,  as  well  as  the  main  tower,  were  in 
ruins.  A  magazine  had  exploded  and  done  much 
damage.  The  head  of  the  artillery-master,  whose 
place  there  was  no  one  to  fill,  had  been  carried  off"  by 
a  ball.  The  Burgundians,  good  and  bad,  were  esti- 
mated at  fifty  thousand.  They  had  lined  the  shore 
in  front  of  the  castle  with  artillery,  and  were  con- 


*'  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  755. 
MS. 


«  Ibid.  758.  MS. 

«  Ibid.  — Rodt,  B.  n.  s.  41. 


i-! 


CHAF.  I.] 


CONSTERNATION  AT  BERNE. 


309 


stantly  on  the  alert,  so  that  it  would  be  useless  to 
think  of  approaching  in  vessels  either  by  day  or 
night.  Worst  of  all,  the  unground  corn,  which  was 
the  sole  subsistence  of  the  garrison,  would  last  till 
Thursday  and  no  longer.  Beyond  that  time  it  would 
be  impossible  to  hold  out.  Unless  instant  relief  were 
sent,  the  men  must  all  die."** 

The  inhabitants  of  Berne  were  seized  with  a  fore- 
boding. The  five  hundred  all  belonged  to  the  canton, 
most  of  them  to  the  town  itself  Every  one  knew 
them  by  sight  or  name.  It  was  but  a  few  weeks  since 
they  had  left  home,  with  little  idea  of  going  on  a  ser- 
vice of  especial  peril.  Their  wives  and  mothers  were 
among  the  crowd  that  listened  to  the  news.  If  forced 
to  surrender  there  could  be  no  doubt  of  what  would 
befall  them.  The  pitiless  spirit  with  which  the  war 
had  been  waged,  the  massacres  of  captured  garrisons 
and  even  of  unarmed  populations,  above  all  the 
"  bad  day  of  Estavayer  "  rose  into  remembrance,  and 
it  was  instinctively  felt  that,  if  a  single  hair  on  a 
single  head  were  spared,  the  retaliation  would  fall 
short. 

Scharnachthal  had  already  despatched  three  hun- 
dred men  to  Neuchatel,  where  the  vessels  ordered  by 
the  council  had  been  collected  and  equipped.  He 
wrote  home  that  he  and  his  companions  were  ready 
for  a  more  determined  effort,  if  sufficient  help  could 
be  obtained  from  the  Confederatvj.  The  council 
remained  in  session  day  and  niglit,  sending  forth  mes- 
sengers every  hour  and  in  all  directions.     One  sped 

*^  Dputsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  767.  MS.  And  printed  in  Schilling,  s.  279. 


% 


310 


GRANDSON. 


[BOOK  V. 


to  Morat  with  fresh  orders  and  exhortations ;  another 
to  the  troops  of  Zurich,  who  were  already  in  motion, 
urging  them  to  push  forward ;  a  third  to  Bicnne, 
desiring  that  all  the  boats  and  vessels  there  should 
be  sent  to  Neuchatel,  in  readiness  fov  a  combined 
movement  by  sea  and  land,  which  might  at  least  give 
fresh  encouragement  to  the  garrison.""  Wabern  and 
one  of  his  colleagues  went  to  make  a  personal  appeal 
to  the  cantons  that  were  still  holding  back.  The 
letters  to  the  Confederates  bore  the  unmistakable 
accent  of  genuine  distress.  That  voice  which  we 
have  heard  in  so  many  different  keys,  by  turns 
imperious  and  cringing,  sullen  and  declamatory,  al- 
most always  loud  and  insincere,  was  now  soft  and 
pleading  like  a  woman's  or  a  child's.  A  letter  written 
at  midnight  on  the  24th,  after  reciting  the  facts  and 
stating  the  little  prospect  of  success  from  the  effort 
now  in  progress,  thus  went  on  :  "  Trile,  dear,  brother- 
ly friends,  to  lose  our  five  hundred  in  the  castle,  and 
with  them  perhaps  the  other  three  hundred,  is  a  sor- 
rowful thought,  and  moves  our  hearts  with  daily  and 
hourly  anguish.  For  they  are  all  good  and  worthy 
people,  born  and  brought  u^  in  our  town  and  terri- 
tory, some  of  them  with  families  of  young  children, 
and  have  always  deported  themselves  honestly  and 
manfully.  Such  is  their  sore  need  and  the  situation 
of  affairs,  that  we  see,  alas !  no  way  of  freeing  them 
from  their  deadly  peril,  unless  we  are  able  to  do  it 
with  the  sword.     Which  ours  in  the  camp  at  Morat, 


*°  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  765,     schichtforscher,    B.  VIII.    s.    301. 
769  et  seq.    MS.  —  Schweiz.  Ge-     —  Blucsch,  B.  11.  s.  290. 


iiil 


CHAP,  I.] 


ATTEMPTED  RELIEF. 


311 


trusting  to  your  brotherly  aid,  have  a  full  willingness 
to  undertake.  We  beseech  you  therefore  in  trueness 
of  heart  to  despatch  your  contingents  in  as  full 
strength  and  with  as  much  speed  as  possible,  in 
order  that  the  hand  of  our  grim  foe  may  l)e  un- 
clasped, and  that  ours  —  who  are  also  yours  !  —  may 
be  preserved  alive. .  .  .  True,  dear  Confederates,  have 
us  and  ours  in  your  faithful  remembrance,  which  we 
in  all  times  will  deserve  of  you  and  yours."  °^ 

Twelve  hours  later  the  council  had  received  the 
report  of  the  attempt  to  rescue  the  garrison  by  water. 
The  four  vessels,  equipped  with  artillery  and  preceded 
by  a  skiff,  which  was  to  show  the  way,  had  started  in 
the  middle  of  the  night ;  but  owing  to  the  drunken- 
ness of  the  pilots,  it  was  dawn  before  they  came  in 
sight  of  Grandson.  This,  however,  made  but  little  dif- 
ference. A  single  glance  was  sufficient  to  show  the  im- 
possibility at  any  hour  of  penetrating  to  the  besieged 
or  communicating  with  them.  Strong  bodies  of  troops 
lay  posted  along  the  shore ;  the  mouths  of  numerous 
cannon  could  be  seen  pointed  across  the  water ;  even 
a  fleet  of  small  vessels  was  moored  in  readiness  to 
dispute  the  approach.  Not  only  was  the  town  oc- 
cupied by  the  enemy,  but  huts,  tents,  and  pavilions, 
seemingly  innumerable,  covered  the  plateau  from  the 
precipices  to  the  lake.  Near  the  shore,  yet  as  inacces- 
sible as  if  perched  upon  some  distant  peak,  stood  the 
castle,  with  its  doomed  inhabitants.  They  had  con- 
gregated on  the  battlements,  and  were  seen  running 
about    and   leaping    in  exultation   at   the   delusive 


•i  I 


M 


"  SchiUing,  s.  279. 


/ 


f 


!■     I 


c; 


i 


312 


OBANDSON. 


l«OOK  V, 


prospect  of  deliverance.  The  vessels  hold  on  their 
way  till  within  a  bow-.shot  of  the  land.  Then  the 
artillery  opened,  and  the  enemy's  boats  put  forth. 
Veering  suddenly,  the  prows  were  pointed  up  the 
lake.  Before  sailing  away  the  crews  gave  a  loud 
cheer,  beat  their  drums,  and  waved  their  spears,  as  a 
signal  to  their  friends  not  to  despair  of  relief  But 
no  answer  came,  except  the  defiant  shouts  of  the 
besiegers,  some  of  whom  gave  chase  along  the  shore, 
firing  their  arquebuses  and  brandishing  their  lances, 
until  the  vessels  had  rounded  a  cape  and  were  hidden 
from  view.''^ 

No  difierent  result  had  been  expected  at  Berne. 
The  council  had  written  in  the  night  that  their  only 
hope  lay  in  the  merciful  protection  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin.^^  As  the  heavenly  powers  had  not  intervened, 
they  again  turned  to  their  Confederates,  giving  an 
account  of  the  failure,  and  ending  with  cries  of 
"  Quick !  Quick  !  Coiue !  Come !  Come  1 "  —  like  the 
hoarse  call  of  a  panting  fugitive. 

And  they  were  coming !  In  that  hour  of  real 
extremity,  at  that  cry  of  un'^oubted  anguish,  every- 
thing was  forgotten  but  the  old  fraternal  bond  that 
had  knit  the  Swiss  communities  together  like  the 
peaks  of  their  Alpine  chain.  They  were  coming — 
their  only  stipulation,  that  there  should  be  no 
besieging  of  towns  or  castles,  that  nothing  more 
should  be  undertaken  than  the  repulse  of  the  in- 
vaders; in  other  words,  that  the  war  on  the  Swiss 


"  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  769. 
MS.  —  Schilling,  s.  277. 


"  In  das  Veld,  Deutsch  Missiven- 
Buch  C,  770.   MS. 


I 


CHAP.  I.] 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  GARRISON. 


813 


8i(]c  Bhould  be  hcncuforth  one  of  defence  And  not 
of  nggrcHsion. 

They  were  coming  —  but  alas !  too  late ;  in  time 
to  revenge,  but  not  in  time  to  save.  Wben  the 
garrison  of  Grandson  bad  seen  the  sails  of  their 
countrymen  vanish  in  the  distance,  hope  had  become 
extinct  in  their  own  breasts.  Instead  of  giving  them 
fresh  heart,  that  gleam  of  light  had  served  only  to 
deepen  the  darkness  of  their  despair.  According  to 
reports  afterwards  current  among  the  Swiss,  they 
were  completely  demoralized,  admitting  the  loose 
women  of  the  camp  into  the  interior  of  the  castle, 
holding  confabulations  with  German  soldiers  outside, 
and  wrangling  among  themselves.  Four  of  them  are 
said  to  have  deserted  to  the  enemy,  who  was  thus 
made  acquainted  with  their  desperate  condition.  The 
commander,  Hans  Wyler,  though  hitherto  esteemed 
a  man  of  resolute  bravery,  was,  if  the  story  be  true, 
one  of  the  first  to  declare  against  further  resistance. 
While  it  is  not  pretended  that  any  capitulation  took 
place,  the  surrender  is  described  as  having  been  made 
on  the  representations  of  a  German  officer  that  their 
countrymen  were  making  no  effort  for  their  deliver- 
ance, and  that  their  only  chance  lay  in  committing 
themselves  to  the  mercy  of  the  duke,  with  whom,  in 
return  for  a  douceur,  he  promised  to  intercede  for 
them.°*     Whatever  may  have  been  the  foundation  for 

"  Schilling,  s.  281-283.  —  Schil-  upon  hereafter  —  Berne,  for  reasons 

ling  of  Lucerne,  s.  75,  77.  —  There  of  its  jwn,  sought  to  suppress.    In- 

are  several  verttions  of  the  story  —  deed  the  council  would  appear  not 

all  equally  devoid  of  evidence.    The  to  have  believed  any  of  the  reports, 

earliest  —  which  will    be  touched  They  wrote  repeatedly  to  the  camp, 
VOL.  ni.                  40 


M^ 


m 


314 


GRANDSON. 


[book  v. 


l-"'i' 


k 


t 


c 


these  rumors,  we  find  no  confirmation  of  them  in  the 
most  trustworthy  evidence  extant,  which  is  contained 
in  the  despatches  of  the  Milanese  ambassador,  Paniga- 
rola.  He  had  written  from  the  first  that  Charles  was 
confident  of  taking  the  castle  in  the  course  of  a  few 
days,  that  he  had  guarded  against  the  flight  of  the 
garrison,  and  had  no  intention  of  sparing  their  lives.^^ 
On  the  29th  he  wrote  that,  having  lost  all  chance  of 
receiving  succor  by  the  lake,  by  which  alone  it  would 
have  been  feasible,  and  heavier  guns  having  been 
brought  to  bear  upon  them,  they  had  sought  several 
times,  but  without  success,  to  obtain  terms,  and  had 
finally  surrendered  at  discretion  on  the  morning  of 
the  previous  day.°"  This  was  Ash  Wednesday.  Berne 
had  been  warned  that  they  could  not  hold  out  beyond 
Thursday,  and  its  own  ineffective  effort  in  the  interval 
may  well  have  seemed  like  a  confession  of  impotence 
and  an  abandonment. 

The  number  of  the  prisoners  was  four  hundred  and 
twelve.^''    After  their  arms  and  money  had  been  taken 


stating  what  they  had  heard,  and 
uiquiring  whether  any  truth  were 
contained  in  It ;  but  in  none  of  their 
subsequent  letters,  though  express- 
ing sorrow  and  indignation  at  the 
fate  of  the  garrison,  do  they  make 
any  charge  of  treachery. 

**  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p. 
287. 

°*  "A  questo  Castello  di  Gran- 
zone  aveva  questi  di  troato  lartigle- 
ria.  Ora  li  aveva  piantato  le  bom- 
barde  grosse  et  comtnzato  trare: 
piu  volte  si  avenno  voluto  rendere 
vedendo  non  avere  socorso  dal  laco 
. .  .  salve  le  persone,  tantum  prefato 


Sig'  li  ha  voluto  a  discretione :  heri 
matina  si  reseno  ad  sa  volonta." 
Ibid.  p.  301.  —  Probably  the  exact 
truth  is  contained  in  a  letter  writ- 
ten from  the  Swiss  army,  by  the 
Lucerne  chiefs,  on  the  1  st  of  March. 
It  states  that  the  garrison  was  so 
hard  pressed  that  the  majority  in- 
sisted on  surrendering  at  discretion, 
urging,  besides  the  impossibility  of 
holding  out,  the  fair  words  used  by 
the  soldiery  for  the  purpose  of 
tempting  them.  MS.  (Archives  of 
Lucerne.) 

^^  Depeches  Milanaises,  ubi  8U< 
pra. 


CHAP.  I.] 


FATE  OF  THE  GARRISON. 


315 


from  them,  they  were  marched  up  a  winding  street 
leading  to  the  eminence  behind  the  town.  The  duke 
sat  in  front  of  his  pavilion,  which,  according  to  tradi- 
tion, was  pitched  near  a  broad  rock  that  crops  out  in 
the  corner  of  a  field  and  still  bears  the  name  of  Z« 
Pierre  de  Mmiconseil — "the  stone  of  bad  council." 
For  it  is  stated  by  Swiss  writers  that  a  council  of  war 
was  held  to  decide  upon  the  treatment  of  the  cap- 
tives, opinions  being  divided  until  a  swarm  of  people 
from  the  surrounding  country  threw  themselves  at 
Charles's  feet  and  implored  him  to  take  vengeance  for 
the  ravages  and  slaughters  at  Orbe,  Estavayer,  and 
other  places.^^  This  account  might  help  perhaps  to 
excuse  the  cruelty  that  ensued ;  but  whether  it  had 
any  other  origin  than  the  guilty  conscience  of  those 
who  gave  it  currency,  is  a  matter  of  uncertainty. 
Panigarola  simply  relates  that  the  unfortunate  men 
were  paraded  before  the  duke,  who  thereupon  issued 
a  sudden  order,  for  their  execution.^^  They  were 
accordingly  taken  in  charge  by  the  provost-marshal 
and  his  assistants,  and,  their  arms  and  legs  having 
been  bound,  they  were  strung  up,  without  further 
preparation,  to  the  trees  scattered  sparsely  through 
the  camp.  In  some  instances  ten  or  more  were 
attached  to  a  single  branch,  which,  breaking  beneath 
its  load,  dropped  them  half  alive  to  the  ground,  where 
their  convulsions  were  abridged  and  their  limbs  muti- 
lated by  the  pikes  of  the  soldiers.    Others  were  taken 


;  I 


m 


»"  Schilling,  s.  283.  — Chron.  des 
Chanoiues  de  Neuchiitel,  Schweiz. 
Geschichtforscher,  B.  VIII.  s.  272. 


""  Dcpcches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p. 
301. 


316 


GRANDSON. 


[BOOK  V. 


c 


1  * 


out  on  the  lake  and  drowned.  Two  were  spared  to 
aid  in  the  execution  of  their  comrades  and  to  receive 
the  curses  of  their  countrymen.  About  four  hours 
were  occupied  in  the  work,  the  bodies  being  left  sus- 
pended till  other  hands  should  cut  them  down.*^  "  It 
is  a  horrible,  a  fearful  sight,  that  of  so  many  dangling 
corpses,"  wrote  the  Milanese  ambassador.  Yes,  and 
with  all  the  provocation,  a  horrible,  an  execrable 
deed !  "  You  can  imagine,"  he  adds,  "  the  terror  it 
will  produce  in  the  Swiss."  In  the  Swiss?  0  no, 
rather  in  those  who  had  witnessed  or  shared  in 
the  act !  . 

On  the  27th  the  council  of  Berne  had  been  able 
to  write  with  comparative  calmness.  The  whole 
Confederacy  was  in  motion,  and  a  general  plan  of 
operations  had  been  agreed  upon.  Berne's  original 
project  of  marching  by  the  way  of  Payerne  had  been 
rejected  as  too  hazardous,  —  the  whole  line  with  its 
strong  places  being  occupied  by  hostile  forces,  —  and 
also  because  it  was  now  evident  that  the  duke  in- 
tended to  advance  by  the  other  route."^  Instead  of 
Morat,  therefore,  Neuchatel  was  designated  as  the 
place  of  meeting,  and  during  the  next  few  days  there 
was  a  constant  influx  into  that  town.  Intelligence 
of  this  gathering,  with  a  very  accurate  estimate  of 
the  numbers,  was  immediately  transmitted  to  Charles. 
He  professed  to  be  well  pleased.  A  battle,  he  said, 
was  what  he  most  desired ;  it  would  enable  him  to 


*'  Ibid,  ubi  supra.  —  BloQsch.  —         "  Letters  in  Blccsch,  B.   II.  s. 
Molinet.  —  Schilling.—  Schweiz.  Ge-     290,  291.  —  Etterlin,  fol.  90. 
schichtforscher,  tooi.  vi. 


CHAP.  I.] 


THE  BATTLE-GROUND. 


317 


end  the  war  at  a  single  stroke."-  On  the  morning  of 
the  1st  of  March  he  rode  out  with  his  body-guard  on 
the  road  to  Neuchatel,  for  the  purpose  of  making  a 
reconnoissance. 

The  ground  which  he  traversed  was  to  be  on  the 
following  day  the  scene  of  the  wished-for  encounter. 
Its  general  aspect  is  that  of  an  oblong  plain,  sloping 
from  the  foot  of  the  mountains  to  the  lake,  and  grad- 
ually contracting  in  width  until,  at  a  distance  of  five 
or  six  miles  from  Grandson,  it  is  completely  closed. 
For  there  the  mountain  line  curves  suddenly  towards 
the  lake,  and  sends  down  a  broad  Spur,  which  bars 
the  view  and  terminates  in  capes  and  bluff's,  though 
generally  with  a  winding  selvage  of  level  shore. 

The  principal  mountain  mass  overlooking  the  plain 
is  the  Mont  Aubert,  which  attains  a  height  of  some 
three  thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the  lake. 
Its  mound-shaped  summit  rises  from  the  centre  of 
the  curve,  while  its  broad  shoulder  and  the  ridge 
that  connects  it  with  Mont  Chasseron  fill  the  rest  of 
the  background.  A  shaggy  forest  of  firs,  beeches, 
and  oaks  covers  all  its  slopes  as  well  as  the  crest  of 
the  Spur. 

The  plain  has  an  average  breadth  of  perhaps  a 
mile  and  a  half  The  floor  is  not  a  regular  slope.  It 
curls  up  in  places,  especially  along  the  shore,  leaving 
hollows  in  the  rear,  from  which  the  lake  is  not  always 
in  sight.  The  road  from  Grandson,  after  trending 
back  to  take  advantage  of  these  hollows,  —  the  dip 
being  greatest  where   it  crosses   the  Arno,  —  again 


'*  D^pgches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  308. 


318 


GRANDSON. 


[BOOK  V. 


turns  to  the  right  and  makes  for  the  shore,  so  as  to 
wind  around  the  foot  of  the  Spur,  or  pierce  it  at  its 
lowest  elevation.  It  first  touches  the  lake  at  the 
village  of  Concise,  near  the  extremity  of  the  plain, 
but  is  then  forced  to  make  a  detour  round  a  conical 
hill  divided  from  the  Spur  by  a  kind  of  defile.  In 
a  level  nook  that  opens  out  immediately  beyond 
stands  a  manor-house,  formerly  a»  Carthusian  convent, 
called  La  Lancet  From  here  the  road  continues 
along  the  margin  of  the  lake,  and  clears  the  Spur  at 
Vauxmarcus,  a  mile  f  nd  a  half  farther  on. 

But  there  is  also  another  road,  branching  off"  from 
the  former  at  the  hamlet  of  Onnens,  a  little  beyond 
the  Arno,  and  keeping  a  much  straighter  course  across 
the  plain.  It  follows  the  line  of  hollows,  with  a 
slightly  descending  track,  until  it  begins  to  ascend 
the  Spur,  which  it  crosses  at  an  elevation  several 
hundred  feet  above  the  main  road,  and  half  a  mile  or 
more  in  the  rear  of  it.  This  road,  now  scarcely  used 
and  in  many  places  difficult  to  trace,  is  known  as  the 
via  deira,  and  is  thought  to  have  been  a  section  of  a 
Koman  highway,  of  which  other  vestiges  may  be 
found  in  the  adjacent  country. 

Even  where  it  traverses  the  plain,  the  via  deira  is  a 
silent  and  lonely  road  at  the  time  of  year  to  which 
our  narrative  relates.  Villages  lie  to  the  right,  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  lake,  and  to  the  left,  along  the  base 
of  the  mountains.  But  the  via  diira  passes  not  a  sin- 
gle habitation  till  it  is  half  way  up  the  flank  of  the 

°'  The  name  originated  in  the     a  piece  of  the  lance  with  which  the 
most  precious  of  the  sacred  relics     Saviour's  side  was  pierced, 
belonging  to  the  establishment  — 


CHAP.  I.] 


THE  B.N^TLE-GEOUND. 


319 


Spu/,  where  there  is  a  low,  dark,  ancient  farm-house, 
known  from  time  immemorial  as  the  Prise  Gaula. 
Meadows,  cornfields,  and  vineyards  line  the  way, 
with  no  enclosures,  save  here  and  there  a  strip  of  low 
wall  built  of  yellow  stone  and  overhung  with  ivy, 
whose  berries  the  wayfaring  peasant  stops  to  press 
between  his  fingers,  prognosticating  from  their  firm- 
ness an  abundant  vintage.  The  vine-buds,  however, 
have  not  yet  begun  to  swell ;  the  fieldr  are  brown, 
the  woods  and  orchc.  /ds  leafless  or  sero ;  the  heights 
are  still  fringed  with  snow ;  and  there  are  no  signs 
of  awakening  spring,  except  that  the  air  has  some- 
thing of  a  vernal  freshness,  and  that  a  lark,  the  first 
of  the  year,  rises  from  the  ground  with  jerks  of  flight 
and  gushes  of  song,  as  if  melody  and  motion  proceed- 
ed from  the  same  organs. 

On  the  ascent  of  the  Spur,  just  before  reaching  the 
Pme  Gaula,  a  swell  of  ground,  curving  out  from  the 
road  like  a  pulpit  from  one  of  the  pillars  of  a  cathe- 
dral, invites  us  to  pause  and  cast  a  backward  glance 
over  the  plain.  From  this  point  of  view  it  has  the 
appearance  of  an  amphitheatre,  the  heights  around 
forming  an  arc  of  a  circle,  while  the  shore  line  is  the 
irregular  chord.  At  our  feet  is  a  cross  road,  leading 
down  from  the  via  dttra  to  Corcelles  on  tho  lower 
road,  and  passing  a  field  where  three  obelisks  of 
granite,  called  Le8  Pt/ramides,  are  supposed  to  com- 
memorate the  events  we  are  about  to  relate,  though 
they  are  more  probably  of  a  far  older  date.***    Look- 


:■'!  I 


% 


"■•  There  are  at  present  four  pil-     ing,  some  years  ago,  erected  one  at 
lars,  the  proprietor  of  the  soil  hav-     his  own  cost,  not  for  the  purpose  of 


^msm^ 


1 1 ;  I  I  ; 


320 


GRANDSON. 


[BOOK  V. 


ing  across  the  lake,  we  see  ill-fated  Estavayer  and 
other  towns;  behind,  a  far-reaching  table-land,  backed 
by  the  Alps  of  Freyburg;  with  glimpses  of  loftier  and 
more  distant  peaks,  farthest  yet  most  conspicuous 
the  silvery  pinnacles  of  the  Dent  du  Midi. 

After  passing  the  farm-house,  the  via  detra,  still 
ascending,  plunges  into  the  forest  that  covers  the 
back  of  the  Sj^ur,  which  here,  as  below,  is  a  mile  and 
a  half  in  breadth.  On  the  opposite  descent,  the  road 
winds  back,  and  comes  suddenly  on  a  narrow  rift  or 
gorge,  now  called  the  Combe  de  Pont  Porret,  bui  for- 
merly the  Combe  de  Ruanx^  It  cleaves  the  Spur 
lengthwise  in  a  nearly  straight  line,  and  forms  the 
channel  of  a  mountain  torrent,  that  intersects  the 
lower  road  at  Vauxmarcus.  The  gorge  may  be  con- 
sidered as  the  boundary  of  the  Spur ;  for,  after  gain- 
ing an  eminence  on  the  iHrther  side,  we  have  an 
uninterrupted  view  for  many  miles  in  the  direction 
of  Neuchatel.  There  is  here,  however,  no  plain  in 
sight,  scarcely  a  spot  of  level  ground.  The  outer 
ridge  of  the  Jura  runs  parallel  with  the  lake  and 
springs  directly  from  the  shore.  But  the  slopes, 
which  are  clothed  with  vineyards  and  specked  with 
villages,  cannot  be  called  steep;  and  the  via  detra, 
now  a  cheerful  and  frequented  route,  zigzags  down 
the  incline  and  soon  rejoins  the  lower  road. 

mystifying  antiquaries,  but  with  the  et  n'ayant  qu'une  issue."     Sainte- 

meritorious  object  of  converting  the  Beuve,  Portraits  litteraires,  torn.  ii. 

triangle  into  a  square.    We  have  no  p.  345,  note.  —  The  word  appears  to 

belief  in  the  Druidical  origin  as-  be  Celtic.    In  France  it  is  confined, 

serted  for  these  stones.  we  believe,  to  the  Jura ;  but  it  is 

**  "  Combe,  creux  de  valine  de  used  in  a  similar  sense  in  Corn- 

toutes  parts  entouree  de  montagnes  walL 


OHAP.  1.1 


VAUXMARCUS. 


321 


From  this  description,  if  intelligible,  it  will  be 
apparent  that,  supposing  two  armies  to  advance 
simultaneously  from  Grandson  and  Neuchatel,  they 
would  be  hidden  from  each  other's  view  till  close  at 
hand  or  actually  engaged.  The  barrier  between 
them,  the  Spur  of  the  Mont  Aubert,  would  become 
the  object  of  a  struggle.  The  party  by  which  it 
was  first  occupied  would  have  a  great  advantage 
of  position,  and  could  only  be  dislodged  by  a  much 
superior  force.  On  the  Grandson  side  the  distance 
would  be  shorter,  the  ascent  easier,  and  in  case  of 
disaster  the  line  of  retreat  smoother  and  more  open. 
From  the  opposite  direction  the  approach  could  be 
made  only  by  one  road ;  it  would  be  necessary  to 
cross  the  Combe  de  Riiaux ;  and  when  this  had 
been  effected,  the  gorge  would  cover  the  rear  of 
the  position  instead  of  the  front.  On  the  via  deira 
the  bridge  was  narrow  and  overlooked  by  the  steep 
banks.  The  passage  by  the  lower  road  was  much 
more  convenient,  but  was  commanded  by  the  castle 
of  Vauxmarcus,  which  fronts  on  a  slope  descending 
to  the  road,  while  the  lofty  rear  wall,  now  grimed 
with  age,  rises  from  the  edge  of  the  gorge,  here  per- 
fectly impassable. 

The  owner  of  this  castle  was  a  kinsman  and  vassal 
of  the  count  of  Neuchatel.  After  the  failure  of  his 
scheme  of  mediation,  Bodolph  had  given  fresh  assur- 
ances to  Berne  of  his  resolution  to  remain  faithful  to 
its  cause.  He  could  not  personally  fight  against  an 
army  in  which  his  only  son  held  a  command.  But 
he  had  encouraged  the  citizens  of  Neuchatel  to  swell 


n 


VOL.  III. 


41 


322 


GRANDSON. 


[BOOK  V. 


i 

C    4 


i    I 


the  Confederate  ranks,  he  had  sent  his  own  retainers 
to  man  the  Bjiyards  and  other  passes,  and  he  had 
placed  his  castle,  with  its  stores  of  wine  and  pro- 
visions, at  the  disposal  of  the  Swiss,  who  were  now 
freely  availing  themselves  of  this  privilege.""  Their 
outposts  extended  to  Bevaix,  within  three  miles  of 
Vauxmarcus,  which  was  not  thought  to  be  in  any 
danger.  But  in  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  March 
Charles  arrived  before  the  gate  and  sent  in  a  sum- 
mons. John  of  Neuchatel  immediately  tendered  his 
submission,  requesting  mercy  on  his  knees  for  the 
handful  of  country  people  that  formed  his  garrison. 
The  duke,  who  wished  to  treat  Neuchatel  as  friend- 
ly territory,  listened  graciously  and  dismissed  the 
men,  after  questioning  them  as  to  whether  they 
had  been  expecting  reenforcements.  He  entered 
the  building,"'  accepted  refreshments,  and  chose  fiom 
his  escort  a  body  of  archers  to  leave  as  a  garrison. 
He  seems  also  to  have  examined  the  ground  in  the 
rear,  and  to  have  made  some  preparations  for  dis- 
puting the  passage  of  the  gorge  by  the  via  detra. 
On  a  tumulus  commanding  the  bridge  are  the  con- 
spicuous remains  of  an  earthwork  traditionally  known 
as  "the  Burgundian  Redoubt."  From  Vauxmarcus 
he  pushed  forward  far  enough  to  get  a  view  of  the 
Swiss  outposts.  In  the  evening,  after  his  return  to 
camp,  he  gave  an  entertainment  to  t^e  new  embpijsj 


"  Chroniques    de    Neuchatel.  —  are  still   in  their  place,   although 

Boyve.  —  Deutsch    Missiven-Buch  they  no  longer  communicate  with 

C.   M?.  the  interior,  the  front  of  the  man- 

*''  The  stairs  up  which  he  passed  sion  being  modern. 


II   s 


CHAP.  I.] 


ASSEMBLING  OF  THE  SWISS. 


323 


from  Milan,  and  announced  his  purpose  to  march  the 
next  morning  and  take  up  another  position.**® 

During  this  same  day  the  Swiss  forces,  like  one  .0/ 
their  mountain  rivers  augmented  by  frequent  rills, 
had  been  constantly  accumulating.  Troops  from 
every  canton  and  from  several  of  the  allied  states 
had  now  come  up.  Sigismund  of  Austria,  instead  of 
taking  the  field  in  person,  as  he  had  been  so  strongly 
exhorted  to  do,  had  failed  to  send  a  single  man.  He 
had  in  fact  concluded  a  secret  truce  under  the  auspices 
of  the  emperor.  As  a  passive  spectator  he  would  be 
able  to  judge  more  coolly  of  the  event,  and  decide 
between  the  relative  merits  of  his  former  and  present 
protectors.  Some  other  members  of  the  Lower  League 
had  been  equally  remiss.  But  Strasburg  and  Basel 
had  obeyed  the  earliest  requisition  from  Berne,  and 
their  soldiers,  having  left  home  about  Saint  Valentine's 
day,  had  been  among  the  first  to  arrive.  The  corps 
of  Berne  had  broken  up  from  Morat  on  the  27th,  and 
had  since  been  lying  at  the  villages  between  Neu- 
chatel  and  Vauxmarcus,  awaiting  its  Confederates. 
It  numbered  over  seven  thousand  men,  without  count- 
ing those  of  Freyburg,  Solothurn,  and  Bienne,  amount- 
ing to  two  thousand  more.  With  these  it  made  up 
nearly  half  the  army,  which  in  all  somewhat  exceeded 
nineteen  thousand  combatants.**^    All  were  infantry 


:i 


'^  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  i. 
pp.  304,  305. — Chronique  des  Cha- 
noines  de  Neuchatel,  Schweiz.  Ge- 
schichtforscher,  B.  VIII.  s.  273,  274. 

*"  An  official  list,  in  the  Archives 
of  Lucerne,  gives  a  total  of  18,115, 


embracing  about  14=000  from  the 
*?ight  cantons,  2500  from  their  Hel- 
vetian allies  and  dependencies,  the  re- 
mainder from  the  Lower  League.  But 
there  are  some  omissions,  Neuchutel 
(about  500)  being  the  principal. 


324 


GRANDSON. 


^BOOK  V, 


f: 


it«,.    :t 


C  ' 


except  three  hundred  of  the  Strasburgers,  sixty  of 
the  Basel  men,  and  a  hundred  and  twenty  Austrian 
volunteers  under  Hermann  von  Eptingen/"  Lucerne, 
from  which  a  greater  effort  might  Lave  been  expected, 
had  sent  less  than  nineteen  hundred,  led  by  the  ex- 
schultheiss  Heinrich  Hassfurter;  Zurich,  seventeen 
hundred,  with  Hans  Waldmann,  the  most  popular 
of  the  Confederate  leaders,  as  nominally  second  but 
virtually  first  in  command.  Among  the  smaller  can- 
tons Schwytz  had  done  by  far  the  best ;  and  its  twelve 
hundred  warriors  —  about  a  third  of  its  fighting  pop- 
ulation — led  by  Rudolph  Reding,  a  descendant  of 
one  of  the  three  founders  of  the  Confederacy,  were 
preeminent  in  stature,  as  well  as  in  warlike  aptitude 
and  training.''^  But  in  truth  the  whole  army  was 
composed  of  picked  men,  the  elite  of  the  most  warlike 
population  of  the  time.  As  they  strode  through  the 
streets  of  Neuchatel,  singing  their  Alpine  songs,  and 
taking  "  great  leaps  "  expressive  of  eagerness  and  joy, 
the  burghers  regarded  them  with  admiration  and 
delight  tempered  by  a  sensation  of  fear.  Had  their 
ardor  been  less,  the  terrible  news,  which  passed  from 
rank  to  rank,  of  the  fate  that  had  befallen  their 
countrymen,  supplied  a  sufficient  stimulant.  To  the 
first  thrill  of  dismay  succeeded  a  fierce  desire  for 
revenge,  and  by  a  spontaneous  impulse  "  Grandson, 
Grandson  ! "  was  adopted  as  the  battle-cry.'^ 

Late  in  the  evening  the  chiefs  assembled  in  council 


"  Knebel,  2te  Abth.  s.  29, 30  et  al.     Helveticse. 

"  Bonstetten,  Beschreibung  der         '-  Chronique  de  Hugues  de  Pi- 
Burgunderkriege,    and    Descriptio     erre,  Purry,  Extraits,  jip.  28,  29. 


j::| ;: 


[BOOK  V. 


CHAP.  I.] 


MARCH  OF  THE  SWISS. 


325 


sixty  of 
Austrian 
Lucerne, 

xpected, 
^  the  ex- 
jventeen 

popular 
!ond  but 
iller  can- 
ts twelve 
ing  pop. 
idant  of 
cy,  were 
aptitude 
rmy  was 
;  warlike 
ough  the 
)ngs,  and 
and  joy, 
;ion   and 
ad  their 
sed  from 
2n   their 

To  the 
C'sire  for 
randson, 

I  council 


ues  de  Pi- 
.  28,  29. 


—  according  to  tradition,  on  a  plat  of  ground  between 
Boudry  and  Colombier,  where  a  tree  called  Le  Batail- 
lard  still  marks  the  spot.  It  was  known  that  Vaux- 
marcus  had  fallen.  Yet  no  suspicion  was  entertained 
that  the  enemy  designed  to  make  a  forward  move- 
ment, although  a  note  containing  information  to  that 
effect  had  been  received  by  the  margrave  from  John 
of  Neuchatel."  Its  contents  were  either  not  com- 
municated to  the  Swiss  leaders,  or  were  judged  by 
them  unworthy  of  credence.  They  assumed  that 
Charles,  having  a  strong  position  and  fortified  camp, 
would  remain  on  the  defensive ;  and  the  question 
they  debated  was  whether  to  try  and  dislodge  him  by 
a  direct  attack,  or  endeavor  to  lure  him  from  his 
advantage  by  threatening  some  post  occupied  by  a 
detachment.''*  In  their  ignorance  of  the  exact  dis- 
position of  his  forces,  it  was  finally  decided  to  storm 
Vauxmarcus  in  the  morning,  and  after  its  recapture 
to  hold  another  conference.'^ 

Throughout  the  night,  which  was  cold  and  dark,'^ 
there  was  a  continual  bustle  and  emulous  advance. 
The  Strasburgers  having  deviated  some  distance 
from  the  route  for  the  purpose  of  foraging,  the  J3asel 


"  The  note,  with  one  from  the 
margrave  to  the  burghers  of  Lan- 
deron,  enclosing  the  former,  may  be 
found  in  Matile,  Musee  de  Neu- 
chatei. 

'*  "  Oder  ob  wir  im  fur  ein  statt 
so  er  ingenomen  halt  ziechen,  da 
mit  er  ufi'brech  die  zu  entschut- 
ten."  Letter  of  the  Lucerne  chiefs 
to  thj  council,  dated  "  in  eim  dorff- 
litt  [probably  Bevaix]  e.n  halb  mil 


von  famergu  uff  fritag  zu  nacht." 
MS.  (Archives  of  Lucerne.) 

'*  Ibid.  JI/.S.  — From  Etterlin, 
Knebel,  and  other  chroniclers  we 
learn  tha'  the  same  ignorance  of 
Charles's  iatentions  existed  the  next 
morning. 

"  "  Wiewol  es  ein  vinstere  kalte 
nacht  was."  Letter  of  Ulrich  Mel- 
tinger  of  Basel,  in  Knebel,  2te 
Abth.  8.  1 1. 


326 


GRANDSON. 


[rook  v. 


men,  who  were  hanging  in  the  rear,  received  orders 
to  send  forward  their  handful  of  cavalry.  As  they 
passed  the  troops  of  Solothurn  and  of  Schwytz,  these 
in  turn  sprang  to  their  feet,  sounded  their  horns,  and 
resumed  the  march  they  had  suspended  a  few  hours 
before.  It  was  dawn  when  the  horsemen  reached  the 
front,  where  they  were  regaled  with  wine  provided 
by  the  villagers.  The  Lucerncrs,  while  hearing  mass, 
were  overtaken  by  the  men  of  Schwytz,  who  went  by 
with  swift  strides,  drawing  after  them  the  more  eager 
of  their  Confederates.  In  this  way  there  ensued  a 
mingling  of  ranks,  attended  with  some  degree  of  con- 
fusion. Berne,  however,  still  held  the  advance.  As 
soon  as  the  foremost  of  its  troops  came  in  sight  of 
Vauxmarcus,  they  made  a  dash  at  the  castle,  thinking 
to  carry  it  by  a  mere  display  of  daring.  But  a  well- 
directed  volley  from  the  interior  stretched  a  good 
many  of  them  on  the  ground,  and  the  whole  corps 
was  brought  to  a  halt.'''' 

While  the  commanders  were  deliberating  on  a 
method  of  attack,  the  Schwytzers  came  up  behind, 
and,  finding  their  progress  obstructed,  turned  to  the 
right  and  climbed  the  slopes,  till  they  struck  the 
via  dtira  close  to  the  Comhe  de  Ruaiix.  Essaying  to 
cross,  they  too  were  repulsed  by  an  unexpected  dis- 
charge of  arrows,  and  having  retreated  up  the  high 
bank,  they  perceived  that  the  wooded  ground  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  gorge  was  occupied  by  a  body  of 
archers.     Their  shouts  for  aid,  caught  up  by  those  in 


"  Letters  in  Knebel,  2te  Abth.  s.     —  Schilling,  s.  285,  286. 
11,  12,  16,  17.  — Etterlia,  fol.  90. 


[BOOK  V, 


CHAP.  I.] 


ADVANCE  OF  THE  SWISS. 


827 


1  orders 
A.S  they 
tz,  these 
rns,  and 
ivv  hours 
jhed  the 
provided 
ng  mass, 
went  by 
re  eager 
nsiiod  a 
B  of  con- 
ice.  As 
sight  of 
thinking 
it  a  well- 
a  good 
lie  corps 

ig   on   a 

behind, 

i  to  the 

:uck  the 

aying  to 

cted  dis- 

the  high 

d  on  the 

body  of 

those  in 


the  rear,  set  the  troops  of  Berne  in  motion  on  the 
same  route.  As  soon  as  this  was  perceived,  the 
Schwytzers  made  a  determined  rush,  carried  the 
bridge,  and  began  to  drive  the  enemy  before  them 
through  the  woods.  Pushed  aside  from  the  via  delm, 
their  natural  line  of  retreat,  the  archers,  still  skirmish- 
ing, descended  the  Spur  in  an  oblique  direction,  which 
brought  tliem  out  on  the  lower  road,  in  the  vicinity 
of  La  Lance.  Their  pursuers  followed  on  the  Hank 
and  rear,  the  greater  number  keeping  to  the  via  dttm, 
as  well  as  the  narrowness  of  the  way  and  the  masses 
of  wet  snow  with  which  it  was  still  encumbered 
would  permit.  But  no  sooner  had  they  begun  to 
emerge  from  the  forest  on  the  opposite  slope  than 
they  halted  in  sudden  amazement.  Below  them  on 
the  plain,  spread  out  ^  »  as  seemingly  to  cover  its 
length  and  breadth,  was  the  whole  Burgundian  army, 
with  its  imposing  masses  of  cavalry  interlaced  with 
columns  of  infantry,  its  innumerable  banners  and 
glittering  equipments,  the  artillery  in  ^ront,  lines  of 
wagons  and  a  host  of  camp-followers  in  the  rear.'^ 

Had  Charles  believed  that  the  Swiss,  after  the  fall 
of  Grandson,  would  come  to  attack  him  in  his  fortified 
camp,  he  would  perhaps  have  awaited  them  there. 
But  the  intention  he  ascribed  to  them  was  simply 
that  of  disputing  his  march  to  Neuchatel.  On  their 
part  they  had  fallen  into  the  similar  mistake  of  sup- 
posing that  his  occupation  of  Vauxmarcus  had  no 
further  motive  than  that  of  obstructing:  their  own 


'«  Schilling,  8.  286,  287.  — Chron. 
de  Neuchatel,  Schweiz.  Geschicht- 


forscher,  B.  VIII.  s.  276. 


328 


GRANDSON. 


[BOOK  V. 


l" 


c  it 


advance  upon  Grandson.  His  real  aim  had  however 
been  to  secure  his  passage  across  the  Spur.  He  had 
been  prompter  than  the  enemy  in  seizing  the  pass, 
though  not  in  sufficient  force  to  offer  more  than  a 
temporary  resistance.  He  had  counted  on  arriving 
with  his  army  in  time  to  complete  his  occupation. 
But  though  the  Swiss  had  not  foreseen  the  necessity 
for  haste,  their  natural  eagerness,  unrestrained  by  any 
cumbersome  discipline,  had  caused  them  to  be  before- 
hand with  him. 

On  the  Burgundian  side,  the  troops  had  been  mar- 
shallcd  with  a  minute  and  pompous  precision,  not 
perhaps  unnecessary  to  prevent  confusion  in  a  force 
so  variously  composed.  It  was  about  eight  c'  'lock 
when  the  march  was  opened,'^  amid  flourishes  of 
trumpets  and  clarions.  The  vanguard,  led  by  the 
Great  Bastard,  took  the  lower  road,  its  place  being 
on  the  right  when  in  line  of  battle.  After  reaching 
Concise,  it  was  ordered  to  seize  the  hill  overlooking 
the  convent  of  La  Lance  and  commanding  the  defile 
around  the  foot  of  the  Spur.  Scarcely  had  this  post 
been  occupied  when  a  flight  of  arrows  drew  attention 
to  the  neighboring  heights,  down  which,  as  already 
mentioned,  the  Burgundian  archers  were  retreating 
before  the  Swiss.^ 

These  archers  were  the  advanced  guard  ^^  of  the 
second  or  main  corps,  which,  commanded  by  the  duke 
in  person,  had  followed  the  via  diira.    It  was  therefore, 


^*  "  Essendo  prelibato  S™  con  lo 
exercito  partito  ali  doi."  Panigarola 
to  the  dnke  of  Milan,  Depeches  Mi- 
lanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  315. 


«°  Ibid.  — Chron.  de  Neuchatel. 
—  Ungues  de  Pierre.  —  Molinet. 
"'  Bullinger,  Chion.  MS. 


CHAP.  I.] 


DISPOSITIONS. 


329 


as  usual,  in  the  centre,  when  he  formed  his  order  of 
battle.  His  dispositions  were  made  without  tumult 
or  confusion.^^  He  retired  his  right  wing  from  its 
too  advanced  position,  still  keeping  it  however  on  the 
lower  road ;  while  he  brought  up  the  rearguard  to 
its  customary  position  on  the  left,  where  it  rested  on 
the  slopes  of  the  Mont  Aubert.^  The  artillery,  a 
single  battery  of  field-pieces,  appears  to  have  been 
posted  in  front  of  his  right  centre,  behind  a  deep 
cut  or  hollow  near  the  cross-road  before  mentioned, 
whence  it  could  play  obliquely  on  both  the  main 
roads.®*  Charles  had  failed  in  his  original  design 
of  occupying  the  Spurj  and  his  troops,  not  well 
suited  to  hold  such  a  position,  were  still  less  com- 
petent to  storm  it.  His  project  now  was  to  draw 
the  Confederates  down  into  the  plain,  where  he 
might  envelop  them  with  superior  numbers  and 
overwhelm  them  with  his  cavalry. 

After  debouching  from  the  forest  the  Swiss,  con- 
sisting chiefly  of  the  corps  of  Berne,  Freyburg,  and 
Schwytz,  had  ranged  themselves,  in  a  compact  mass, 
on  the  flank  of  the  Spur,  in  front  of  the  Prise  Gaula 
and  covering  the  via  deira.  Their  form  was  that  of  a 
deep  line  or  oblong  square.  The  standard  of  the 
white  cross,  encircled  by  some  thirty  banners,  floated 
over  the  centre.     These  were  environed  by  a  solid 


**  "  Zur  stund  wurden  die  Fiend  den  see."    Letter  in   Knebel,  2te 

auch  geriist,  und  hielten  in  guter  Abth.  s.  16. 

Ordnung."     Schilling,  s.  287.  "*  See  the  article  on  the  battle  of 

83  « Dryen  huffen  —  der  ein  an  Grandson,  by  M.  Frederic  Dubois, 

dem  berg,  .  .  .  der  andre  in   der  (Mittheilungen  der  Anliq.   Gesell- 

wyte  in  mittel,  u.  der  dritte  wider  schaft  von  Ziirich.) 
VOL.  III.                   42 


380 


GRANDSON. 


[BOOK  V. 


array  of  halberds ;  while  the  outer  ranks  displayed, 
on  the  three  exposed  sides,  a  dense  thicket  of  protrud- 
ing spears.  The  front  line  thrust  the  buts  into  the 
earth,  presenting  the  points  at  an  upward  slant.  A 
few  hundred  arquebusiers  were  posted  on  the  out- 
side, the  horse  and  some  field-pieces  in  the  rear.^ 
According  to  a  computation  of  the  Burgundians  — 
which  cannot  have  been  far  wide  of  the  truth  —  the 
force  by  which  they  were  thus  confronted  amounted 
to  nine  or  ten  thousand.  It  appeared  to  be  mar- 
shalled by  a  chief  on  horseback,  conspicuous  as  well 
by  his  motions  as  by  his  long  beard  and  a  tunic  de- 
scending to  his  stirrups.^  When  the  array  had  been 
completed,  the  troops  knelt  down  and  uttered  a  fer- 
vent prayer, ''  as  long  as  three  Paternosters  and  three 
Ave  Marias."  ®^  Loud  derisive  laughter  is  said  to  have 
burst  from  the  Burgundian  ranks.^ 

Hardly  had  the  Swiss  regained  their  feet  when  a 
line  of  skirmishers  advanced,  driving  in  the  arque- 
busiers, but  falling  back  as  the  solid  mass  moved 
forward  instinctively  to  repel  them.  It  still  leaned 
upon  the  slope,  but  the  front  extended  to  the  vines 


8»  Schilling,  s.  287.  —  Letter  of 
Panigarola,  DepGches  Milanaises, 
torn.  i.  p.  372.  —  EcUibach,  s.  150. 

*•  DepOches  Milanaises,  ubi  su- 
pra.—  Molinet,  torn.  i.  p.  192. — 
And  see  Knebel,  2te  Abth.  s.  30. 

"  Letter  of  Meltinger,  Knebel, 
2te  Abth.  s.  14. 

««  Schilling,  s.  287.— Hugues  de 
Pierre,  one  of  the  Neuchatel  chron- 
iclers, puts  a  speech  into  the  mouth 
of  Charles  —  "  Par  St.  Georges  ces 
canailles    crient    merci.     Gens    de 


canons,  feux  sur  ces  vilains!"  — 
which,  it  need  hardly  be  said,  be- 
longs to  the  stock  incidents  of  the 
writers  of  his  class.  Anecdotes  of 
a  different  kind  —  such  as  the  mot 
attributed  to  the  duke's  jester, 
"  Nous  \oi\h  bien  hannibalisc's ! " 
originated  in  the  fertile  inventive 
talent  of  the  ana  writers  of  the  17th 
and  I8th  centuries.  Le  Olorieux, 
whose  proper  name  was  Adrianus, 
was  employed  about  this  period  on 
missions  for  the  regent  of  Savoy. 


CHAP.  I.J 


THE  BATTLE. 


331 


along  the  base  of  the  incline.  The  artillery  now 
opened  on  it.  Eight  or  ten  of  the  men  of  Schwytz 
fell  at  the  first  discharge.  But  only  an  angle  of  the 
square  seems  to  have  been  directly  exposed  to  the 
fire ;  and  by  edging  a  little  to  the  right  —  where 
also  the  ground  falls  away  towards  a  rivulet  that 
issues  from  the  reentering  angle  of  the  mountain 
curve  —  it  was  easy  for  the  Swiss  to  avoid  the 
range.^'^ 

Charles  now  made  an  efibrt  to  dislodge  them  by 
force.  He  brought  up  a  body  of  cavalry  on  his 
extreme  left,  and  launched  it  against  their  right 
flank,  hoping  to  drive  them  from  the  via  deira,  and 
throw  them  in  disorder  aslant  his  own  centre.  The 
attack  was  led  by  Louis  of  Chateauguyon,  mounted 
on  a  gray  charger  of  renowned  strength  and  size, 
and  bearing  on  his  lance-head  the  striped  banner  of 
his  house,  blue,  brown,  and  white,  with  a  gold  cross 
of  Saint  Andrew  suspended  from  the  silk.  As  the 
squadron  swept  at  full  gallop  along  the  base  of  the 
mountain,  the  Swiss  leaders,  perceiving  that,  if  the 
charge  were  successful,  it  would  split  the  square  in 
twain,  called  upon  their  men  to  close  their  ranks  and 
to  hold  their  spears  with  a  firm  grasp.  Hermann  von 
Eptingen,  who  had  taken  charge  of  the  horse,  faced 
it  towards  the  menaced  side,  lest  the  flank  should  be 
overlapped.  Owing,  however,  to  the  narrowness  and 
irregularities  of  the  ground  in  this  contracted  corner 
of  the  plain,  the  assailants  were  obliged  to  wheel 
before  delivering  their  charge,  which  then  fell  with 


I 


1  -,  ■  ( 


Bullinger,  Chron.  MS.  —  Rodt.  —  Knebel. 


332 


GRANDSON. 


[BOOK  V. 


p»!;;.  ,jjj:  [, 


if* 


6l*i., 


C  i 


diminished  momentum  on  the  Swiss  front.  Pushing 
resolutely  on,  they  strove  to  press  back  the  impene- 
trable lines  and  reach  the  banners  —  until  the  pointed 
steel  pierced  the  nostrils  of  the  horses,  making  them 
unmanageable  and  dispersing  them  in  wild  flight. 
Chateauguyon,  followed  by  a  few,  still  stuck  to  the 
attack.  With  curb  and  spur  he  urged  and  lifted  his 
steed,  which  vaulted  over  the  outer  rows  and  plunged 
into  the  mass.  Twice  his  hand  was  on  the  banner 
of  Schwytz,  which  was  with  difficulty  rescued  from 
his  clutch.  The  next  moment  his  horse,  mortclly 
wounded,  reared  and  fell  back,  throwing  its  mailed 
rider  helpless  on  the  ground.  His  banner  was 
gnatchfed  away  by  a  Lucerner,  and  a  burgher  of 
Berne,  Hans  von  der  Grubbe,  armed  with  a  "half- 
lance,"  sprang  upon  the  prostrate  nobleman  and 
despatched  him.  He  was  twenty-eight  years  of  age. 
Eleven  years  before  Charles  had  described  him  as 
fitted  by  nature  to  arrive  at  the  highest  excellence 
—  if  it  should  so  please  God.^ 

As  many  as  had  emulated  his  example  shared  his 
fate.  Of  the  Swiss  about  thirty  were  overthrown.^^ 
Conscious  that  they  had  narrowly  escaped  an  irrep- 
arable disaster,*^  they  began  to  look  anxiously  for 
some  token  that  their  Confederates  were  at  hand. 
As  yet  they  had  warded  off  only  partial  onslaughts ; 


**  Letter  of   Charles,  in   Clerc,         "  BulHnger,  Chron.  MS. 
torn.  ii.  p.  520.  —  Etterlin,  fol.  90         "  "Do  werckte  der  allemcchtig 

verso. —  Schilling,  s.  288. — 'Letter  gott  —  denn  hette  derselb  huff  voll- 

of  Meltinger,  Knebel,  2te  Abth.  s.  truckt  so  weren  wir  gerecht  gewe- 

13.  —  Edlibach Rodt.  —  BuUin-  sen."    Letter  of  Meltinger. 

ger,  Chron.  MS, 


CHAP.  I.] 


THE  BATTLE. 


333 


the  bulk  of  the  enemy's  forces  were  waiting  for  an 
opportunity  to  engage.  The  artillery  again  opened 
fire  ;  the  archers  gave  them  riore  serious  and  con- 
tinual annoyance,  and  they  could  not  venture  to 
spread  their  lines,  for  fear  of  weakening  the  forma- 
tion on  which  their  power  of  resistance  depended. 

Another  attack  was  now  tried,  this  time  from  the 
Burgundian  centre.  The  duke  arranged  his  columns 
of  mingled  cavalry  and  foot  in  the  form  of  a  salient 
angle,  placing  his  heaviest  horse,  the  cuirassiers  of  his 
guard,  at  the  apex."'  Taking  the  standard  in  his  own 
hand,  he  put  himself  at  their  head.^  Trumpets  and 
clarions  blew,  and  the  assailants  advanced,  with  loud 
shouts  and  at  full  speed,  against  the  centre  of  the 
opposing  line.  Tne  charge  is  described  in  a  letter  of 
the  council  of  Berne  as  terrific.®^  Yet  it  made  no 
impression  on  the  serried  ranks,^  which  maintained 
themselves  with  the  solidity  of  a  rock.®'  Charles  had 
his  horse  killed  under  him,  but  was  speedily  remount- 
ed,°^  and  his  troops  fell  back  to  a  more  removed  posi- 
tion than  they  had  previously  held. 


p 


»»  Letter  of  Meltinger.  —  Frey- 
burger  Chronik,  ap.  Rodt. 

9*  "  Prit  son  Estendard  lui-mesme 
en  sa  main,  et  coucha  sa  lance  en 
arrest  contre  ses  Ennemis,  ce  qui 
estoit  une  horrible  chose  de  son 
couraige  h  voir."  Chron.  de  Neu- 
chatel,  Schweiz.  Geschichtforscher, 
B.  VIII.  8.  277. 

**  "Griiselich."  Deutsch  Missi- 
ven-Buch  C,  777.   MS. 

"^  Ibid.  MS.  We  are  not,  how- 
ever, perfectly  sure  that  the  word 
was  meant  to  apply  to  this  particu- 
lar charge.    In  tact,  there  is  some 


uncertainty  as  to  the  precise  order 
of  the  attacks.  Although  there  are 
no  striking  discrepancies  in  the  dif- 
ferent contemporary  accounts,  yet, 
each  being  incomplete  and  sadly 
lacking  in  symmetry,  we  have  had 
to  piece  them  together  by  a  minute 
process,  with  more  labor  than  skill. 

*'  "Tanquam  petram  immobiles 
stare."  Bonstetten,  Beschreibung 
der  Burgunderkriege. 

'"  Depeches  Milanaises,  tom.  i.  p. 
324.  —  In  a  letter  of  the  council  of 
Berne,  his  horse  is  said  to  have  been 
wounded.    Knebel,  2te  Abth.  s.  23. 


Mri 


334 


GRANDSON. 


[BOOK  V. 


c 


Looking  upon  this  as  a,  retreat,  the  Swiss  made  a 
counter-advance.  By  .little  and  little  they  allowed 
themselves  to  be  drawn  forward  into  the  plain/* 
until  their  rear  was  entirely  uncovered ;  and  Charles, 
conceiving  that  victory  was  now  within  his  grasp,  pre- 
pared to  secure  it  by  a  decisive  blow.  He  threw  the 
weight  of  his  force  upon  the  flanks,  strengthening 
especially  his  left  wing,  so  as  to  bear  down  upon  the 
Swiss  from  the  elevated  ground  on  that  side,  and  sur- 
round them,  or  drive  them  towards  the  lake.'°"  To 
entice  the  enemy  still  deeper  into  the  net,  as  well  as 
to  gain  room  for  the  movements  of  his  own  troops, 
he  ordered  the  artillery,  with  its  supports,  mainly 
infantry,  to  retire  from  the  front  and  spread  out  on 
either  flank.^"^ 

Simultaneously  with  these  evolutions  ^"'^  the  heads 
of  the  long-expected  columns  came  in  view,  filing 
from  the  forest  on  the  crest  of  the  Spur.  After  reach- 
ing Vauxmarcus,  which  was  not  till  the  other  corps 
had  disappeared,  they  had  lingered  a  long  time,  igno- 
rant of  what  was  going  on,  and  undecided  whether  to 
encamp  above  the   castle,  as  they  supposed   their 


*'  "  A  poco  a  poco  li  aveva  tirati 
fori  dil  moute  et  conducevali  btisso 
al  piano."  Letter  of  Panigarola, 
Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  316. 
—  "  Do  hielt  er  uns  so  schimpflich 
das  er  uns  hinab  zallet  byss  gaiitz 
in  die  wyte."  Letter  of  Meltinger, 
Knebel,  ubi  supra. 

it'D  « \yig  def  Hertzog  gar  vill 
Volks  hatt,  hubend  sich  ettlich  an, 
ein  Hauffen  zu  thun,  in  willen  die 
Eydtgnossen  zu  umringen,  und  alle 


by  einem  zu  erschlachen,  und  in  son- 
derheit  macht  sich  ein  schdner  Hautf 
an  den  Biichel  und  Berg,  so  nebend 
den  Eydtgnoisen  ward,  sie  zu  iiber- 
hohn."  BuUinger,  Chron.  MS.— 
"Li  circondava  per  serrarli  in 
mezo."  Letter  of  Panigarola,  De- 
peches Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  311. 

""  Letters  of  Panigarola,  De- 
peches Milanaises,  torn.  i.  pp.  311, 
316.     Molinet,  torn.  i.  p.  193. 

•o"  Bullinger,  Chron.  MS. 


,i    V 


[BOOK  V. 

TQade  a 
illowed 
plain,^® 
Charles, 
sp,  pre- 
ew  the 
hening 
)on  the 
nd  sur- 
/°o  To 
well  as 
troops, 
mainly 
out  on 

e  heads 
7,  filing 
r  reach- 
sr  corps 
le,  igno- 
ther  to 
d   their 

ind  in  son- 
oner  Hautf 
so  nebend 
e  zu  iiber- 
X.  MS.— 
errarli  in 
arola,  De- 
.  p.  311. 
irola,  De- 
i.  pp.  311, 
193. 
MS. 


\ 


;'!l| 


III 


c 


■^.. .!..•; 


c. 


103 


CHAP.  I.J 


THE  BATTLE. 


335 


friends  to  have  done,  or  turn  it  and  push  on.^°^  At 
last  the  report  of  cannon,  followed  by  a  message 
from  the  front,  enlightened  them  as  to  the  state  of 
affairs,  and  led  them  to  hasten  forward  by  the  via 
detra}^  As  they  emerged  in  view  of  the  field  and 
caught  sight  of  the  imperilled  banu  of  their  country- 
men, now  in  the  extremity  of  their  need,  they  raised 
a  mighty  shout  and  redoubled  their  pace.  An  un- 
clouded sun  played  upon  their  banners  and  polished 
lance-heads.  The  harsh  horns  of  the  forest  cantons 
—  the  "  steer  "  of  Uri,  the  "  cow  "  of  Unterwalden  — 
sent  forth  a  continuous  and  dissonant  clangor.^"^ 

From  the  Burgundian  rear,  where  the  reserves,  the 
wagoners  and  the  camp-followers,  were  watching  the 
combat,  the  two  salient  features  visible  at  this  mo- 
ment were  their  own  troops  withdrawing  from  the 
front  in  seeming  retreat,  and  the  Swiss,  both  in 
the  plain  and  on  the  heights  beyond,  —  almost  a 
continuous  stream  from  this  point  of  view,  —  press- 
ing forward  as  if  in  pursuit.  All  supposed  that  the 
day  was  lost.  The  cry  of  Sauve  qui  pad !  was  raised. 
The  wagoners  cut  the  traces  and  galloped  off,  fol- 
lowed by  a  struggling  mass.  The  panic  caught  the 
retiring  squadrons,  and  extended  to  the  whole  of  the 


I 


'*"  Etterlin  (who  was  in  this  rear 
corps),  fol.  90  verso. 

'"*  Ibid.  —  "  Durch  den  Berg,  und 
den  engen  Weg."  Schilling,  s.  288. 
— M.  Dubois  understands  this  "  nar- 
row way  "  as  being  the  lower  road, 
and  the  "  hill "  as  the  "  coUine  de  la 
Lance."  But  Schilling  had  used  the 
same  terms  when  describing  the 
march  of  the  foremost  corps ;  and 


the  language  of  Etterlin  —  "do  zu- 
gentalleEydtgnossen  angentz  schnel 
hin  nach"  —  implies  that  the  same 
track  was  followed  by  all.  The  pre- 
cisely opposite  error  in  most  of  the 
modern  accounts  will  be  noticed 
hereafter. 

'°*  Etterlin,  ubi  supra.  —  Bullin- 
ger,  Chron.  MS. 


Ill 


336 


GRANDSON. 


[BOOK  V. 


infantry.  In  a  few  moments  the  greater  part  of  the 
Burgundian  army  was  in  full  flight.'"^ 

At  this  astounding  spectacle  Charles  remained  for 
an  instant  thunderstruck.  Then,  putting  spurs  to  his 
horse  and  waving  his  naked  sword  above  his  head,  he 
dashed  into  the  press,  endeavoring  with  calls,  with 
gestures,  with  blows,  to  arrest  and  turn  back  the 
terrified  herd.  But  in  such  moments  far  abler  com- 
manders have  been  powerless.^"^  The  torrent  only 
rushes  the  more  wildly  around  the  obstruction.  The 
day  was  indeed  lost.  All  that  could  now  be  done  was 
to  cover  the  retreat  and  give  time  for  the  fugitives 
to  rally  behind  the  defences  of  the  camp. 

Returning  to  his  body-guard,  he  collected  around 
it  the  relics  of  the  different  corps,  and  formed  them 
into  a  rearguard.  By  successive  charges  he  was 
able  to  check  the  pursuit  and  save  his  army  from  the 
annihilation  with  which  it  was  threatened.  The  bulk 
of  the  Confederates  followed  slowly  in  close  order, 
halting  to  receive  the  attacks.  The  cavalry,  by 
Eptingen's  command,  remained  prudently  in  the 
rear.  A  body  of  light  troops,  under  Hans  von  Mii- 
linen  of  Berne,  struck  out  on  the  flanks  and  kept  the 
lead  in  the  chase.  The  last  encounter  occurred  at 
the  mill,  on  the  bank  of  the  Arno.  Here  the  bridge 
was  held  until  the  mass  of  the  Burgundian  infantry 


'"^  Letters  of  Panigarola,  Dd- 
peches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  pp.  311, 
316. 

107  ugj.  fgjtt  selbs  mit  einem 
blossen  schwert  under  sin  liitt, 
schliig  vff  sy,  vnd  vermeint  sy  ze 
zwingen  das  sy  nit  flUhen   sollte. 


Aber  es  was  alles  arbeit  vmb  sust." 
Etterlin.  —  "  Mai  fo  in  possanza  di 
p°  S.  di  far  voltare  homo :  el  quale 
certo  con  gran"""  animo  si  governo." 
Letter  of  Panigarola,  Dcpeches  Mi- 
lanaises, torn.  i.  p.  316. 


S!|i 


CHAP.  I.] 


CHARLES  QUITS  THE  FIELD. 


337 


had  got  safely  over.  It  was  not  until  the  Swiss, 
breaking  through  the  thick  bushes  that  lined  the 
stream,  had  begun  to  ford  it  above  and  below,  that 
Charles,  whose  own  followers  had  dwindled  to  a 
handful,   turned    his   horse   and   rode   back   to   the 


108 


camp 

He  had  left  it  in  perfect  order,  guarded  by  a  detach- 
ment, and  protected  by  a  powerful  artillery  including 
the  siege  guns,  and  by  such  of  the  wagons  as  had  not 
been  required  for  the  transport  of  supplies  for  im- 
mediate use.  It  would  have  been  easy,  with  even  a 
small  force  properly  stationed,  to  withstand  at  least 
the  first  attack  of  the  Swiss,'*^  who  were  now  ap- 
proaching in  loose  and  widely-scattered  bands.  But 
the  renewed  efforts  of  Charles  to  rally  a  sufficient 
number  for  the  purpose  were  as  vain  as  before."" 
The  great  body  of  the  fugitives  had  swept  along 
without  a  pause,"^  and  erelong  the  ground  was 
entirely  deserted,  except  by  the  duke  and  a  small 
company  of  cavaliers.  Among  them  was  Panigarola, 
who,  after  watching  the  combat  and  retiring  to  the 
camp,  had  resolved  not  to  leave  it  until  he  had  seen 
the  end.  Turning  to  him,  Charles  exclaimed  that  he 
had  been  betrayed  ;  treason,  not  fear,  must  have  led 


""  Ibid.  — Letter  of  Meltinger.— 
Bonstetten.  —  Chron.  de  Ncuchiltel. 
—  Rodt. —  Hostile  eye-witnesses,  as 
we  have  seen,  do  justice  to  Charles's 
personal  valor;  and  the  testimony 
of  Panigarola,  who  had  still  better 
opportunities  of  observing  it,  is  very 
emphatic :  "  Certo  monstro  quel  di 
grande  virtu,  animo  et  constantia." 

VOL.  m.  43 


Depdches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p.  317. 

"**  "  Che  se  li  arebe  potuto  far 
male  assai."  Depeches  Milanaises, 
torn.  i.  p.  312. 

""  "Facendo  prima  ogni  prova 
di  unire  li  soi  li,  se  fosse  stato  pos- 
sibile."    Ibid.  p.  316. 

'"  "Erano  gia  longi  doe  leghe." 
Ibid.  p.  312. 


338 


GRANDSON. 


[BOOK  V. 


c 


to  this  base  desertion  before  the  troops  had  oven  come 
to  blows,  and  at  the  moment  when  the  enemy  was 
certain  to  have  been  routed."^  His  ofticers  and 
Panigarola  begged  him  to  retire,  telling  him  there 
was  no  time  to  lose.  But  he  seemed  as  if  rooted  to 
the  spot.  The  Swiss  were  already  swarming  aromid 
before  he  could  be  iir^'od  away,  almost  by  force."' 

As  the  Confederates,  panting  and  exhausted,"*  came 
upon  the  scene,  they  too  were  transfixed  with  sur- 
prise. They  found  themselves  in  a  camp  such  as 
none  of  them  had  ever  before  seen,""  filled  with  booty 
such  as  they  had  never  imagined.  But  there  was 
another  spectacle  that  arrested  their  wandering  eyes 
—  the  bodies  of  their  countrymen  swinging  from  the 
trees,  some  stripped  to  their  shirts,  others  still  clad  in 
the  familiar,  homely  garb  of  their  class,  their  faces 
blackened  and  distorted,  yet  still  recognizable  by 
father  or  son.  The  troops  of  Berne,  on  first  behold- 
ing that  sight,  were  wild  with  grief  and  rage.  While 
relatives  and  friends  were  cutting  down  the  corpses 
for  burial,  others,  running  back  to  the  field,  wreaked 
their  fury  on  their  slain  foes,  and  dragged  them  away 


'•'  "  Dicendomi  che  dubitava  es- 
sere  tradito  et  di  qualche  tractato ; 
vedendo  tanta  vilta  ne  li  soi  che 
senza  esser  cazati  ne  essere  ale  mane 
con  li  inimici,  quali  tenendosi  la 
puncta  erano  perduti,  cosi  trista- 
mente  fugisseno."    Ibid.  p.  316. 

"3  "Ala  fine  vedendo  li  inimici 
venire  fino  al  campo,  essendo  quasi 
solo,  .  .  .  se  parti  dal  campo  con 
grande  difficulta  dicendoli  alcuni 
capitanei  et  io  non  esser  piu  tem- 
jpo  di  restar."     Ibid.  — "Ha!   ha! 


fugisti  tu  ipse  tandem !  "  exclaims 
Bonstetten. 

lu  II  j^gi  campo  nostro  medesimo 
vidi  linimici  strachi  et  non  posser 
piu."  Ibid.  p.  311.  —  One  of  the 
Saint-Gall  troops  is  said  to  have 
fallen  dead,  without  a  wound,  in 
the  pursuit.  J.  von  Watt,  Chronik. 
MS.  (Stifts-Bibliothek,  Sanct-Gal- 
len.) 

"*  Letter  of  the  Lucerne  com- 
manders, March  6.  MS.  (Archives 
of  Lucerne.) 


CHAP.  I.] 


SWISS  VENGEANCE. 


339 


to  gibbet  them  in  the  place  of  their  comrades.  Find- 
ing that  about  thirty  of  the  fugitiven,  who  had  thrown 
themselves  into  the  castle,  had  been  allowed  by  the 
chiefs  to  surrender  on  security  of  their  lives,  the 
indignant  soldiers  of  Berne  rushed  upon  these  prison- 
ers, and  massacred  all  of  them  with  the  exception  of 
a  nobleman,  who,  with  the  greatest  difficulty,  was 
rescued  by  the  officers,  in  order  that  he  might  be 
exchanged  for  Brandolf  von  Stein,  the  former  captain 
of  the  Swiss  garrison."* 

In  the  hope  of  a  fnller  and  more  adequate  ven- 
geance, a  party  was  at  once  sent  back  to  storm  the 
castle  of  Vauxmarcus,  still  held  by  the  Burgundians, 
to  the  number,  as  was  reported,  of  six  or  seven  hun- 
dred. It  was  too  late  to  make  the  attack  the  same 
night ;  but  the  Swiss,  having  posted  their  guards  on 
all  sides,  kept  patient  watch  till  dawn,  listening  to  the 
tumult  in  the  courtyard  —  the  neighing  of  horses  and 
clattering  of  arms,  which  betokened  preparations  for 
a  desperate  sally.  How  intense  their  rage  and  dis- 
appointment when,  advancing  to  the  attack  with 
shouts  of  "Kill,  kill!"  they  found  themselves  outwitted, 
defrauded  of  their  prey  !  The  garrison,  after  letting 
loose  their  steeds  in  rattling  harness,  had  stolen  noise- 
lessly out  at  a  postern  in  the  rear  opening  into  the 
Combe  de  Euanx.  Having  waded  up  the  torrent  be- 
yond the  hostile  lines,  they  took  a  path  across  the 
mountains  and  descended  safely  to  Pontarlier.^ 


117 


'"  Schilling.  — Etterlin.  —  Schil-  Sanct-Gallen.) 
ling  of  Lucerne.  —  Chron.de  Neu-        "'  Hugues  de  Pierre. — Chron. 

chatel.  —  Bericht  uss  dem  Lager,  de   Neuchiitpl,  Schweiz.  Geschicht- 

March    3.     MS.      (Stifts-Archiv,  forscher.  —  Lamarche. 


!lil 


340 


GRANDSON. 


[book  v. 


c 


I 


On  viewing  the  battle-ground  it  was  found  by  the 
Swiss  leaders  that  no  great  execution  had  been  done. 
The  enemy  had  fled  while  the  combat  was  still  at  a 
preliminary  stage,  and  the  pursuit  had  been  crippled 
by  the  want  of  cavalry  and  the  manner  in  which 
Charles  had  covered  the  retreat.  The  Bargundian 
slain  scarcely  exceeded  a  thousand,  but  the  bodies  of 
several  hundred  more  were  supposed  to  be  lying  in 
the  lake."^  Few  men  of  note  had  fallen.  On  the 
Swiss  side  the  loss  was  much  smaller  —  less  than  a 
hundred  killed,  and  about  four  hundred  wounded.'^" 

But  the  vastness  of  the  booty  defied  all  present 
attempts  at  calculation.^-"  The  three  days  passed  on 
the  field  in  the  observance  of  chivalrous  usages  were 
fully  employed  in  collecting  and  loading  it  for  trans- 
portation.^^' Berne  made  a  vigorous  effort  to  induce 
its  Confederates  to  abandon  the  restrictions  under 
which  their  help  had  been  given.  They  were  urged 
to  reoccupy  the  whole  of  the  Pays  de  Vaud,  or  at  least 


"®  "  Sind  villicht  by  thussent  tod 
beliben,  doch  ist  ir  vil  ertruncken 
80  in  see  geluffen,  wie  vil  der  ist 
tnogen  wir  nitt  wysen."  Letter  of 
Lucerne  commanders.  il/S.  (Archives 
of  Lucerne.)  —  The  latter  statement 
is,  however,  doubtful. 

"*  For  the  number  of  the  killed 
—  variously  set  at  from  thirty  to 
two  hundred  —  we  have  no  certain 
authority.  Documentary  lists  give 
the  number  of  the  wounded  of  each 
canton,  except  Berne,  with  data 
from  which  the  total  may  bo  fixed 
with  sufficient  exactness.  (Lists  in 
the  Eidgencissische  Abschiede  and 
the  Archives  of  Lucerne.)  The  point 


is  worth  noting ;  because  the  Swiss 
chroniclers  are  seldom  willing  to 
admit  any  loss  whatever  on  their 
own  side,  and,  in  most  cases,  it  is 
only  by  isolated  facts  that  we  are 
able  to  correct  them. 

•'"'  "  So  kostlichen  ding  dass  ieh 
es  nicht  gethar  schreiben."  Letter 
of  Ulrich  Meltinger,  Knebel,  2te 
Abth.  s,  15. 

""  "  Sind  da  bis  an  den  vierden 
tag  gclegen  mit  ritterlicher  iibung 
die  ding  zu  samen  ze  bringen  .  .  . 
wz  uns  nit  verwust  und  verstollen 
ist."  Letter  of  Lucerne  comman- 
ders. MS.  (Archives  of  Lucerne.) 


CHAP.  I.] 


RETURN  OF  THE  VICTORS. 


341 


to  seize  and  destroy  the  strong  places  still  in  the 
enemy's  hands  and  to  lay  waste  the  surrounding 
country.^2^  ]3^^  j^q  Y^qq^  Yvas  given  to  these  counsels. 
The  troops  themselves  were  impatient  to  return  home 
with  their  spoil. 

They  were  met  on  the  way  by  the  Margrave  Ro- 
dolph,  come  to  offer  his  congratulations.  Far  from 
being  cordially  received,  he  found  himself  exposed 
to  insult  and  violence.  While  at  Grandson  the  Swiss 
had  been  told  that  their  ill-fated  countrymen  had 
surrendered  under  persuasions  and  delusive  promises 
from  Philip  of  Hochberg.  Alarmed  at  the  display  of 
feeling  thus  excited,  Rodolph  applied  to  Berne  for  a 
guard.  Two  of  the  leading  citizens  were  sent  to  pro- 
tect him,  and  efforts  were  made  by  the  council  to 
hush  up  a  story  in  which  they  put  no  belief  But 
finding  the  clamor  too  strong  to  be  resisted,  and  fore- 
seeing the  troubles  to  whi^h  he  would  be  constantly 
exposed  so  long  as  the  suspicions  engendered  by  his 
peculiar  position  were  kept  alive,  he  gave  up  his 
castle  and  government  at  Neuchutel  into  the  keeping 
of  Berne,  and  repaired  to  his  estates  in  Suabia,  re- 
maining there,  under  a  kind  of  surveillance  on  the 
part  of  the  Swiss,  until  the  close  of  the  war.'-'^ 

Accounts  of  the  battle  of  Grandson  fill  but  a  small 
space  in  the  Swiss  chronicles  and  documents ;  but 
descriptions  of  the  booty  are  given  with  a  harrowing 
minuteness   which   we    do   not   propose   to   imitate. 


Hil 


sill 

if 


i-:ii' 


'**  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch    C.  subsequent  course  of  Philip  of  Neu- 

MS.  chutel  makes  it  far  more  probable 

"'  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch    C,  that  he  was  false  to  Charles  than  to 

785,  787,  921  et  al.    MS.  —  The  the  opposite  side. 


342 


GRANDSON. 


[BOOK  T. 


f 


Tents,  wagons,  stores,  cannon,  richly-painted  ban- 
ners,*^* —  whatever  the  routed  army  might  have  been 
expected  to  lejive,  —  were  captured  in  extraordinary 
profusion.  But  all  these  formed  the  least  valuable 
portion  of  the  spoil.  Intending  to  hold  his  court  in 
Savoy  and  to  dazzle  the  Italian  powers  with  his 
magnificence,  the  duke  had  brought  with  him  the 
paraphernalia  of  his  chapel  and  table,  habiliments 
and  regalia  used  on  occasions  of  state.  The  pre- 
cious articles  which  Philip  the  Good  had  passed  his 
life  in  accumulating,  and  which  the  art  of  Flanders 
had  been  employed  in  fashioning  or  embellishing,  had 
become  the  property  of  the  poorest  and  rudest  of  all 
races.  Among  the  costliest  prizes  were  an  immense 
reliquary  of  sculptured  gold  inlaid  with  large  gems, 
embracing  many  pieces  of  statuary,  and  containing 
more  than  eighty  distinct  objects  pertaining  to  the  his- 
tory of  Christ ;  the  sword  of  state,  its  hilt  so  thickly 
studded  with  diamonds,  rubies,  and  pearls,  all  of  great 
size,  that  there  was  scarcely  space  for  a  hair  to  be  laid 
between  them;  the  velvet  cap  from  the  front  of 
which  flashed  the  largest  diamond  then  in  Europe, 
set  in  gold,  with  pendent  pearls ;  two  other  diamonds 
little  inferior  in  value,  with  a  great  number  of  smaller 
ones,  and  various  other  jewels  and  precious  stones; 
the  great  seal,  of  solid  gold,  weighing  a  pound ; 


125 


'**  Among  the  banners  still  pre- 
served is  one,  in  the  arsenal  at  So- 
leure,  in  wliich  Ch.arles  is  depicted 
in  the  act  of  charging  at  the  head 
of  his  troops.  The  likeness  is  the 
most  authentic  extant,  —  more  so 
than  that  which  is  in  possession  of 
the  Metternich  family,  —  and,  even 


as  a  work  of  art,  the  painting  is  very 
interesting,  being  finished  in  the 
style  of  Van  Eyck. 

'"  Now  in  the  archives  of  Lu- 
cerne. Many  documents  subse- 
quently signed  by  Ciiurles  mention 
the  "  absence  "  of  his  great  seal. 


CHAP.  I.] 


THE  BOOTY. 


343 


between  three  and  four  hundred-weight  of  silver  and 
silver-gilt  goblets  and  cups ;  gorgeous  tapestries,  illu- 
minated manuscripts,^^®  dresses  of  silk,  satin,  and  cloth 
of  gold,  and  wagon-loads  of  silver  coin.^*^' 

It  has  been  often  related  and  readily  believed  that 
the  Swiss,  all  unused  to  luxury  and  splendor,  tossed, 
tore,  and  trampled  upon  this  treasure  with  the  igno- 
rance of  savages ;  that  they  mistook  diamonds  for 
glass  and  gold  for  copper,  cut  up  tapestries  and  em- 
broidered robes  to  patch  their  homespun  doublets 
and  hose,  threw  away  priceless  jewels  as  worthless 
baubles,  or  parted  with  them  to  foreigners  for  trifling 
sums.  It  is  true  they  were  ignorant  in  such  matters ; 
but  their  ignorance  was  of  a  kind  which  led  them  to 
put  not  an  under  but  an  over  estimate  on  the  value. 
Gilt  articles  were  supposed  at  first  to  be  of  solid  gold. 
Jewels  which  it  was  wished  to  dispose  of  were  rated 
at  prices  far  beyond  what  the  world  could  be  induced 
to  give.  No  private  appropriation  of  the  smallest 
object  was  permitted  in  the  camp ;  and  if  any  took 
place,  —  as  was  indeed  strongly  suspected  and  as  it  is 
natural  to  suppose,  —  it  could  only  have  been  done 
with  the  greatest  secrecy,  and  with  little  opportuni- 
ty for  selling  or  bartering.     The  keenest  search  was 


'*^  The  only  existing  specimen  we 
have  seen  is  a  French  translation  of 
Quintus  Curtius,  executed  by  a 
Portuguese  physician  attached  to 
Charles's  person.  It  is  in  the  li- 
brary of  Geneva.  The  illustrations 
are  beautiful,  and  of  value  as  ex- 
hibiting the  figures  and  costumes 
of  the  iJurgundian  court  in  place 
of  Alexander's.     The  work  was  a 


favorite  with  Charles,  and  consider- 
ing the  subject  and  certain  passages 
of  the  narrative,  there  was  some- 
thing of  a  coincidence  in  its  having 
been  captured  at  Grandson. 

""  Lists  in  the  archives  of  Lu- 
cerne. Those  printed  in  the  Eitlge- 
ndssische  Abschiede,  Schilling,  Et- 
terlin,  and  other  works  are  incom- 
plete and  fragmentary. 


i^,  ,1  >: 


344 


GRANDSON. 


[BOOK  V. 


if 

C :  ^ 


instituted :  every  soldier  was  put  upon  his  oath;  the 
authorities  continued  for  a  long  time  afterwards  to 
prosecute  close  inquiries.^'^  Inventories  were  drawn 
up ;  skilled  appraisers  were  collected ;  the  distribu- 
tion was  the  work  of  years,  gave  rise  to  civil  commo- 
tions, and  was  attended  with  punctilious  forms,  in 
some  cases  with  solemn  ceremonies.^''' 

Nor  has  the  history  of  that  great  spoil  been  suf- 
fered to  fall  into  oblivion.  Books  have  been  written 
on  the  subject.""  The  art  of  the  painter  and  en- 
graver has  commemorated  the  workmanship  of  the 
jeweller  and  embroiderer.  The  three  great  diamonds 
have  been  traced  in  their  passage  through  successive 
bands  from  court  to  court.  One  now  glitters  in  the 
papal  tiara  J  another  is  deposited  in  the  treasury  of 


'**  Numerous  entries  in  the  lists 
at  Lucerne  show  the  minuteness 
and  strictness  of  the  search.  The 
most  trifling  articles  of  attire,  a 
shirt,  a  pair  of  hose,  &c.,  &c.,  are 
enumerated.  Soldiers  who  had  dis- 
posed of  a  knife  or  some  similar 
object  for  a  few  batzen  were  obliged 
to  refund  the  amount.  Letters  were 
written  to  the  allied  townt.-,  whose 
troops  had  been  present,  demanding 
that  every  article  should  be  given 
up  or  the  sum  for  which  it  had  been 
sold.  Schlettstadt,  whose  small  con- 
tingent had  arrived  too  late  for  the 
battle,  replied  as  follows  to  a  sum- 
mons of  the  kind :  "  We  have  ques- 
tioned our  men  under  oath ;  and 
they  all  say  that  they  took  nothing, 
sold  nothing,  and  kept  nothing,  ex- 
cept Ilanns  Kleyn,  who  acknowl- 
edges that  he  took  a  little  pan,  which 


he  sold  for  one  florin :  the  said  florin 
he  has  given  up,  and  we  send  it  to 
you  by  this  messenger,  with  a  list 
containing  the  names  of  our  men." 
MS.  (Archives  of  Lucerne.)  It 
does  not  appear  that  any  of  the  allies 
claimed  to  participate. 

•*'  The  great  reliquary,  which  no 
one  was  rich  enough  to  buy,  was 
broken  up  and  divided  among  the 
cantons,  in  the  church  at  Lucerne, 
the  distribution  being  made  by  the 
priests  and  high  mass  performed. 
For  the  chief  facts  in  this  para- 
graph, see  the  Eidgenbssische  Ab- 
schiede,  B.  IL  passim. 

'™  Sansonetti,  Tente  de  Charles 
le  Terceraire ;  Peignot,  Etat  de  ce 
qui  fut  trouv6  k  Grandson ;  &c.,  &c. 
—  An  antiquarian  of  Berne  is  at 
present  preparing  an  elaborate  work 
with  illustrations. 


CHAP,  I.] 


THE  BOOTY. 


345 


Vienna ;  the  third,  after  returning  to  India,  where  it 
is  supposed  to  have  belonged  originally  to  the  Grt  .t 
Mogul,  has  been  recently  brought  back  to  Europe,  and 
now,  we  believe,  awaits  a  purchaser."^  Switzerland 
has  preserved  many  of  the  bulkier  but  not  less  inter- 
esting objects.  In  its  churches,  arsenals,  and  other 
public  buildings,  the  Burgunuian  tapestries,  banners, 
cannon,  and  suits  of  armor,  still  attract  the  attention 
of  visitors  and  the  study  of  antiquarians. 

For  our  own  part,  while  looking  at  these  trophies 
or  turning  over  the  leaves  of  the  time-stained  lists  in 
which  they  are  enumerated,  we  have  been  reminded 
of  other  relics  and  another  inventory.  The  "  little 
ivory  comb,"  the  "  pair  of  bride's  gloves,"  the  "  agnus 
enchased  with  silver,"  the  "  necklace  with  ten  little 
paternosters  of  amber,"  picked  up  among  the  ashes  of 
Dinant  and  duly  entered  to  the  credit  of  "  my  lord 
of  Burgundy  "  —  was  there  no  connection  between 
those  memorials  of  humble  joy,  of  modest  love,  of 
ruined  homes,  and  these  remains  of  fallen  pride  and 
grandeur?  Yes,  without  doubt!  though  it  be  one 
which  history,  that  tracks  the  diamond  from  hand  to 
hand,  is  incapable  of  tracing. 

"'  This  last  is,  we  suppose,  the     by  Prince  Demidoff,  in  1835,  for 
"  Sanci "  diamond,which  was  bought     500,000  fr.    Its  weight  is  53^  grains. 


iii  ■  i: 


VOL.  m. 


U 


'I  'l 


CHAPTER   II. 


C 


1 

I 


CAMP  AT  LAUSANNE.  —  COBUESPONDENCK  BETW^EEN  BERNE  AND 
THE  KING.  — BUUGUNDIAN  ARMY  REORGANIZED.  — POSITION  AND 
VIEWS  OF  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

1476. 

What  had  been  the  cause  of  the  defeat  of  the  Bur- 
gundian  army  ?  A  modern  military  writer  of  pre- 
eminent distinction  has  ascribed  it  to  a  tactical  error 
on  the  part  of  the  Burgundian  leader.  "  Charles," 
says  Jomini,  "  had  committed  the  fault  of  encamping 
with  one  of  his  wings  resting  on  a  lake,  the  other, 
ill  assured,  at  the  foot  of  wooded  mountains.  But 
nothing  is  more  dangerous  for  an  army  than  to  have 
one  of  its  wings  resting  on  a  large  river  without 
bridges,  on  a  Lake,  or  on  the  sea.  The  reason  is 
obvious :  the  obstacle  which  gives  an  apparent  secu- 
rity to  the  wing  thus  covered  becomes,  in  the  event 
of  the  other  wing  being  beaten,  a  gulf  in  which  the 
whole  is  swallowed  up.  The  Swiss  army,  superior  in 
good  infantry,  having  attacked  the  Burgundian  left 
from  the  wooded  mountains  on  that  side,  the  wing 
thus  commanded  and  taken  in  flank  was  obliged  to 

(340) 


!! 


OBAP.  II.] 


CAUSE  OP  THE  DEFEAT. 


347 


give  way;  and  from  that  moment  the  Burgundians 
could  save  themselves  only  by  the  promptest  flight."  * 

Nothing  can  be  clearer  or  more  forcible  than  this 
reasoning.  It  embodies  a  maxim  which,  founded 
simply  on  observation  and  reflection,  could  hardly  be 
violated  with  impunity  even  in  an  age  when  the 
grander  principles  of  war  were  little  studied  or  com- 
prehended. Examples  have  already  appeared  in  a 
previous  part  of  our  narrative.  When  the  Imperial- 
ists had  marched  to  the  relief  of  Nenss,  they  en- 
camped, it  will  be  remembered,  with  their  right  wing 
resting  on  a  large  river  without  bridges,  their  left,  ill 
secured,  on  the  slope  of  an  eminence.  The  duke  of 
Burgundy  had  been  quick  to  detect  and  take  ad™ 
vantage  of  their  error.  By  a  circuitous  and  concealed 
march  he  had  turned  their  exposed  flank,  seized  the 
hill  that  commanded  it,  driven  thousands  of  them  to 
their  boats  and  into  the  river,  and  the  rest  into  their 
intrenchments.  Subsequently,  when  menaced  in  his 
own  position,  he  had  in  like  manner  flanked  and 
enveloped  the  assailants,  cut  off  their  retreat,  and 
destroyed  the  entire  force,  escape  being  impossible 
because,  in  his  own  language,  "  they  were  backed  by 
the  Rhine.'"* 

Is  it  then  true  that  on  the  field  of  Grandson  he  had 
exposed  his  own  army  to  a  similar  reverse?    Not 


'  Lettre  Stratdgique  du  Gdndral 
Jotnini  h  M.  de  Pixerecourt,  Lau- 
sanne, 14  Oct.,  1833.  (Printed  for 
private  circulation,  but  also,  we  be- 
lieve, published  among  the  works 
of  the  dramatic  author  to  whom  it 
was  addressed.     We  are  indebted 


for  the  communication  of  this  letter 
to  Colonel  Lecomte,  the  biographer 
of  Jomini.) 

*  "  A  cause  du  Rhin  qu'ils  avoient 
adosse."  Letter  to  the  Sire  du  Fay, 
Labarre,  torn.  i.  p.  366.  See  ante,  pp. 
107,  110,  125. 


348 


GRANDSON. 


IBOOK  V. 


from  obliviousness  at  least,  since  it  appears  that  he 
had  counted  in  this  instance  also  on  obtaining  a 
victory  by  precisely  the  same  manoeuvre.  All  the 
accounts  of  eye-witnesses  on  both  sides  speak  of 
efforts  on  his  part  to  flank  the  Swiss ;  none  of  them 
speak  of  any  effort  on  the  part  of  the  Swiss  to  flank  the 
Burgundians.  The  criticism,  unimpeachable  in  theory, 
is  founded  on  a  common  but  totally  erroneous  notion 
of  i\  '  fact^  -  a  notion  derived  from  a  misapprehen- 
sion (■;  ^  ,  authorities  coupled  with  a  misconception 
of  the  1  :><  ifUL's.'  The  traveller,  skirting  the  battle- 
field of  Grand;;,-...,  sees  in  imagination  the  Swiss 
descending  the  wooded  mountains  in  the  background 
and  falling  on  their  surprised  enemies.  But  before 
the  Swiss  could  descend  the  mountain,  they  must  first 
have  ascended  it.  This  would  imply  on  their  part  a 
previous  knowledge   of   the   enemy's  intention,  of 


"  The  words  "Berg,"  "enger 
Weg,"  and  others  of  the  like  im- 
port, have  been  naturally  misapplied 
by  writers  who  knew  nothing  of  the 
via  ditra  and  its  course  across  the 
Spur.  But  when  we  are  told  by 
M.  de  Barante  and  others  that  the 
Swiss  reenforcements,  coming  down 
on  Charles's  left,  were  first  seen  by 
him  on  the  heights  above  Bonvillars 
and  Champigny,  we  need  only  reply 
that  there  is  no  mention  of  these 
names  in  any  of  the  authorities,  no 
description  corresponding  to  the  lo- 
cality, no  account  of  the  truly  won- 
derful manoeuvre  required  for  this 
dramatic  effect.  The  accounts  and 
plans  of  Rodt  and  Dubois  —  the 
only  writers  who  have  brought  crit- 
icism to  bear  upon  the  subject  — 


seem  to  us  erroneous  merely  in  one 
particular  of  any  importance  —  that 
of  making  a  portion  of  the  Swiss 
march  by  the  lower  road,  along  the 
margin  of  the  lake. 

A  parallel  might  be  dmwn  be- 
tween the  battle  of  Grandson  and 
that  of  Issus.  The  features  of  the 
ground,  the  relative  positions  of  the 
armies,  and  even  their  composition 
and  contrasted  methods  of  combat, 
were  very  similar.  Finally,  the  plan 
of  Charles  resembled  that  of  Darius, 
of  which  Quintus  Curtius  says, 
"destinata  salubriter  omni  ratione 
potentior  fortuna  discussit."  But 
here  the  parallel  ceases.  Darius, 
instead  of  covering  the  retreat,  was 
the  first  to  flee. 


I  BOOK  V. 


CJIAP.  II.] 


CAUSE  OF  THE  DEFEAT. 


349 


which,  however,  as  they  state  themselves,  they  had 
not  even  a  suspicion.  It  would  suppose  also  a  plan, 
whereas  they  tell  us  explicitly  that  none  had  been 
formed.  It  would  have  required  a  long  detour,  and 
their  description  of  the  route  shows  that  there  was  no 
detour.  Finally  much  time  would  have  been  neces- 
sary, but  the  corps  that  first  encountered  the  Bur- 
gundian  archers  at  the  Comhe  de  Rnatix  had  no  time 
to  sptare,  while  those  which  came  up  later  wasted  the 
time  in  a  long  delay  at  Vauxmarcus. 

The  truth  is,  then,  that  the  hostile  parties,  advan- 
cing from  opposite  directions,  confronted  each  other. 
The  Burgundians  had  the  lake  on  their  right  and  '  .j 
mountains  on  their  left ;  the  Swiss  had  the  lak  >  on 
their  left  and  the  mountains  on  their  right.  Bu*  th  y 
differed  in  their  order  of  battle  and  in  their  tac  *  ;s. 
While  the  Swiss,  in  a  single  mass,  stood  on  he  via 
deira,  opposite  the  Burgundian  centre,  towards  wiiich 
they  gradually  advanced,  Charles,  whose  three  divis- 
sions  stretched  across  the  plain,  threw  the  weight  of 
his  force  on  the  rising  ground  on  his  left,  with  the 
obvious  and  avowed  design  of  enveloping  the  enemy's 
right.  When  he  had  succeeded  in  this,  he  felt  him- 
self secure  of  victory.  The  Swiss,  "  commanded  and 
taken  in  flank,"  were,  as  far  as  manoeuvring  could 
avail,  on  the  point  of  being  defeated.  The  opportune 
arrival  of  reenforcements  in  their  rear  changed  at 
once  the  aspect  of  affairs.  The  Burgundians  were 
not  outflanked.  The  danger  to  which  they  were 
exposed  was  that  of  being  shattered  in  their  weak- 
ened centre.    Had  they  fought,  this  would  sufficient- 


ii  ■  ■ 
'I  ■  ■ 

I;  i  I 

i;i  ill 


350 


GRANDSON. 


fBOOK  V. 


c  . 


ly  explain  why  they  were  beaten.  But  it  will  not 
suffice  to  explain  why,  instead  of  fighting,  they  fled. 

Their  flight  is,  however,  not  difficult  to  explain.  It 
proceeded  from  the  same  cause  which  had  operaf-ed  at 
Hericourt  and  on  many  other  fields.  For  it  was  nut 
in  the  vicinity  of  lakes  or  rivers  alone,  or  where  they 
could  profit  by  some  glaring  oversight  on  the  adverse 
side,  that  the  Swiss  were  accustomed  to  assert  their 
superiority  and  to  see  their  enemies  flee  before  them. 
Such,  where  the  numbers  were  not  utterly  dispropor- 
tionate, was  the  invariable  result  in  their  contests  at 
that  period,  and  down  to  a  much  later  period.  A 
phenomenon  so  common  must  have  had  some  gen- 
eral cause. 

The  cause  was  twofold.  The  Swiss  formation,  a 
phalanx  -of  bristling  spears,  was  impregnable  against 
an  attack  by  any  method  or  with  any  troops  that 
could  then  be  brought  to  bear  upon  it.  For  the  pur- 
poses of  defence  it  was  perfect.  Like  a  fort,  with  the 
additional  advantage  that  a  breach  could  be  instantly 
repaired,  it  required  to  be  battered  to  pieces  by  un- 
intermitting  discharges  of  artillery. 

But  this  strength  of  resistance,  and  still  more  the 
strength  in  attack,  depended  of  course  on  the  moral 
power  behind  the  spears.  And  herein  lay  the  chief 
superiority  of  the  Swiss.  The  substance  of  most 
armies,  even  the  bravest,  varies  greatly  in  consistence, 
what  is  solid  and  sound  being  incorporated  with  much 
that  is  soft,  yielding,  or  corrupt.  In  a  feudal  army  the 
proportion  of  this  latter  material  was  always  large. 
In  a  mixed  army  like  that  of  Burgundy  it  was  not 


CHAP.  II.] 


CAUSE  OF  THE  DEFEAT. 


351 


unlikely  to  preponderate.  But  a  Swiss  army  had  no 
such  material  —  no  stragglers,  no  deserters,  no  cow- 
ards. It  was  said,  long  afterwards,  of  the  Swiss  mer- 
cenaries in  the  service  of  France,  that  they  constituted 
"  the  bones  of  the  army."  *  But  an  army  consisting 
wholly  of  Swiss  was  all  bone. 

From  the  time  when  the  peasants  of  the  Alps  had 
overthrown  the  mailed  chivalry  of  Austria,  their  re- 
nown had  been  constantly  augmenting.  The  secret 
of  their  audacity  and  success  may  not  always  have 
been  understood,"  but  the  impression  produced  was 
not  the  less  formidable.  Their  neighbors,  their  hered- 
itary foes,  had  ceased  to  contend  with  them.  It  had 
become  a  settled  maxim  that  the  Swiss  were  invinci- 
ble. When,  however,  the  duke  of  Burgundy  first  took 
the  field  against  them,  the  world  suspended  its  judg- 
ment and  awaited  the  issue.  No  predictions,  no  warn- 
ings, were  uttered,  to  deter  him  from  the  attempt. 
For  he  also  enjoyed  no  mean  prestige.    He  too  had 


*  Menagiana  (Paris,  1695),  torn, 
ii.  p.  206. 

*  A  Venetian  envoy,GiovanniCor- 
rer,  describing  Savoy  in  1566,  says 
the  people  are  unfit  for  war,  except 
those  who  live  on  the  Swiss  border, 
and  who  thereby  retain  "  un  non  so 
che  conforme  alia  natura  di  quella 
nazione."  But  Giovanni  Soranzo,  in 
a  Relazione  di  Francia,  1558,  speaks 
of  the  superiority  of  the  Swiss  ps 
resting  on  the  two  causes  we  have 
assigned  in  the  text — the  "maggior 
picca,"  and  "  la  disciplina  militare, 
la  quale  cosi  severamente  osservano, 
e  massime  nel  mantenersi  serrati,  e 
non  sturbare  gli  ordini."    So  the  son 


of  Agenor  conquered  with  his 

"  telum  splcudenti  Inncca  fcrro, 
Et  jncnlum ;  toloque  nuimus  prtestnntior 
omni." 

And  the  description  of  the  Mace- 
donian phalanx  which  Quintus  Cur- 
tius  puts  into  the  mouth  of  the 
Athenian  Charidemos  (one  cannot 
but  wonder  whether  Charles  of 
Burgundy  had  ever  noticed  it) 
corresponds  in  essential  particulars. 
"  Acies  torva  sane  ct  inculta  dypeis 
hastisque  immobiles  cuncos  et  con- 
serta  robora  virorum  tegit.  .  •  .  Vir 
viro,  armis  arma  conserta  sunt :  ad 
nutum  monentis  intenti,  sequi  signa, 
ordines  servare  didicere." 


352 


CHARLES  AT  NOZEROY. 


[BOOK  V. 


if*** 


^M...i. 


■i 


never  been  worsted  in  the  field.  lie  had  conqnered 
the  people  of  Liege,  of  Gueldres,  and  of  Lorraine.  He 
hafl  struck  terror  into  France,  and  had  withstood  the 
whole  might  of  the  Empire.  But,  in  the  opinion 
of  the  world,  the  result  at  Grandson  settled  the 
question. 

In  the  opinion  of  the  world  —  but  not  in  that  of 
Charles.  In  his  view  the  question  was  not  settled, 
for  it  had  not  been  tried.  Twenty  thousand  men,  he 
said,  had  turned  their  backs  on  ten  thoupnnd  with- 
out drawing  a  sword."  He  would  not  admit  a  defeat 
where  there  had  been  no  battle.  But  he  acknowl- 
edged the  disgrace  brought  upon  him  by  the  "vile- 
ness"  of  his  troops,''  and  his  soul  burned  with  the 
desire  f  )r  revenge. 

From  the  scene  of  the  action  he  had  ridden  first  to 
Jougne.  Finding  no  garrison  there,  he  continued  his 
flight  to  Nozeroy,  on  the  hither  slopes  of  the  Jura,  ten 
leagi^es  from  Grandson,  and  the  site  of  a  magnificent 
castle  owned  by  Louis  of  Chateauguyon,  whose  re- 
mains were  soon  afterwards  brought  there  for  inter- 
ment. 

He  was  not,  as  his  enemies  believed,  stunned  by  his 
misfortune.^  On  the  contrary,  from  the  very  first 
moment  he  declared  his  purpose  to  renew  the  strug- 


^  "  Disse  .  .  .  che  20  •"  persone  a 
10  ""  Sviceri  senza  tirar  spada  ano 
voltato  le  spalle."  Panigarola  to  the 
duke  of  Milan,  Dcpcches  Milanaises, 
torn.  i.  p.  329. 

'  "  In  rabiando  che  quest!  villani 
Sviceri  per  la  vilta  de  li  soi  abiano 
questo  honore."     Ibid.  p.  318. 

^  Berne  circulated  a  report  that 


on  account  of  h.  \  misfortune  he  had 
spent  two  days  and  nights  with- 
out eating,  and  had  put  to  death 
some  of  his  nobles,  who  had  de- 
ceived him  with  rejjorts  that  the 
Swiss  were  unarmed  and  would  fall 
an  easy  prey.  Deutsch  Missiven- 
Buch  C,  795.  M8.  —  Knehel.  2te 
Abth.  s.  20. 


CHAP.  II.) 


FRESH  PREl'AUATIONS. 


353 


gle  and  devoted  himself  day  and  night  to  fresh  prej)- 
arations."  He  saw  too  that,  as  a  consequence  of  his 
faihire,  the  next  attempt  must  be  made  on  a  hirger 
scale.  Their  victory,  he  said,  would  make  the  Swiss 
more  ready  to  fight,  while  the  king  would  redouble 
his  solicitations ;  he  must  therefore  take  the  field  in 
greater  force  than  before.'"  The  army  had  scattered 
in  all  directions,  the  Burgundians  across  the  Jura,  the 
Italians  through  the  Pays  de  Vaud  towards  Geneva 
and  the  passes  of  the  Alps.  Orders  were  sent  to  the 
frontier  towns  of  Burgundy  and  Lorraine  to  appre- 
hend all  fugitives  and  compel  them  to  return.  Places 
of  rendezvous  were  designated,  and  a  new  camp,  it 
was  announced,  would  be  immediately  formed  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Salins.  Cannons  and  tents  were 
ordered  from  the  arsenal  of  Luxembourg.  Fresh 
troops  were  sent  for,  including  eight  hundred  lances 
stationed  in  Lorraine,  which  were  to  have  been  re- 
moved to  Picardy.  Agents  were  despatched  to  Italy 
to  raise  recruits  and  purchase  arms  and  equipments. 
To  provide  money  for  immediate  necessities,  commis- 
sioners were  appointed  to  proceed  to  Dijon,  inves- 
tigate the  accounts,  see  what  loans  were  outstanding 
and  in  what  manner  a  new  one  could  best  be  raised." 
While  he  looked  upon  his  discomfiture  as  a  mere 
mishap,  he  perceived  that,  unless  it  were  speedily 
repaired,  the  consequences  might  be  fatal.    It  was 


•  Letters  of  Panigarola,  March  4 
and  5,  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  i. 
pp.  312,  316,  317,  329. 

'»  Ibid.  p.  329. 
VOL.  III.  45 


"  Ibid.  pp.  317,  328.  — Letters 
in  Labarre  and  Mem.  de  I'Aead.  de 
Dijon.  —  Instructions  in  Legrand 
MSS. 


.  I 
1|' 


54 


CHARLES  AT  NOZEEOY. 


[BOOK  V. 


H.J,. 


^ 

c 


the  weak  point  in  his  career  that  all  his  plans  and 
hopes  were  bound  up  with  the  maintenance  of  a  high 
reputation.  The  enemies  he  had  overawed,  the  allies 
who  had  submitted  to  his  lead  and  bargained  for  his 
protection,  the  waverers  who  had  waited  for  some 
decisive  indication,  would  all  be  affected  by  any 
symptom  of  weakness.  What  he  most  feared  was, 
not  that  the  Swiss  would  follow  up  their  victory 
(he  had  foreseen  that,  after  collecting  their  booty, 
they  would  return  home),  but  that  Savoy  would  fall 
away,  that  Milan  would  turn  against  him,  that  Lor- 
raine would  rise  in  revolt,  above  all  that  the  king 
would  now  make  an  open  attack.  He  saw  that  he 
must  speedily  recover  his  balance,  and  show  the 
world  that  he  had  not  been  prostrated  by  the  blow.^- 

On  the  way  from  Grandson  he  had  requested 
Panigarola  to  stop  at  Orbe  and  bring  with  him  the 
other  members  of  the  legtition.  Besides  wishing  to 
anticipate  rumor  by  his  own  version  of  the  affair,  he 
considered  that  the  moment  had  arrived  for  testing 
practically  the  value  of  his  treaty  with  Sforza.  All 
he  demanded  of  the  latter  was  to  station  troops  for  a 
few  days  on  the  frontier  passes  of  Savoy,  especially 
on  the  side  of  France.  This,  he  observed,  would  be 
also  a  measure  of  self-defence  on  the  part  of  his  ally, 
who,  if  Savoy  were  occupied  by  the  king,  might 
expect  to  be  himself  attacked,  with  no  possibility 
of  receiving  succor.^^ 

Panigarola,  to  his  own  chagrin,  found  that  his  col- 


'*  Ddpeches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.  p. 
318. 


'■'  Ibid.  p.  329. 


disp 


CHAP.  II,] 


FIRMNESS  OF  YOLANDE. 


355 


leagues  had  gone  olf  at  the  first  report  of  the  disas- 
ter. It  was  in  vain  that  he  sent  messages  after  them, 
begging  them  to  come  round  by  the  way  of  Saint- 
Claude,  assuring  them  that  they  would  run  no  risk, 
and  offering  an  armed  escort.^*  Having  made  their 
way  to  Geneva,  they  rushed  into  the  presence  of 
the  regent,  and  informing  her  that  all  was  lost,  urged 
her  to  recross  the  Alps  in  their  company  and  to  place 
herself  under  the  protection  of  their  master.  But, 
with  all  her  impulsiveness,  Yolande  had  too  firm  a 
spirit  to  be  infected  with  panic,  and  too  shrewd  an 
intellect  not  to  detect  the  snare.  She  replied  that, 
if  the  duke  of  Burgundy  were  personally  safe,  all 
other  losses  might  be  repaired ;  in  the  worst  event 
she  would  apply  to  her  brother  for  protection.'^ 

Charles  could  not  help  being  touched  when  in- 
formed of  her  courage  and  devotion  at  so  trying  a 
crisis.  He  hastened  to  express  his  gratitude  and  to 
confirm  her  in  those  hopes  which  few  now  shared  but 
themselves.  "  It  has  given  me  a  singular  pleasure," 
he  wrote,  "  to  hear  of  your  calmness  and  constancy 
of  soul ;  for  the  thought  of  your  affliction  weighed 
more  heavily  upon  me  than  what  has  befallen  my- 
self This,  with  the  pleasure  of  God,  shall  be  well 
and  quickly  remedied.  Every  day  diminishes  the 
inconvenience,  and  proves  that  the  loss  in  men  was 
much  less  than  had  been  thought.  Such  as  it  is,  it 
proceeded  from  a  mere  skirmish.  The  bulk  of  the 
two  armies  did  not  meet  nor  engage  —  to  my  great 
displeasure,  for,  had  they  fought,  the  victory  would 

'«  Ibid.  pp.  311,  312.  '*  Ibid.  pp.  349,  367. 


:  1,1 

It  i' 


p 


\  I 


356 


CHARLES   AT  NOZEROY. 


[BOOK  V. 


c 


have  been  mine  without  difficulty.  There  has  been 
none  on  either  side.  God,  I  trust,  reserves  it  for  you 
and  for  me.  Be  pleased  therefore  to  keep  your 
troops  assembled,  for  I  intend  to  return  without 
delay,  and  to  demonstrate  by  act  and  by  effect  that 
the   hope    you    have    placed   in   me   has   not  beea 


»  16 


vam. 

On  the  same  day,  the  7th  of  March,  he  wrote  in  a 
similar  strain  to  Romont,  who  still  held  unmolested 
possession  of  the  territory  which  had  been  recovered 
from  Berne.  That  he  should  continue  to  maintain 
his  ground,  that  Savoy  should  show  a  front  behind 
which  the  Burgundians  might  rally,  was  of  the  last 
importance.  Charles  pointed  out  the  measures  to  be 
taken,  adding  many  exhortations.  "  Use  your  best 
diligence,"  he  wrote,  "that  the  army  of  Savoy  be 
not  disbanded.  Incorporate  with  it  such  of  our 
troops  as  have  gone  in  that  direction.  Comfort  and 
encourage  your  men,  and  also  the  people  of  the 
country.  Assure  them  that  we  shall  not  abandon 
them,  but,  whatever  may  befall,  will  return  to  renew 
the  enterprise    with    sufficient  power  to  insure  suc- 


cess, 


»  17 


When  he  thus  wrote,  his  design  was  to  reenter  the 
territory  of  Savoy  by  the  pass  of  Saint-Claude  —  the 
most  distant  from  the  Swiss  frontier  —  and  to  estab- 
lish his  camp  in  the  vicinity  of  Geneva.^*^  Even  this 
plan  would  not  have  been  feasible  if  the  Swiss  had 
pushed    forward   and   occupied   Lausanne.     In   that 


'°  Italian    translation,  ibid.  pp. 
335,  336. 


"  Ibid.  p.  338. 
"  Ibid.  p.  336. 


at 

by 

La 


neij 

19 

20 


CHAP.  II.] 


ARRIVAL  AT  LAUSANNE. 


357 


case  he  could  have  found  no  secure  base  of  opera- 
tions beyond  the  Jura,  and  would  indeed  have  been 
obliged  to  confine  himself  to  the  defence  of  his  own 
dominions.  This  was  perfectly  evident  at  the  time.^' 
Nor  was  it,  a^  has  been  imagined,  from  a  lack  of 
strategical  inSight  or  their  inaptitude  for  carrying 
on  a  continuous  campaign,  that  the  victors  had  ab- 
stained from  following  up  their  success.  Berne  had 
strenuously  urged  it,  and  the  resistance  of  the  other 
cantons  had  not  been  based  on  military  grounds. 
Although  it  had  been  obliged  to  yield,  Berne  was 
still  seeking  to  accomplish  its  design  by  a  less  direct 
method.  Pleading  the  Insecurity  of  Freyburg,  the 
council  Lad  kept  troops  under  arms,  retained  some 
of  the  Alsatian  contingents,  and  applied  to  their 
Confederates  for  reenforcements.  Their  purpose  was 
at  once  evident.  The  town  of  Romont,  regarded  as 
the  chief  barrier  of  Savoy  against  the  irruptions  of 
the  Swiss,  was  menaced  with  an  attack ;  and  Charles, 
to  whom  the  danger  was  immediately  made  known, 
saw  that  he  must  either  meet  it  by  a  counter  de- 
monstration or  abandon  the  contest.  He  determined 
at  all  hazards  to  return  at  once  to  the  Pays  de  Vaud 
by  the  same  route  he  had  before  taken,  and  to  make 
Lausanne  his  base.  Having  given  notice  to  the  re- 
gent and  sent  his  brother  in  advance  to  select  a  site 
for  the  camp,  he  followed  with  such  troops  as  he  had 
already  mustered,  arriving  on  the  ground  in  the 
neiiihborhood  of  Lausanne  on  the   loth.'^" 


"  Ibid.  pp.  3G8,  369.  torn.  ii.  p.  219.  — Depuches  Mila- 

*"  Ancienne  Chronique,  Lenglet,     naises',  torn.  i.  pp.  1341,  '3o6, 


358 


EFFECTS  OF  THE  DEFEAT. 


[look  v. 


c 


iTm'iM 


'H.*A 


c 


I 


'/his  boldness  and  promptness  had  ai  loast  the 
effect  of  suspending  the  contemplated  rnovemei  tsj*  vf 
Berne,  and  again  restricting  it  to  defensive  meas- 
ures.^^  But  Charles  was  now  brought  face  to  face 
with  the  new  obstacles  that  had  started  up  to  baffle 
his  hopes.  His  toils,  perplexities,  and  vexations  dur- 
iiig  the  next  three  months,  tried,  as  it  had  never 
before  been  tried,  the  persistency  of  his  spirit  and 
will.  His  treasury  was  empty,  his  troops  were  de- 
moralized, his  prestige  was  gone.  It  seemed  as  if  his 
resources  had  suddenly  dried  up.  Friends  as  well  as 
enemies  were  against  him.  No  one  was  willing  to 
aid  or  to  follow  him  in  an  enterprise  which  all  re- 
garded as  impracticable. 

The  wonder  was  that  his  own  worst  fears  hod  not 
been  realized  —  that  all  the  possible  consequences 
of  his  disaster  had  not  immediately  ensued.  Every 
one  had  expected  that  his  life-long  adversary  would 
rush  forward  to  give  the  coup-de-grace.  Throughout 
Savoy  the  people  were  in  commotion.  The  conquest 
and  dismemberment  of  the  country  appeared  inevita- 
ble. The  Swiss  and  th^  J  nich  king,  it  was  supposed, 
would  occupy  Savoy  prop  •,  while  the  duke  of  Milan 
would  of  course  take  possession  of  Piedmont.  The 
council  of  regency  at  Turin  convoked  an  assembly 
of  deputies  to  organize  a  militia,  more  with  the  hope 
of  appeasing  the  public  mind  than  of  any  other  prac- 
tical result.  They  wished  the  Milanese  ambassador, 
Francesco  Petrasanta,  to  be  present  at  the  meeting 
and  give  assurances  of  the  honorable  and  friendly 


king 


*"  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  804,  806.  MS. 


'.JF*P.  II  1 


EFFECTS  OF  THE  DEFEAT. 


359 


intentions  of  his  master.  As  a  means  of  propHinfcin/ 
that  prince,  they  acknowledge d  the  error  of  Yolande 
in  not  having  been  guided  by  his  counsel,  instead  of 
linking  her  fortunes  with  those  of  Burgundy.^'^ 

It  was  no  fault  of  Sforza  if  the  result  had  not  tal- 
lied with  the  popular  anticipations.  On  hearing  of 
the  event,  he  had,  with  less  prudence  than  usual, 
g'-'en  open  and  premature  expression  to  his  satisfac- 
tion. He  announced  it  to  the  other  courts  of  Italy 
as  tiie  best  guaranty  of  Italian  independence.^^  Con- 
fident that  his  own  opportunity  had  come,  he  de- 
spatched an  envoy  to  the  French  king,  with  Avhom, 
for  fear  of  giving  umbrage  to  Burgundy  and  Venice, 
he  had  long  ceased  to  hold  any  open  intercourse. 
He  represented  the  importance  of  immediate  action. 
If  the  opportunity  were  let  slip,  it  might  never  re- 
turn. He  would  do  his  own  part,  besides  aiding  the 
king  with  money."* 

Louis  was  therefore  master  of  the  situation.  Let 
him  give  the  signal,  and  the  work  would  be  finished. 
For  any  slackness  shown  by  the  Swiss  he  would  have 
only  himself  to  blame.  His  active  cooperation  would 
enable  Berne  to  overcome  the  reluctance  of  its  con- 
federates, or,  failing  in  that,  to  dispense  Avith  their 
assistance. 

After  the  first  moment  of  elation  produced  bjy  the 
victory,  —  elation  proportioned  to  the  previous  peril 
and  anxiety, —  the  council  of  Berne  remembered  with 

'*  Depeches   Milanaiaes,  torn.  i.  mines    (who,    however,    confounds 

pp.  353,  354.  this  occasion  with  a  later  one),  torn. 

=  '  Ibid.  pp.  359,  374.  ii.  p.  14. 
"  Ibid.   torn.  ii.  p.  20.  — Com- 


ii 


.%     ■■  .  -' 

rim-- 

■ 

i ' 

( '•  '  jM 

'          Vi, 

"v'-'^^Si 

Mil    - 


'l!^ 


360 


BERNE  AND  THE  KING. 


[book  v. 


a 


indignation  that  the  ally  who  had  promised  to  ward 
off  the  danger  had  not  even  shared  in  it.  They 
wrote  in  deep  dudgeon  both  to  Louis  himself  and  to 
Jost  von  Silinen,  "  We  need  not  remind  3^ou,"  they 
said  to  the  latter,  "  how  we  entered  into  this  burden- 
some war  for  the  especial  honor  of  his  royal  majes- 
ty/^ and  have  so  labored  therein  as  to  bring  upon 
ourselves  great  damage  and  continual  trouble."  They 
had  never  expected,  they  v/ent  on  to  say,  that  they 
and  their  confederates  were  to  be  exposed  to  attack. 
By  four  several  messengers  they  had  sunnnoned  the 
king  to  assail  and  keep  back  the  enemy.  But  they 
had  not  even  had  the  comfort  of  receiving  an  an- 
swer, and  wore  obliged  to  conclude  that  the  whole 
weight  was  to  be  thrown  upon  their  shoulders.  Once 
more,  however,  in  the  presence  of  renewed  danger, 
they  were  calling  upon  him  for  aid  and  deliverance, 
and  they  trusted  that  Silinen  would  use  his  exertions 
for  the  fuliilment  of  their  just  expectations.^*^ 

In  a  letter  to  Louis  they  went  so  far  as  to  intimate 
a  suspicion  that  he  had  secretly  incited  the  enemy. 
They  pretended  that  two  royal  captains,  by  name 
Salazar  and  Malorcia,  with  a  band  of  cavalry  and 
artillery,  had  been  among  the  Burgundian  forces. 
They  complained  also  of  his  ambiguous  conduct  in 
regard  to  Savoy,  at  whose  instigation  the  attack 
.'lad  been  made.  It  had,  in  fact,  not  suited  the  policy 
of  LouiT  that  the  Swiss  should  overrun  the  territory 
of  his   DL'phew  and   upset  his   sister's  government. 

2^  u  '\Y[r  zwifeln  nitt  ir  wussen     men  sind." 
wie  wir  dann  dev  koniglichen  nia-         ^*  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  809. 
jestat  .;'*  ere  in  dis  swer  kiieg  kom-     MS. 


CHAP.  11.] 


CORRESPONDENCE. 


361 


That  was  not  the  task  for  which  he  had  engaged 
them ;  it  was  one  which,  if  desirable,  he  could  exe- 
cute for  himself  But  it  would  have  the  incon- 
venience of  bringing  him  into  even  closer  relations 
than  he  wished  with  the  friends  whom  he  most  loved 
and  cherished,  perhaps  of  admitting  both  them  and 
the  duke  of  Milan  as  partners.  The  dismemberment, 
or  even  the  annexation,  of  Savoy  would  not  harmo- 
nize so  well  with  his  projects  as  its  nominal  indepen- 
dence under  a  government  inspired  and  directed  by 
himself  If  Yolande  should  prove  incorrigible,  she 
might,  at  a  proper  time,  be  supplanted  by  Philip  of 
Bresse,  who  was  kept  in  reserve  for  the  occasion,  while 
restrained  from  any  present  attempt  at  conspiracy 
and  revolution.  When,  therefore,  Berne  had  first 
begun  to  threaten  Savoy,  the  king  had  allowed  it  to 
be  publicly  understood  that,  while  he  did  not  object 
to  his  sister's  receiving  a  certain  degree  of  chastise- 
ment for  her  imprudence,  his  honor  would  not  allow 
him  to  see  her  and  her  children  despoiled  of  their 
rights  and  possessions.^'' 

On  now  learning  the  gross  construction  put  upon 
his  proceedings,  and  the  unhappy  distrust  to  which  it 
had  given  rise,  he  was  naturally  somewhat  hurt.  He 
despatched  an  embassy  to  Berne,  with  copious  in- 
structions, and  a  private  note  addressed  to  his  "  illus- 
trious and  dearest  friends  by  the  grace  of  God  invin- 
cible."^^    He   showed   the   utter    groundlessness   of 


,.•!  i  I 


"  Depcches  Milanaises,  torn.  i.     mis    amicis  nostris    carissirais  dei 
p.  45.  gratia  invictissimis." 

2*  "  Illustrissimis  et  prneclarissi- 
VOL.  III.  46 


:!i!' 


362 


BERNE  AND  THE  KING. 


[book  v. 


r 


^..*'' 


c 


their  suspicions  in  every  particular,  in  none  more 
clearly  and  convincingly  than  his  supposed  dilatori- 
ness  in  coming  to  their  relief.  At  Ihe  moment  they 
had  first  given  him  notice  that  the  duke  of  Burgundy 
was  about  to  march  against  them,  he  had  got  to  horse 
and  set  out  to  join  them,  making  no  delay  upon  the 
road,  until  he  liad  reached  the  land  of  Dauphiny,  on 
ihe  borders  of  Savoy,  where  he  had  stopped  to  assem- 
ble his  forces.  Before  he  could  continue  his  advance 
he  had  been  met  by  the  news  of  the  great  victory 
gained  by  the  Confederates,  which  had  given  him 
sach  jo}^  as  it  was  impossible  to  exceed,  and  than 
which  he  could  wish  for  nothing  better  in  his  whole 
life.  His  greatest  desire  at  present  was  to  draw 
nearer  to  them,  trampling  down  all  obstructions  to  a 
free  and  constant  intercourse,  so  that  there  might  be 
a  complete  understanding  and  concert  of  action  on  all 
points.  For  he  had  no  thought  of  permitting  the 
duke  of  Burgundy  to  do  them  any  damage,  but  was 
resolved  to  live  and  die  with  them.  Neither  would 
he  suffer  that  any  ill  feeling  should  arise  out  of  the 
partition  of  Savoy.  This  was  a  matter  to  be  settled 
by  conference  and  agreement.  Although  the  princes 
of  Savoy  were  his  kinsmen,  he  would  see  thern  ex- 
terminated rather  than  they  should  prove  a  source 
of  division  between  him  and  his  friends."'-*  In  a  few 
calm  and  confidential  sentences  he  disposed  of  the 
wild  accusation  that  he  had  secretly  aided  the  enemy. 
Of  the  two  persons  mentioned,  Salazar,  it  was  true, 


'*  "  So  liess  er  ir  zerstoerung  ee      zuo  liden." 
beschehen    denn    solichen  sparren 


CHAP.  II.] 


CORRESPONDENCE. 


363 


had  been  recalled  from  the  post  where  he  was  former- 
ly stationed,  which  was  not,  however,  as  the  Swiss 
supposed,  near  their  frontier,  but  far,  far  off,  quite  at 
the  other  side  of  France,  nine  miles  beyond  the  town 
of  Bituriensis  in  the  direction  of  Aquitaine ;  but  this 
was  at  the  time,  which  they  would  no  doubt  recollect, 
of  the  English  affair,  and  Salazar  was  now  serving 
with  his  troop  under  the  Sire  de  Craon,  in  Bar.  As 
to  Malorcia,  he  had  fallen  ill  at  Lyons  in  the  year  '72, 
and  had  since  died  there.  So  that  the  thing,  as  they 
could  see,  was  clearly  impossible,  for  Nature  certainly 
would  not  permit  a  dead  man  to  rise  up  and  fight 
against  them.''®  He  was,  however,  much  obliged  to 
them  for  having  brought  the  story  to  his  ears.  He 
had  inquired  into  it,  and  they  were  to  understand 
that  it  was  an  invention  of  the  duke  of  Burgundy, 
who  had  always  been  given  to  the  manufacture  of 
falsehoods,  winning  more  by  his  tongue  than  he  had 
ever  done  by  his  sword.^^ 

Louis,  we  perceive,  was  not  yet  cured  of  his  pro- 
pensity to  laugh  in  the  faces  of  his  gulls.  Nor  was  he 
in  the  present  instance  running  any  serious  risk.  My 
lords  of  Berne  had  little  real  right  to  complain.  In 
their  hearts  they  had  known  all  along  that  his  prom- 
ises of  military  aid  were  a  sham.  They  had  con- 
sented to  secret  glosses  and  reservations  expressly 


'■^°  "  Dann  die  natui*  nit  ertragt,  ein  sich  gebrucht  hatt  und  mer  gewint 

toten  zu  erston  und  wider  iich  zu  mit  dei"  zungen  dann  dem  swert." 

Ziehen."  German  translation,  circulated  by 

^'  *'  Ir   sollen   aber  wissen   dass  the  council  of  Berne,  Knebel,  2te 

das  gaiUz  von   Burgund  von  dera  Abth.  s.  35-37. 
ersten  tag  bis  ietz  falsch  erfundeu 


3G4 


BERNE  AND  THE  KING. 


[book  v. 


'tL««...ii 


intencletl  to  make  that  part  of  the  contract  a  nullity ; 
and  they  had  stifled  all  the  doubts  expressed  by  their 
Confederates  with  reiterated  assurances  of  his  sin- 
cerity and  good  faith.  It  was  too  late  now  to  dis- 
entangle the  skein.  They  could  not  expose  the 
deception  without  proclaiming  their  own  connivance. 
The  only  course  was  to  smother  their  feelings  and 
keep  up  the  farce.  Accordingly  they  sent  copies  of 
the  royal  message  to  their  Confederates,  affecting  to 
consider  the  explanations  as  satisfactory,  emphasizing 
the  expressions  of  gratitude,  pointing  to  the  strong 
desire  expressed  for  a  closer  union  and  concert  of 
action,  and  suggesting  that  steps  should  be  taken  for 
bringing  about  this  desirable  consummation.^-  In  their 
reply  to  the  king  they  assumed  a  similar  tone,  but  not 
without  betraying  the  faintness  of  their  hopes  —  their 
mternal  consciousness  that  all  appeals  were  useless. 
"  Nothing,"  they  wrote,  "  could  give  us  greater  joy 
than  your  majesty's  offer  to  live  and  die  with  us. 
Especially  as  our  treaty  contains  something  in  rela- 
tion to  this  our  enemy,  whom  from  the  first  we  made 
our  enemy  by  our  hostile  declarations  and  attacks,  in 
order  to  please  your  royal  majesty."  ^^  Having  so 
often  informed  him  of  the  danger  to  which  they  were 
exposed,  it  was   needless,   they  said,  to   dwell   any 


"  "  Darinn  uwer  Briiderlich  lieb 
mag  verstan  des  kungs  begird  unns 
im  zu  nachern.  Des  willens  wir 
wol  wo  ander  uwer  und  unnser  zu- 
gewandten  in  glichem  wiilen  weren, 
Als  wir  unns  ouch  zu  inen  alien  und 
besunder  uwer  Briiderlich  truw  zu- 
vor  aa  versechen."    Berne  to  Lu- 


cerne. MS.  (Archives  of  Lucerne.) 
—  See  also  a  letter  in  Stettler,  B.  I. 
s.  251. 

*'  "  An  den  wir  von  anvang  uwer 
k.  m.  zu  gevallen  mitt  unnsser  vin- 
bekundung  und  angriffen  gezogen 
haben." 


CHAP.  II.] 


DIVERGENT  VIEWS. 


365 


further  upon  that  point.  What  they  wished  him 
more  particularly  to  consider  was  the  situation  of 
Savoy.  They  had  always  honored  the  house  of  Savoy, 
and  could  not  without  pity  behold  it  falling  to  ruin. 
The  duko  of  Burgundy  looked,  no  doubt,  to  annex  the 
country  to  his  own  dominions.  Did  his  majesty  desire 
to  see  that  result?  If  not,  it  surely  behooved  him  to 
interpose  at  once.  "The  enemy,"  they  concluded, 
"  now  lies  between  us.  We  on  our  side  are  ready  to 
attack  him  manfully  ;  all  that  is  wanting  is  that  your 
majesty  .should  do  the  same  on  yours."  ^* 

By  a  complicated  hypocrisy, —  the  natural  growth 
of  the  situation,  —  each  of  the  two  parties  to  the  cor- 
respondence had  adopted  a  language  that  belonged 
more  properly  to  the  other.  Louis,  who  desired  the 
preservation  of  the  house  of  Savoy,  talked  of  per- 
mitting its  annihilation;  Berne,  which  was  aiming 
at  its  destruction,  affected  to  regard  it  with  sympathy. 
But  Savo}'  was  a  secondary  question.  On  the  main 
point,  the  overthrow  of  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  the 
parties  were  accordant  and  sincere.  Why  then  did 
Louis,  invited,  urged,  expected  on  all  hands  to  take 
the  decisive  step,  still  hold  back  ?  Could  it  be  that 
the  world  was  mistaken  as  to  his  feelings,  had  mis- 
apprehended the  great  aim  of  his  life  ?  Not  so ;  it 
understood  his  sentiments,  but  it  was  not  deep  enough 
to  divine  his  calculations.  If  he  should  make  any 
present  demonstration,  —  it  was  thus  that  he  re- 
volved the  matter,  —  Charles  would  be  compelled  to 
desist  from  his  undertaking  and  to  throw  himself 

=♦  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  835.  3IS. 


i'l 


ftH^  ^^O}- 


W^^ 
O  .\^. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


& 


{./ 


•*'  -.•^'  4 


^ 


A 


[/. 


fA 


1.0 


I.I 


IA£12.8 

■so    ■"• 


us 


lAO 


11:25  i  1.4 


1^ 

2.2 
2.0 


II 

m 

1.6 


VQ 


/i 


^> 


Hiotographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WfST  MAIN  STREIT 

WEBSTM.N.Y.  14SS0 

(716)  872-4S03 


i\ 


iV 


•S5 


'^ 


o^ 


^ 


366 


BERNE  AND  THE  KING. 


[BOOK  V. 


c 


back  into  his  own  dominions.  His  subjects,  however 
averse  to  his  foreign  expeditions,  were  still  loyally 
attached  to  him  and  would  rally  round  his  person.^ 
What  would  follow,  therefore,  would  be  simply  a  re- 
newal of  the  old  struggle  with  all  its  uncertainties 
and  risks.  From  the.  Swiss,  in  that  case,  nothing 
more  could  be  expected  than  the  subsidiary  aid  for 
which  they  had  originally  bargained.  After  having 
been  forced  into  the  position  of  principals,  they 
would  sink  back  into  that  of  auxiliaries.  No,  the 
present  was  not  the  opportunity  for  which  the  king 
had  been  waiting.  He  would  see  the  issue  of  a  sec- 
ond and  more  decisive  encounter.  When  his  adver- 
sary had  been  slain  or  broken  in  spirit,  when  his 
means  had  been  dissipated,  when  his  states  were  in 
distraction  and  terror,  then  would  be  the  time  for 
the  master  spirit  to  glide  upon  the  scene. 

Instead  therefore  of  coinciding,  the  views  of  Louis 
and  of  his  allies  were  in  truth  divergent.  The  Swiss 
were  merely  anxious  to  shake  off  an  assailant,  trou- 
blesome from  his  tenacity  if  not  dangerous  by  his 
strength.  The  king,  on  the  contrary,  seeing  matters 
at  the  exact  point  to  which  he  had  labored  at  bring- 
ing them,  thought  of  anything*  rather  than  of  inter- 
posing. 

He  was  not,  however,  blind  to  the  risk  that  might 
ensue  from  his  continued  inaction.  What  if  the 
Swiss,  in  their  wrath  at  his  treachery  and  desertion, 
should  even  now  reconcile  themselves  with  Burgun- 
dy, both  parties  confessing  the  causelessness  of  the 


'■*^  Commines,  torn.  ii.  pp.  13, 14,  37. 


CHAP.  II.] 


WILES  OF  LOUIS. 


367 


embroilment  and  combining  to  take  vengeance  on 
its  author  ?  '^^  To  guard  against  this  was  the  task  of 
the  hour,  requiring  all  his  skill  and  address.  He 
must  double,  or  talk  of  doubling,  the  pensions ;  he 
must  ply  the  Swiss  with  messages  stuffed  with  prom- 
ises and  flatteries ;  he  must  keep  them  in  a  state  of 
prolonged  expectancy,  until  the  moment  of  collision 
was  at  hand  and  it  was  too  late  for  them  to  draw 
back.  So  assiduously  and  ably  was  this  policy  carried 
out,  with  the  aid  of  Silinen  and  others,  that,  in  spite 
of  adverse  rumors  and  the  strongest  inward  misgiv- 
ings, the  council  of  Berne  resumed  its  old  office  of 
echoing  and  confirming  his  assurances."^^ 

The  duke  of  Burgundy  alone  comprehended  the 
wiles  of  his  rival  —  guided,  not  by  any  correspond- 
ing subtlety  of  intellect,  but  by  the  still  surer  instinct 
of  antipathy.  When  pressed  by  his  ministeis  to  seek 
the  long-talked-of  interview  with  the  king,  and  assure 
himself,  before  reembarking  in  the  struggle,  that 
there  would  be  no  infraction  of  the  truce,  he  treated 
the  suggestion  as  puerile  and  tending  only  to  delay.^® 
"  The  king,"  he  argued,  "  has  already  broken  the 
treaty  ^^  by  the  aid  and  encouragement  he  has  given 
to  the  Swiss.  He  is  even  under  an  express  engage- 
ment to  go  to  their  assistance  with  an  army.  He 
will  proceed,  nevertheless,  with  his  customary  craft 


'*  Commines,  torn.  ii.  p.  12. 

^''  Letters  in  the  Deutsch  Mis- 
siven-Buch  C,  and  in  the  Archives 
of  Lucerne.  —  See  also  Commines 
(who  gives  the  general  spirit  of  the 
royal  policy  correctly  enough,  though 


he  is  erroneous  and  confused  in  de- 
tails),  torn.  ii.  p.  23. 

'•"^  Ddpcches  Milanaises,  torn.  iL 
p.  3  et  al. 

»9  Ibid.  p.  135. 


i!ii 


!'l 


368 


CAMP  AT  LAUSANNE. 


[BOOK  V. 


c 


■;!i 

.1)  ! 


and  malignity.  There  will  be  no  lack  of  solicitations, 
of  persuasions,  of  promises.  But  he  will  not  stir  until 
he  is  sure  of  his  own  advantage.^"  It  is  for  me  to 
profit  by  his  hesitation,  and  not  wait  to  have  two 
enemies  on  my  hands.**  If  I  beat  the  Swiss,  I  shall 
have  beaten  both.*-  The  king  will  then  know  what 
he  has  to  expect;  he  will  fly  as  if  he  had  been 
routed,  and  shut  himself  up  in  Paris."  *^ 

Meanwhile  it  was  a  matter  of  doubt  whether  all 
the  efforts  of  Charles  to  organize  a  new  expedition 
Vvould  not  prove  abortive.  He  had  pitched  his  camp 
on  the  Plan  du  Loup,  a  plateau  of  the  Jorat,  a  mile 
or  two  out  of  Lausanne,  on  the  road  to  Berne.  Men, 
money,  cannon,  equipments,  all  that  was  indispensa- 
ble for  military  operations,  were  wanting,  and  flowed 
in  slowly  and  in  driblets.  Even  with  the  help  of  the 
regent,  who  had  come  to  reside  at  Lausanne,  it  was 
impossible  to  obtain  any  adequate  supplies  of  food. 
The  surrounding  country,  already  impoverished  by 
the  exactions  of  the  Swiss,  was  fast  becoming  a  des- 
ert. Scarcely  had  the  new-sown  corn  appeared  above 
the  ground  when  it  was  mown  down  for  forage.  A 
famished  population  besieged  the  portable  edifice 
occupied  by  the  duke,  who  did  what  he  could  for 


•■!.; 


*°  "  El  re  di  Franza  abia  promiso 
loro  rompere  la  guera, .  .  .  crede  per 
soUicitudine,  persuasione  et  pro- 
messe  non  manchi,  imo  si  tene  piu 
che  certo,  pero  per  non  subiacere 
ala  malignita  soa,  perehe  non  si 
movera  si  non  vede  suo  avantagio." 
Ibid.  pp.  217,  218. 

*'  "  Delibera  finire  qui  piu  presto 
potra,  avendo  ad  fare  con  una  po- 


tentia  sola,  cha  aspectare  avere  a 
fare  con  doe."    Ibid.  p.  218. 

*^  "Fare  in  un  tracto  parecchi 
boni  colpi."    Ibid.  p.  216. 

*'•'  Ibid,  ubi  supra. — The  passages 
cited  are  from  conversations  with 
Panigarola.  They  exhibit  Charles's 
ideas,  and  were  doubtless  of  the 
same  general  tenor  as  his  discussions 
with  his  own  ministers. 


CHAP,  n.] 


CAMP  AT  LAUSANNE. 


369 


:tare  avere  a 


their  relief,  though  with  the  effect  of  diminishing  the 
means  and  provoking  the  clamors  of  his  troops. 
Under  such  circumstances  the  rigorous  discipline  he 
had  so  long  enforced  ceased  to  be  prac  icable.  In 
fact  the  Italian  bands  were  in  a  state  of  unruliness 
amounting  to  a  chronic  mutiny.  Their  captiiins  had 
received  their  dues  down  to  the  time  of  the  battle  of 
Grandson,  but,  besides  requiring  an  advance  of  pay, 
they  expected  compensation  for  the  losses  they  had 
then  sustained.  Charles,  though  he  intended  as  soon 
as  possible  to  satisfy  their  demands,  made  no  attempt 
to  soothe  them  in  the  interval.  On  the  contrary,  he 
seldom  addressed  them  except  as  "cowards,"  and 
^  traitors,"  who  had  deserted  him  in  the  moment  of 
necessity.  Their  consequent  ill-temper  and  lack  of 
zeal  had  the  worst  effect  upon  the  soldiery;  while 
the  complaints  and  denunciations  which  they  poured 
into  the  ears  of  the  Neapolitan  ambassador  and 
others  of  their  countrymen  helped  to  spread  the 
belief  that  Charles  was  rushing  like  a  madman  on 
his  own  destruction.** 

Matters  were  brought  to  a  crisis  by  an  open  tu- 
mult, which  threatened  to  break  up  the  camp  in  a 
scene  of  carnage.  A  guard  of  English  archers  had 
been  posted  over  a  convent,  to  protect  it  against 
depredations.  Some  Italians  having  attempted  to 
break  in,  a  fray  occurred  in  which  lives  were  lost  on 
both  sides.    It  was  ordered  that  the  culprits  should 


\:-.       l\ 


**  DdpSches  Milanaises,  passim.     Episodes  de  la  Guerre  de  Bour- 
—  Contemporary  account    in    Le-     gogne. 
grand  MSS.  torn,  xviii.  —  Gingins, 
YOL.  m.  47 


If 


370 


CAMP  AT  LAUSANNE. 


[BOOK  V. 


!     i 


be  flogged  through  the  camp  and  then  executed. 
Upon  tieir  arrest  the  whole  of  their  countrymen 
rushed  together  in  arms  and  began  an  attack  upon 
the  English  troops.  Blood  had  already  been  spilled 
when  the  duke  arrived  on  the  spot.  Instead  of  dis- 
persing at  his  command,  the  mutineers  pointed  their 
weapons  at  him.  For  two  hours  his  life  was  in  con- 
stant peril.  His  guard  and  all  the  loyal  portion  of 
his  followers  mustered  behind  him  in  battle-array, 
waiting  for  the  signal  to  charge.  At  length,  how- 
ever, he  succeeded  in  quelling  the  riot  without  a  con- 
flict. The  mass  of  the  Italians  retired  sullenly  to 
their  quarters.  One  of  the  ringleaders,  a  nobleman 
holding  a  command  under  Troylus,  was  seized  and 
hanged  on  the  next  day  in  presence  of  the  whole 


45 


army 

All  such  scenes  were  enacted  under  the  eye  of 
a  watchful  though  hampered  enemy.  Berne  had 
organized  a  system  of  espionage ;  and  though  its 
agents  were  occasionally  caught  and  strung  up,  the 
rewards  were  sufficiently  high  to  insure  an  abun- 
dance of  information  more  or  less  correct.^"  Wald- 
mann,  who  commanded  the  troops  at  Freyburg,  of- 
fered to  fall  upon  the  Burgundian  camp.  He  would 
undertake,  he  wrote,  to  clear  the  whole  country  of 
the  wretches,  even  if  their  number — which  had 
been  quadrupled  by  rumor  —  amounted  to  seventy  or 
eighty  thousand.*''    But  no  order  to  this  effect  could 

**  Depe'-hes  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  siven  Buch  C.  M8. 

pp.   84,  85,  91,  Reports  sent   to  "  Rodt  (who  adds  the  comment, 

Berne,  Knebel,  2te  Abth.  8.48-50.  "scheinbare  Prahlerei"),  B.  II.  s. 

"  GirardifS/S.  — Deutsch  Mis-  152. 


i  !    i1 


OBIP.  U.] 


MINOR  OPERATIONS. 


871 


be  obtained  from  the  diet,  and  Berne  was  too  prudent 
to  assume  both  the  responsibility  and  the  risk.  Oper- 
ations were  therefore  limited  to  acts  of  menace  and 
annoyance.  Some  feeble  assaults  were  made  on  the 
town  of  Romont ;  but  the  works  were  found  too 
strong  to  be  carried  without  a  siege,  and  the  garrison 
was  reenforced  by  Charles.  Fresh  irruptions  were 
made  from  the  Simmenthal;  Chillon  was  menaced, 
Chatelar  was  burned  to  the  ground,  and  the  invaders 
advanced  against  Vevay,  but  fell  back  before  a  de- 
tachment from  the  camp.  A  counter-expedition  sent 
out  by  Charles  crossed  the  Jaman,  but  finding  the 
bridges  over  the  Saane  removed,  returned  without 
effecting  any  thing.*^ 

In  the  Valais  hostilities  took  place  on  a  somewhat 
larger  scale.  Previous  to  the  battle  of  Grar'^son,  the 
troops  of  Savoy  had  recovered  possession  of  the  banks 
of  the  Rhone  from  Villeneuve  to  Martigny.  But  these 
conquests  had  again  been  lost,  Berne  having  sent  re- 
enforcements  to  Sion,  and  urged  that  the  war  should 
be  vigorously  prosecuted.  Yolande  and  her  advisers, 
fearing  that  the  incursions  in  this  quarter,  if  un- 
checked, would  jeopardize  the  communications  across 
the  Alps,  had  entreated  the  duke  of  Milan  to  guard 
the  passes.  Receiving  only  civil  evasions  in  reply, 
they  planned  an  enterprise  in  which  the  duke  of 
Burgundy  promised  his  cooperation.  It  was  agreed 
that  two  or  three  thousand  troops  should  be  sent  from 
Turin  across  the  Saint-Bernard,  and  be  joined  by  an 
equal  or  stronger  body  of  Burgundians  proceeding  up 


!.i  i^ 


*^  DdpSches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  passim.  —  Schilling.  —  Knebel. 


372 


VACILLATION  OF  YOLANDE. 


[BOOK  V. 


M...fci 


the  valley  of  the  Rhone.  Such  an  operation  required 
for  its  success  a  greater  nicety  of  combination  than 
might  have  been  feasible  with  good  generalship.  The 
Burgundians,  entangled  among  the  marshes  of  the 
Rhone,  were  still  at  a  day's  march  from  the  desig- 
nated point  of  junction,  when  the  Piedmontese,  who 
had  descended  into  the  plain  without  meeting  any 
obstacle  or  observing  any  precautions,  were  surprised 
and  routed.  They  fled  back  over  the  pass,  leaving 
the  ascent  as  far  as  the  hospice  strewed  with  corpses ; 
while  the  Burgundians,  more  wary  or  more  fortunate, 
escaped  with  but  slight  molestation  in  the  opposite 
direction.*" 

Such  failures,  coupled  with  the  general  outlook  of 
affairs,  could  not  but  have  a  depressing  effect  on  the 
mind  of  the  regent.  She  ^-^d  begun  to  perceive  that 
her  hopes  of  triumph  an  ■  .  erge  were  doomed  to 
be  disappointed  —  that  hti  perils  had  in  truth  been 
immensely  increased  by  the  presence  of  that  aid  on 
which  she  had  built  her  expectations  of  safety.  But 
how  was  she  now  to  extricate  herself?  Her  honor, 
her  fears,  her  lingering  hopes  combined  to  deter  her 
from  open  defection.  She  sent  a  message  to  her 
brother;  but  Commines,  who  seems  to  have  had 
charge  of  the  affair,  failed  to  extract  any  frank  dec- 
larations, and  ascribed  to  ambiguities  of  character 
a  vacillation  which  had  its  real  source  in  her  em- 
barrassments and  her  scruples."®  With  the  privity, 
though  without  the  participation,  of  Charles,  she  tried 


*•  Letters  in  Knebel.  —  Schilling. 
— Depeches  Milanaises. 


'"  Commines,  torn.  ii.  pp.  18,  19. 


CHAP.  II.] 


IMPERIAL  POLICY. 


373 


to  open  a  negotiation  with  Freyburg  —  an  attempt 
quickly  frustrated  by  the  vigilance  of  Berne.'''  She 
also  addressed  an  appeal  to  the  emperor,  setting 
forth  in  a  tone  of  feminine  earnestness  the  injuries 
she  had  suffered  from  the  Swiss  and  her  claims  to 
protection  as  an  unoffending  subject  of  the  Empire."'' 

Frederick  was  by  no  means  indifferent  to  a  crisis 
in  which  his  personal  interests  were  to  some  extent 
involved.  For  these  he  was  not  slack  in  providing. 
He  sent  an  envoy  to  Lausanne,  to  obtain,  before  it 
should  be  too  late,  a  written  ratification  of  the  contract 
of  marriage  between  Mary  and  Maximilian.  It  was 
arranged  that  the  ceremony  should  take  place  at 
Cologne,  on  the  10th  of  November  following.**'  For 
the  present  the  agreement  was  still  kept  secret.  It 
was  in  fact  a  testamentary  disposition  on  the  part  of 
Charles.  Should  he  perish,  he  would  at  least  have 
left  a  guardian  for  his  daughter,  some  bar  to  the  ra- 
pacity of  his  rival.  This  point  secured,  the  emperor 
was  not  unwilling  to  issue  one  of  his  "  high  mandates," 
for  preventing  the  catastrophe  which  he  might  hope 
would  now  do  him  no  harm.  Proclamation  was  made 
of  the  peace  he  had  concluded,  and  warning  given  to 
the  Swiss  and  their  allies  that  they  were  no  longer 
fighting  under  his  sanction.  Unless  they  laid  down 
their  arms  and  made  reparation  to  Savoy,  they  might 
expect  to  be  put  under  the  ban  of  the  Empire.^* 

Far  from  endeavoring  to  dissuade  the  duke  from 


f  f, 


ii! 


*'  DeutschMissiven-BuchC.  ^¥(Si. 
—  Depcches  MiLnaises.  —  Hisely, 
Hist,  du  Comte  de  Gnijere,  torn.  ii. 


**  Chmel,  B.  L 

"  Ibid. 

^*  Dcpeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 


374 


ILLNESS  OP  CHARLES. 


[book  v. 


0.\ 


,  ) 


the  further  prosecution  of  his  enterprise,  Frederick 
promised  his  own  cooperation,  with  that  of  Sigismund 
and  other  princes,  in  some  dimly-defined  future.  This, 
indeed,  was  what  Charles  had  a  right  to  expect.  Was 
he  not  playing  precisely  that  part  which  the  house  of 
Austria  had  so  earnestly  besought  him  to  undertake  ? 
As  its  champion,  though  in  his  own  despite,  he  was 
entitled  to  the  warmest  encouragement.  HSssler,  the 
imperial  envoy,  having  made  some  allusion  to  en- 
deavors of  the  French  monarchs  in  former  times  to 
seduce  the  Swiss  from  their  allegiance  to  the  Empire, 
Charles  remarked  that  this  was  just  what  the  present 
king  was  doing;  that  in  fact  the  whole  aim  of  his 
policy  was  to  aggrandize  France  by  the  absorption  of 
imperial  fiefs;  and  he  instanced  the  course  which 
Louis  was  even  now  pursuing  in  regard  to  Provence. 
The  envoy  replied  that  the  best  precaution  in  that 
case  would  be  for  the  emperor  to  bestow  Provence 
upon  some  other  prince,  on  the  duke  of  Burgundy 
himself  for  example  —  an  intimation  so  agreeable, 
that  Charles,  who  had  been  dictating  a  letter  to  the 
pope,  ordered  his  secretary  to  add  a  postscript  recom- 
mending Hassler  for  a  cardinal's  hat.** 

While  his  perplexities  were  at  their  height,  the 
duke,  for  the  first  time  in  his  life,  was  attacked  by  a 
serious  illness.  It  had  come  on  gradually,  an  exces- 
sive paleness  and  feverish  turns  being  the  earliest 
symptoms  noticed.  After  a  while,  his  stomach  re- 
jected food,  he  was  unable  to  sleep,  and  a  swelling 
of  the  legs  led  to  apprehensions  of  dropsy.     By  the 


"  Notizenblatt,  1856,  s.  160, 176. 


CHAP.  II.] 


ILLNESS  OF  CHARLES. 


875 


physicians  the  malady  was  attributed  to  the  fatigues 
he  had  undergone,  his  exposure  to  a  humid  atmos- 
phere, and  his  habit  of  drinking  in  the  morning  a  bowl 
of  warm  barley  water  under  the  notion  of  expelling 
noxious  vapors.'"'  They  insisted  on  his  taking  wine 
and  changing  his  hard  couch  for  a  feather  bed,  and, 
when  he  had  become  too  weak  to  rise,  induced 
him  to  let  himself  be  removed  to  lodgings  in  Lau- 
sanne." Yolande's  physician  watched  by  his  couch 
day  and  night;  but  Angelo  Catto,  whose  skill  in 
divination  as  well  as  in  medicine,  was  to  bring  him 
soon  afterwards  into  close  relations  with  Louis  of 
France,  had  the  chief  charge  of  the  patient,  or  at 
least  received  the  chief  credit  of  saving  his  life.'^  The 
Bur^undian  ministers  took  advantai  "  of  their  master's 
condition  to  extort  his  consent  to  their  sending  the 
Sire  de  Contay  on  a  futile  mission  to  the  king.  On 
more  important  points  his  resolution  was  not  to  be 
shaken.  Before  he  had  fully  recovered  he  was  again 
abroad,  urging  forward  the  preparations,  and  exhibit- 


"  DepC'ches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 
pp.  60,  105  et  al.  —  Some  writers, 
with  more  zeal  than  knowledge, 
have  discovered  that  drunkenness 
was  the  cause  of  this  illness.  The 
spies  of  Berne,  who  ascribed  it  — 
as  in  fact  Charles  himself  did  —  to 
trouble  and  melancholy,  furnished 
their  masters  with  gratifying  details 
of  ids  condition,  describing  him  as 
having  fits  of  delirium  and  raving, 
as  seeing  the  Evil  One  at  his  bed- 
side, &c.  (Deutsch  Missiven-Buch 
C,  892.  MS.)  There  is  an  illustra- 
tion in  Schilling,  exhibiting  a  scene 


of  this  kind ;  the  portrait  there  giv- 
en of  Charles  is  apparently  the 
original  of  one  which  disgraces  the 
Museum  in  the  Ducal  Palace  at 
Dijon,  and  which  we  suspect  to  be 
the  same  as  was  formerly  kept  at 
Morat,  whence  it  is  now  missing. 
We  have  seen  a  copy  at  Berne. 

"  According  to  a  tradition  he 
occupied  a  house  still  standing  in 
the  Hue  du  Bourg. 

**  Commines  (who,  however,  con- 
founds this  real  illness  with  an  im- 
aginary one  after  the  battle  of 
Morat). 


376 


THE  ARMY  REORGANIZED. 


[book  v. 


c 


ing  a  greater  impatience  than  ever  to  enter  on  an- 
other campaign.  On  the  9th  of  May  he  held  a  review 
of  his  troops,  in  presence  of  the  regent  and  the  foreign 
ambassadors.  Though  still  very  pale  and  incapable 
of  wearing  his  armor,  he  spent  five  hours  in  the  sad- 
dle, directing  all  the  manoeuvres  in  person,  riding 
from  troop  to  troop,  noting  every  fault,  and  occasion- 
ally using  his  baton  to  enforce  his  rebukes.'" 

Exclusive  of  garrisons  and  other  detachments,  the 
force  he  had  succeeded  in  collecting  hardly  amounted 
to  twenty  thousand  men.  The  condition  of  Lorraine 
had  kept  back  the  expected  succors  from  that  quar- 
ter; and  though  in  Italy  thousands  of  disbanded 
mercenaries  had  offered  themselves  for  enlistment, 
their  exorbitant  demands,  coupled  with  an  evident 
disrelish  for  hard  fighting,  had  soon  put  a  stop  to 
recruiting.  From  the  Netherlands  twelve  hundred 
pikemen  had  arrived,  and  more,  it  was  said,  were 
to  follow.  The  artillery  comprised  some  half  dozen 
siege  guns,  as  many  mortars,  and  a  considerable 
number  of  field-pieces.  There  was  still  a  great  defi- 
ciency of  tents,  arms,  and  accoutrements,  and  a  general 
absence  of  that  splendor  which  had  formerly  charac- 
terized the  Burgundian  armies.  In  points  of  training 
the  defects  were  equally  manifest  and  of  still  greater 
moment.  To  remedy  these  Charles  gave  orders  for 
a  more  careful  and  continual  drilling  in  companies. 
He  also  decided,  in  a  council  of  his  princi;^  al  captains, 
on  some  new  regulations,  adopted  partly  from  neces- 
sity, partly  to  meet  the  requirements  of  mountain 


'*  D^p@ches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  pp.  ISS-Hi*^. 


CHAP.  II.] 


TII£  ARMY  REORGANIZED. 


377 


warfare.  In  the  conveyance  of  the  lighter  baggage, 
mules  and  pack-horses  were  to  be  substituted  for 
wagons.  Several  thousand  archers  were  di.smount- 
ed,  with  the  object  as  well  of  improving  their  aim 
as  of  reducing  the  expense.  The  bulk  of  the  in- 
fantry were  to  be  furnished  with  pikes,  the  simplest 
of  weapons,  which  were  ordered,  however,  of  an  ex- 
traordinary length,  in  the  hope  of  competing  with 
the  Swiss  spears.*^  Otbor  changes  of  a  more  radi- 
cal nature  formed  the  subject  of  an  ordinance,  re- 
markal»le,  among  the  similar  documents  of  the  period, 
for  an  approximation  in  some  of  its  features  to  mod- 
ern systems  of  military  organization. 

In  place  of  the  time-honored  three  divisions,  the 
army  was  broken  up  into  eight  battalions  and  a 
reserve,  embracing  respectively  troops  of  all  arms. 
Five  hundred  pikemen,  six  hundred  archers,  and  two 
hundred  lances  —  sixteen  hundred  cavalry  —  were 
assigned  to  each  battalion,  except  the  first  and  second, 
which  were  very  much  stronger  than  the  others,  the 
first  having  a  double  proportion  of  infantry,  while 
the  second  was  mainly  composed  of  the  heavy  squad- 
rons and  mounted  archers  of  the  ducal  guard.  When 
drawn  up,  two  battalions  were  to  form  a  double  line 
of  battle,  with  the  pikes, in  the  centre,  archers  and 
horse  on  both  flanks.    On  the  march  each  battalion 


'^  Depcches  Milanaises,  torn.  il. 
passim.  —  In  letters  of  the  council 
of  Berne  it  is  stated  that  the  new 
pikes  were  even  longer  than  the 
Swiss.  Berne  also  warned  its  allies 
that  it  was  not  the  arquebuses,  but 
VOL.  ra.  48 


the  spears,  that  the  enemy  feared. 
Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C.  ^-S. — 
According  to  Diodorus,  Darius,  af- 
ter his  defeat  at  Issus,  caused  his 
army  to  be  supplied  with  long  spears 
in  imitation  of  the  Macedonians. 


i  I 


'    1 

I 

! 
1 

1 

1 

i 
i 

111 

378 


THE  ARMY  REORGANIZED. 


[BOOK  V, 


would  form  a  separate  corps,  with  the  cavalry  in 
front.  The  artillery,  pack  animals,  and  wagons, 
under  escort,  were  to  move  on  the  flank  and  in  the 
rear  of  the  column,  in  a  prescribed  order,  to  be  modi- 
fied according  to  the  nature  of  the  country  and  the 
proximity  of  the  enem}^  Scouts  were  to  be  con- 
stantly sent  out,  to  gather  intelligence  and  guard 
against  a  surprise.  Minute  directions  were  given  for 
avoiding  confusion  or  delay  in  encamping  and  distrib- 
uting rations. 

Besides  the  company  commanders  there  was  a 
superior  officer  over  each  battalion,  and  a  chief,  or 
general  of  brigade,  over  each  double  battalion.  The 
highest  commands  were  assigned  to  the  duke  of 
Attri,  the  count  of  Marie,  the  prince  of  Tarento,  and 
the  count  of  Romont.  The  Great  Bastard,  under  the 
title  of  "  marshal  of  the  camp,"  was  to  exercise  the 
office  both  of  quartermaster-general  and  chief  of  the 
staff. 

In  respect  to  such  equipments  as  were  still  lacking, 
it  was  ordered  that  they  should  be  of  the  simplest 
description  consistent  with  utility,  neither  time  nor 
money  being  lavished  for  mere  pomp  or  display.  A 
rigid  enforcement  of  discipline  was  enjoined  upon 
the  officers.  Soldiers  who  left  their  ranks  or  strayed 
from  their  quarters  were  to  be  put  under  arrest  and 
reported  for  punishment.  In  friendly  territory  no 
act  of  pillage  or  violence  was  to  be  overlooked ;  even 
in  the  enemy's  territory  women  and  ecclesiastics  were 
to  be  strictly  respected.  Offenders  in  these  particu- 
lars were   to   suffer  death,  their  commanders  being 


CBAF.  II.] 


REMOVAL  TO  MORllENS. 


379 


held  responsible  for  the  due  enforcement  of  the 
penalty  under  forfeit  of  their  own  lives.  Vice  of  all 
kinds  was  to  be  discountenanced.  A  diet  of  bread 
and  water  was  prescribed  for  those  who  made  use 
of  profane  or  blasphemous  language.  Women  of 
loose  lives  were  not  to  be  allowed  to  follow  the 
march ;  and,  by  way  of.  subduing  the  inflamed  der 
sires  of  the  soldiers,  their  officers  were  to  make  them 
drink  copiously  of  cold  water."^ 

That  he  might  have  better  facilities  for  tightening 
the  reins  he  had  thus  imposed,  the  duke  determined 
on  transferring  his  camp,  for  the  short  remaining 
interval  of  preparation,  to  a  somewhat  greater  dis- 
tance from  Lausanne.  A  suitable  position  was  found 
near  the  village  of  Morrens,  in  the  district  of  Echal- 
lens,  and  the  troops  proceeded  to  the  ground  during 
the  last  week  of  May.  On  the  27th  Charles  paid  a 
farewell  visit  to  the  regent,  holding  a  long  conversa- 
tion with  her  in  private.  It  was  arranged  between 
them  that  Yolande  should  go  and  await  the  result 
at  Gex,  on  the  road  from  Geneva  to  the  pass  of  Saint- 
Claude,  by  which,  in  case  of  disaster  and  danger,  she 
would  be  able,  in  a  few  hours,  to  take  refuge  on  Bur- 
gundian  soil.*''' 

As  the  critical  moment  drew  near,  the  interest  of 
the  spectators  increased,  leading  to  more  decided 
efforts  to  prevent  the  apprehended  catastrophe.  It 
was  felt  that  the  consequences  would  not  be  limited 
to  the  parties  engaged.     The  career  of  Charles,  sub- 


illi-iii' 


nil 


^'  Depuches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 
pp.  159-174. 


ea 


Ibid.  pp.  195-197. 


li'M  ! 


380 


VIEWS  OF  BYSTANDERS. 


[BOOK  V, 


lili' 


Gi 


II 


versive  and  aggrandizing  as  it  was,  had  yet  some- 
thing conservative  in  its  tendencies  and  influence. 
Those  who  stood  in  dread  of  the  encroachments  of 
the  French  king,  and  those  who  desired  to  limit  the 
growth  of  the  Austrian  and  imperial  powor,  were 
alike  accustomed  to  look  upon  the  house  of  Burgun- 
dy as  their  natural  bulwark.  That  it  was  even  more 
than  this,  that  it  was  a  bulwark  of  France  against 
the  Empire  and  of  the  Empire  against  France,  was 
not  yet  perceived.  Yet  this  too  came  to  be  per- 
ceived—  when  too  late. 

Among  the  advisers  of  Yolande  —  as  in  Yolande's 
own  breast  —  there  was  a  divided  sentiment.  Some 
were  still  devoted  to  the  Burgundian  interests  and 
hopeful  of  a  Burgundian  triumph.  Others,  having 
lost  all  faith  in  Charles,  were  thrown  upon  the  oppo- 
site horn  of  the  dilemma,  and  fancied  that  relief 
might  be  obtained  from  the  intervention  and  good 
ofl&ces  of  Milan.  The  bishop  of  Turin,  who  was  the 
leader  of  this  party,  drew  up  and  transmitted  to  Sfor- 
za  a  paper  entreating  that  prince  to  exert  his  influ- 
ence against  the  prosecution  of  a  design  which  could 
only  end  in  the  ruin  of  the  house  of  Savoy.  The 
representations  on  the  subject  would  come  with  more 
eflect  if  made  through  a  special  envoy,  a  man  well 
versed  in  military  affairs.  Ostensibly  the  mission 
might  be  one  of  congratulation  to  the  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy on  his  recovered  health.  By  a  natural  tran- 
sition he  could  then  be  advised  to  have  a  more  care- 
ful regard  for  his  own  person,  and  not  to  expose 
himself  to  fresh  fatigues  and  dangers.    He  should  be 


til 


'ti 


CHAP,  n.] 


DISSUASIONS  AND  WARNINGS. 


381 


^en  more 


told  that  the  duke  of  Milan  desired  not  less  earnestly 
than  himself  the  overthrow  of  the  Swiss,  and,  if  he 
were  to  follow  simply  his  own  inclinations,  would  be 
ready  to  join  in  attacking  them,  nor  desist  till  they 
were  utterly  destroyed.  They  were  in  truth  a  pack 
of  rabid  wolves,  menacing  to  the  existence  of  princes 
and  of  the  whole  order  of  nobility.  But  this  was 
itself  a  reason  for  abstaining  from  an  encounter  with 
them,  for  not  leading  against  them  an  army  like  the 
Burgundian,  full  of  high-born  men,  the  loss  of  the 
least  of  whom  would  be  poorly  compensated  by  the 
slaughter  of  a  host  of  them.  And  what  advantage 
would  follow  from  a  victory  ?  No  profit ;  for  full 
possession  of  their  country  would  not  add  five  thou- 
sand ducats  to  the  revenues  of  the  conqueror.  No 
renown ;  on  the  contrary,  he  who  was  the  most  glo- 
rious and  powerful  prince  in  the  whole  world  would 
only  sully  his  dignity  by  a  contest  with  such  wretches. 
But  if  he  should  be  defeated  by  them,  —  which  God 
avert !  —  his  honor  would  be  lost,  and  he  would  be 
exposed  to  incalculable  evils.  Let  him  then  be  con- 
tent with  the  glory  he  had  acquired  by  his  victories 
over  France.  By  making  a  truce  with  the  Swiss,  he 
would  preserve  his  reputation  undiminished,  and  he 
would  frustrate  the  hopes  and  purposes  of  the  French 
king.«' 

Sforza  was  not  indisposed  to  act  on  these  sugges- 
tions. His  own  views  had  of  late  materially  changed. 
His  exultation  over  the  event  at  Grandson  had  been 
greatly  damped  by  the  cool  reception  given  to  his 


H  !ii 


"  D4p§ohes  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  pp.  201-204. 


382 


VIEWS  OF  BYSTANDERS. 


[BOOE  T, 


I 


fVli 


^JSk": 


&"ll 


C\ 


overtures  by  Louis,  and  by  the  intimation  that  the 
latter  had  his  own  plans  and  was  biding  his  own 
time.  It  had  begun  to  dawn  upon  him  that  the  vic- 
tories of  the  Swiss,  which  were  clearing  away  all 
obstacles  to  the  ambition  and  dominion  of  the  king, 
might  fail  to  afford  those  opportunities  of  which  he 
himself  had  been  dreaming.  He  was  beginning, 
therefore,  to  feel  a  real  solicitude  about  the  fate  of 
his  ally,  and  had  recently  sent  him  a  hint  of  a  plot 
against  his  life,  to  be  put  in  practice  during  the  ensu- 
ing campaign.  Charles  had  listened  attentively,  but 
replied  that  he  believed  the  rumor  to  be  a  mere  in- 
vention intended  to  keep  him  from  moving  j  but  even 
if  it  were  true,  he  preferred  death  to  dishonor.^  After 
such  an  answer  any  further  dissuasions  could  be  of 
little  use ;  yet  Sforza,  while  he  did  not  choose  to 
compromise  himself  more  deeply  by  sending  a  special 
embassy,  instructed  Panigarola  to  make  the  repre- 
sentations contained  in  the  memorial  which  had  been 
sent  him. 

No  person  could  have  been  better  qualified  for  the 
delicate  task.  Besides  being  thoroughly  versed  in 
his  profession  and  per.ectly  acquainted  with  Charles's 
character,  Panigarola  seems  not  to  have  been  without 
a  feeling  of  regard  f-^r  one  with  whom  he  had  been  in 
daily  intercourse  while  fortune  was  still  at  the  flood 
and  since  it  had  begun  to  ebb.  Two  months  ago, 
when  nothing  had  been  visible  but  shallows  and 
rocks,  he  had  ventured  to  hint  at  the  propriety  of 
adopting  a  temporizing  course.     The   duke  had  re- 


64 


Panigarola  to  Sforza,  May  14,  Notizenblatt,  1856,  s.  179. 


CHAP.  tl.J 


DISSUASIONS  AND  WARNINGS. 


383 


plied  that  the  general  state  of  his  affairs,  and  espe- 
cially his  changed  relations  with  England,  made  it 
necessary  that  he  should  finish  up  the  business  in 
hand  without  delay,  so  as  to  be  able  to  return  to 
Flanders.  To  an  inquiry  whether  the  Swiss  had 
manifested  any  disposition  to  negotiate,  he  had  an- 
swered in  the  negative.  Nor,  he  added,  would  he 
have  listened  to  any  overtures.  He  should  count  the 
man  an  enemy,  ay,  if  it  were  his  dearest  friend,  who 
should  now  talk  to  him  of  peace.  He  had  made  a  sol- 
emn vow  to  recover  his  reputation  or  to  die  in  battle.^ 
On  the  present  occasion  he  listened  more  patiently 
and  responded  with  comparative  calmness,  though 
with  the  same  unwavering  resolution,  entering  at 
some  length  into  the  motives  of  his  conduct.  TL^ 
provocation  and  offence,  he  said,  had  come  from  the 
Swiss.  He  could  not  sit  down  under  the  infamy  of 
having  been  defeated  by  a  nation  of  brutes,  and  ex- 
posed to  the  continual  repetition  of  their  attacks. 
For  their  practice  would  be  the  same  as  before.  In- 
etigated  by  the  king,  —  perhaps  in  conjunction  with 
the  king, —  they  would  go  on  assailing  him,  now  here, 
now  there,  until  by  degrees  he  should  be  ruined."^ 
Moreover  he  was  determined  to  recover  his  rights  in 
Alsace.  He  would  never  consent  that  anything  that 
was  lawfully  his  should  be  wrested  from  him  without 


**  Ddpfiches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 
pp.  15,  16. 

"  "  Non  essere  deliberata  vivei'e 
al  mondo  con  questa  infamia  di  es- 
sere stata  rotta  di  questi  populi 
bestial!,  ne  vedersi  perdcre  il  suo  a 
palmo  a  palmo,  como  saria  a  questo 


inodo.  Perche  ora  persuasi  dal  Re 
di  Franza  ora  con  la  Maesta  Soa  si 
levarano  ct  mo  in  un  canto  mo  in 
altro  li  farano  guerra  e  damnificara- 
no  como  anno  facto  et  fanno  de 
continue." 


'!!li 


384 


VIEWS  OF  BYSTANDERS. 


[BOOK  V, 


lis.,, 


' :! 


resistance.  No,  if  the  imperial  crown  were  offered  to 
him  as  the  price  of  dishonor,  he  would  renounce  it 
rather  than  submit! 

"  I  know  well,"  he  continued,  "  that  I  am  risking 
position  —  life  —  all.  But  I  will  trust  in  God  and  my 
just  cause." "'"'  If  there  was  much  to  lose,  there  was 
much  also  to  gain.  Victory  would  restore  his  credit, 
liberate  him  from  danger,  give  security  to  his  states, 
establish  his  authority  in  Savoy,  and  cover  the  king 
with  confusion.  His  army  was  now  in  such  numbers 
as  to  give  him  confidence,  and  he  would  move  with 
the  caution  which  his  friends  had  recommended. 
, .  Finding  that  he  could  bear  to  look  at  the  opposite 
chances,  Panigarola,  while  assenting  to  the  probability 
of  victory,  again  recounted  the  consequences  of  defeat 
The  safety,  not  only  of  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  but  of 
all  his  allien,  was  at  stake.  Savoy  would  be  utterly 
ruined ;  the  peril  would  extend  to  Milan.  Sforza  had 
lately  intimated  that  he  was  not  indisposed  to  co- 
operate in  an  enterprise  against  France ;  and  Charles 
had  spoken  of  sending  a  messenger  to  learn  how  far 
he  could  rely  upon  this  talk  and  whether  any  ar- 
rangement were  feasible.  While  he  had  shown  him- 
self loath  to  ask  for  any  assistance  against  the  Swiss, 
he  considered  a  war  with  France  as  a  thing  only  to 
be  undertaken  by  several  powers  in  concert.  Paniga- 
rola now  urged  that  he  should  wait  to  hear  the  result. 
Perhaps  the  answer  might  be  such  as  to  lead  him  to 


•'  "  Cognoscere  bene  li  mette  il  sen'itu  et  assicurarsi  di  costoro, . . . 
state,  la  vita  et  tuto  a  periculo.  et  sperare  in  nostro  Sig'*  et  in  la 
Ma  questo  fa  per  liberarsi  di  questa    justitia." 


CHAP.  II.] 


DISSUASIONS  AND  WARNINGS 


385 


change  his  plans.  He  replied  that  he  would  willingly 
wait;  and  he  desired  that  his  cordial  thanks  should  be 
given  to  the  duke  of  Milan  for  the  interest  shown 
in  his  welfare.  But  nothing  would  induce  him  to 
abandon  his  undertaking.  His  honor,  he  said,  was 
at  stake ;  and  in  fine  he  would  try  the  cast,  and  get 
rid  of  the  vexations,  disgusts,  and  melancholy  which 
had  engendered  his  illness.^  If  he  were  victorious, 
he  should  be  able  to  live,  as  alone  he  desired  to  live, 
in  reputation  and  renown.  If  defeated,  he  hoped  to 
die  honorably  on  the  field  of  battle ;  for  were  he  so 
unfortunate  as  to  survive,  rather  than  continue  to 
live  he  would  throw  himself  into  a  well.  His  honor 
lost,  he  would  lose  his  life,  nor  stay  longer  in  the 
world  amidst  confusions  and  disputes.*'^  Further 
argument  only  inflamed  him,  and  Panigarola  wisely 
desisted.  Some  allusion  having  been  made  to  the 
emperor  and  his  endeavors  to  put  a  stoj,  to  the  war, 
"The  Swiss,"  SJid  Charles,  "will  i.ot  obey  him,  and  in 
that  they  are  righ;;;  for  if  I  would  have  consented  to 
join,  he  and  the  electoral  princes  would  long  ago 
have  undertaken  a  crusade  against  them.'"'" 

That  his  demeanor  in  this  conversation  should  have 
been  regarded  as  proof  of  an  intense  obstinacy,  was 
no  doubt  natural.    Yet  it  was  surely  not  the  obstinacy 


"  "Ideo  per  usire  di  questi  pi- 
fanni,  despiaceri  et  melanconie  che 
li  generano  queste  soe  infirmita  de- 
liberava  metterli  tuto  ad  un  tracto." 

*'  "  Si  perde  . .  .  intende  perdere 
la  vita,  ne  piu  stare  al  mondo,  e  qui 
per  confutatione  et  argumenti."-— 
VOL.  III.  49 


The  final  words  may,  perhaps,  be- 
long to  the  sentence  that  follows, 
of  which  the  sense,  owing  to  a  hia- 
tus, is  somewhat  obscure. 

""^  Ddpcches  Milanaises,  tcm.  ii. 
pp.  213-219. 


386 


VIEWS  OP  BYSTANDERS. 


[BOOK  V. 


0- 


\ 


m 


of  a  blind,  distempered,  or  illogical  mind.  A  wise 
statesman,  a  prudent  general,  would  have  acted  sim- 
ply on  a  cool  calculation  of  the  chances.  But  the 
motives  by  which  Charles  was  carried  away  compel  a 
degree  of  sympathy  for  the  man.  There  are,  it  is  true, 
persons  who  cannot  sympathize  with  princes.  This 
is  because  their  servile  instincts  make  them  look  at 
the  accidents,  not  at  the  essentials,  of  humanity. 

A  remonstrance  similar  in  substance,  but  expressed 
with  a  bluntness  altogether  foreign  to  the  tone  of 
Italian  diplomacy,  was  addressed  to  Charles,  about  the 
same  time,  by  the  king  of  Hungary.  Its  sincerity 
was  unquestionable,  for  in  the  policy  of  Corvinus 
there  was  no  crookedness  or  ambiguity.  His  whole 
career  was  one  of  steady  and  successful  resistance  to 
Austrian  domination.  This  principle  formed  the 
basis  of  his  alliance  with  Burgundy  j  and  he  saw  with 
indignation  a  power  which,  in  his  view,  had  been 
raised  up  as  a  barrier  to  imperial  encroachments, 
quitting  its  proper  sphere  and  dashing  itself  to  pieces 
on  a  remote  and  immovable  rock.  In  his  ignorance 
of  its  origin,  he  not  unnaturally  fancied  that  a  course 
so  injurious  to  his  own  interests  must  have  had  the 
same  origin  as  his  more  immediate  troubles  —  that 
his  cunning  enemy  had  laid  the  trap  and  his  ally  had 
gone  blindly  into  it.  So  warmly  did  he  feel  about 
the  matter  that,  in  addition  to  more  than  one  protest 
through  his  own  and  the  Burgundian  ambassadors,  he 
sent  a  private  letter  to  Charles,  in  the  following  out- 
spoken though  rhetorical  strain  :  — 

"  Illustrious  prince  :  We  cannot  sufficiently  wonder 


CHAP.  II.] 


DISSUASIONS  AND  WARNINGS. 


387 


that  you  should  have  been  so  glaringly  deceived,  and 
that,  after  having  once  already  tasted  the  fruits  of 
seduction  in  so  great  a  loss  and  disgrace,  you  should 
still  let  yourself  be  drawn  into  a  labyrinth,  from  which 
you   will   either  never  escape  or  escape  only  with 
damage  and  shame.     From  your  own  case,  and  from 
ours,  and  from  that  of  our  allies,  you  might  have  com- 
prehended the  craft  of  that  man,  who  is  always  plan- 
ning to  tie  a  bell,  as  the  saying  is,  round  the  neck  of 
those  whom  he  fears,  so  thai  they  may  never  be  able 
to  move  their  heads  without  a  premonitory  sound. 
What  could  be  more  burdensome  or  more  perilous  for 
you,  what  safer  or  more  agreeable  to  him,  than  your 
waging  a  war  on  that  unconquered  and  unconquer- 
able people  ?    He  knew  that,  in  the  chances  of  war, 
they  might  overthrow  you ;  he  had  no  fears  that  you 
would  overthrow  them.    For  how  are  those  to  be  van- 
quished who  are  protected  on  every  side  by  the  nature 
of  their  country  ?     How  are  those  to  be  vanquished 
who,  although  they  may  seem  to  be  rejected  by  the 
Empire,  would   at  once,  in  case  of  need,  have  the 
whole  Empire  to  back  them  ?    For  can  you  suppose 
that  he  would  be  pleased  at  seeing  the  men  extermi- 
nated whose  subjugation  would  leave  him  defenceless, 
would  entail,  in  fact,  his  own  subjugation  ?    Without 
risk  to  himself  he  has  precipitated  you  into  an  abj'ss, 
and  tied  you  where  you  are  exposed  to  the  loss  of 
your  possessions  and  your  life.     His  sole  object  is  to 
rid  himself  of  one  whom  he  has  good  reason  to  fear. 
We  speak  from  experience,  and  not  without  grief,  for 
we  regard  your  fortune,  whether  good  or  evil,  as  com- 


i|ii 


li       !■■ 


388 


VIEWS  OF  BYSTANDERS. 


[BOOK  V. 


fwii 


Gi 


I  I 


I 


mon  to  us  both.  Wherefore  we  exhort  you  to  pause 
before  falling  into  heavier  losses  and  greater  dangers. 
Be  assured  that,  should  fortune  smile  upon  your 
attacks  upon  that  people,  you  will  '  'e  the  whole 
Empire  against  you.  In  the  oppo.  contingency, — 
which  God  avert !  —  it  will  be  turned  into  a  common 
tale,  how  so  great  a  prince  was  overcome  by  rustics, 
whom  there  would  have  been  little  or  no  honor  in 
conquering,  to  be  conquered  by  whom  was  an  eternal 
disgrace.*"^' 

This  warning  did  not  reach  its  destination  till  after 
the  calamity  it  was  meant  to  avert  had  already  hap- 
pened. Nor,  had  it  come  sooner,  would  it  have  had 
any  effect.  Even  if  Charles  had  been  less  immova- 
ble, the  sharp  truths  contained  in  the  missive  were 
blunted  by  the  mixture  of  errors.  It  was  true  that 
Charles  had  fallen  into  a  snare;  but  the  hand  that 
had  laid  it  was  a  far  craftier  one  than  Frederick's.  It 
was  true  —  no  one  felt  the  bitter  truth  more  keenly 
than  Charles  —  that  to  be  overthrown  by  the  Swiss 
would  be  a  perpetual  disgrace.  But  it  was  not  true 
that  no  honor  was  to  be  gained  by  defeating  them. 
Charles's  own  honor,  of  which  they  had  made  booty, 
would  be  redeemed.  Nay,  it  was  certain  —  the  very 
arguments  used  to  dissuade  him  furnish  the  proof — 
that,  were  he  to  triumph  over  the  Swiss,  he  would 
rise  to  a  height  which  he  had  never  contemplated, 
and  see  Europe  prostrate  at  his  feet. 

Yet  these  facts  left  the  main  argument  against  him 
without  answer  or  means  of  evasion.     What  availed 


7>  Ddp@ches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  pp.  126-128. 


CHAP.  II.] 


ATTITUDE  OF  THE  SWISS. 


380 


it  that  he  had  a  just  cause,  that  he  could  not  go  back 
without  dishonor  and  continual  poril,  that  victory 
would  restore  him  to  security,  power,  and  renown  ? 
What  availed  all  this,  when  to  go  forward  was  certain 
ruin,  when  victory  was  unattainable,  when  the  Swiss 
were  in  very  truth  invincible  ? 

Never  had  they  shown  themselves  more  conscious 
of  their  invincibility  than  now.  Throughout  the 
greater  part  of  the  country  a  mutual  good  under- 
standing and  a  profound  calmness  existed.  No  ru- 
mors or  appeals  produced  any  excitement.  To  ail 
questions  as  to  the  course  they  intended  to  pursue 
Zurich  and  the  smaller  cantons  gave  a  clear  and  suf- 
ficient answer  :  "  We  will  take  no  part  in  aggressions 
or  invasions.  So  long  as  the  duke  of  Burgundy  re- 
mains on  his  own  soil  or  on  that  of  Savoy,  so  long  as 
he  offers  no  injury  to  us,  we  will  not  molest  him.  But 
if  he  enters  our  territory  or  that  of  our  Confed  rates, 
we  shall  use  our  natural  and  lawful  right  of  self- 
defence."  " 

To  more  precipitate  minds  this  attitude  had  the 
appearance  of  a  disinclination  for  battle.'^  But  it  was 
in  reality  the  true  Swiss  spirit  shining  forth  with  its 
old  lustre.  It  was  a  return  to  fhe  right  path,  to  the 
ancient  policy  of  the  Confederates,  from  which,  in  an 
evil  hour  and  led  by  Berne,  they  had  reluctantly 
strayed. 

But  the  authors  of  the  mischief  showed  no  such 
disposition  to  await  without  perturbation  the  course  of 
events.    Far  from  finding  satisftiction  in  the  thought 


"  Knebel,  2te  Abth.  s.  27. 


73 


Ibid. 


390 


FEELING  AT  BERNE. 


[BOOK  V. 


Ml  ! 


! 


that  the  war  had  assumed  an  appearance  of  rightful 
self-defence,  they  looked  upon  this  as  an  intolerable 
grievance.  They  had  not  begun  it  on  this  principle 
or  with  this  expectation.  They  had  counted  only  on 
the  rewards  and  the  spoils.  The  smitten  enemy  was 
to  be  held  fast  and  prevented  from  smiting  in  return. 

They  were  now,  consequently,  in  a  state  of  disap- 
pointment and  rage,  trying  at  one  moment  to  drive 
forward  at  their  former  pace,  talking  at  another  of 
undoing  all  their  past  work.  In  their  correspondence 
with  their  Confederates  they  still  k^pt  up  useless 
pleadings  for  bolder  measures.  They  treated  the 
imperial  message  as  a*  perfidious  attempt  to  deprive 
them  of  the  assisttance  of  their  allies,  denouncing 
Frederick  for  having  left  them  to  support  alone  a 
quarrel  into  which  they  had  entered  as  members  of 
the  Empire,  out  of  regard  for  its  honor,  and  as  a 
mere  act  of  o  edience.'* 

A  deeper  and  more  genuine  indignation  was  aroused 
by  the  conduct  of  the  monarch  to  whom  they  had 
really  rendered  their  service  and  submission.  Months 
had  slipped  away ;  the  king  had  exhausted  his  stock 
of  delusions ;  the  hour  of  action  was  at  hand,  and  he 
made  no  sign.  On  fhe  30th  of  May,  having  heard  of 
Charles's  departure  from  Lausanne,  and  supposing  him 
to  be  taking  the  field,  the  council  began  the  composi- 
tion of  a  letter  to  Louis,  which,  altered  and  realtered, 

"  "  Dann  wir  haben  als  zuglied  wir  zu  ere  in  solich  vecht  gewuchsen 

des  heiligen  Reiclis  us  bewegender  sind  von  uns  mitt  sunderung  sollt 

gehorsam  dis  vccht  an  uns  genoni-  zichen."    Deutsch    Missiveu-Buch 

men."  ..."  Sollen  billich  nit  boflen  C,  862-870. 
das  jemand  des  heilgen  Keichs  dem  ,  '       , 


CHAP.  II.] 


FINAL  SUMMONS  TO  THE  KINO. 


391 


now  abridged  and  now  expanded,  was  not  finished  till 
the  10th  of  June.     It  was  worded  as  Ibllows :  — 

"  From  many  former  letters,  sent  both  througli 
your  messengers  and  ours,  your  royal  majesty  has 
had  the  opportunity  of  learning  the  hostile  feeling 
of  the  duke  of  Burgundy  on  account  of  the  especial 
vassalage  and  duty  which  we  have  taken  upon  our- 
selves towards  ;  ou."  Prompted  and  aided  by  the 
duchess  of  Savoy,  he  has  made  his  preparations  before 
Lausanne,  laboring  day  and  night  to  strengthen  him- 
self with  men  and  material,  and  leaving  nothing  un- 
done to  provide  for  the  necessity.  Seeing  at  first  that 
the  thing  was  bringing  ruin  on  the  house  of  Savoy, 
and  was  also  putting  a  bar  between  you  and  us,  so 
that  our  forces  might  be  prevented  from  uniting,  we 
long  since  admonished  your  royal  majesty,  in  virtue 
of  our  alliance,  to  assail  the  common  enemy  with  you," 
whole  power.  But  though  your  royal  letters  and 
messages  gave  us  assurances  to  this  effect,  the  matter 
is  turning  out  to  our  no  slight  injury,  and  very 
differently  from  what  the  late  praiseworthy  knight 
Nicholas  von  Diesbach,  whom  God  assoil,  and  still 
more  the  honorable  provost  of  Munster,  had  given  us 
to  understand  Avould  happen  in  case  such  need  should 
ever  arise.  It  is  evidently  in  the  hope  that  your 
royal  majesty  will  not  meddle  with  him,  that  the 
duke  has  been  carrying  on  his  preparations  against 
us ;  while  we,  on  the  other  hand,  relying  confidently 
on  your  succor,  have  awaited  its  approach,  intending 

'*  "  Von  besunder  dienstbarkeit     haben  uff  uns  emphangen." 
und  pflicht  wcgen  so  wir  gegen  uch 


392 


FINAL  SUMMONS  TO  THE  KING. 


[BOOK  V. 


to  join  it  with  our  forces,  as  we  had  understood  to  be 
your  royal  majesty's  strongest  desire.  The  load  is 
now  falling  heavily  upon  us.  What  in  the  beginning 
might  have  been  eflfected  with  little  labor  will  now 
prove  a  matter  of  difficulty.  Since,  however,  the 
duke  is  about  to  attack  our  town,  with  the  purpose, 
if  he  can,  of  destroying  it  utterly, —  which  God  avert! 
—  we  summon,  request,  and  beseech  your  royal 
majesty,  by  virtue  of  our  treaty,  as  strongly  and 
earnestly  as  we  can  and  may,  to  march  against  him 
through  Savoy,  with  all  your  power  and  without  any 
delay.  Take  this  summons  to  heart,  and  let  it  not 
again,  as  hitherto,  die  away  in  empty  sound ! ''"  This 
is  what  our  treaty  requires;  so  justice  demands;  it 
was  in  the  hope  and  assurance  of  this,  confiding  in  it 
as  in  a  solid  wall,  that  we  from  the  beginning  plunged 
into  this  foul  sink  of  war.^''  Tiiink  not  to  profit  by 
procrastination !  We  hold  it  certain  that,  if  the  duke 
be  successful  against  us,  he  will  then  turn  upon  your 
royal  majesty,  as  the  one  at  whose  instigation  we 
entered  into  this  quarreU^  Wherefore,  if  your  royal 
majesty  will  put  forth  all  your  strength  to  drive  him 
away,  —  which,  if  earnestly  undertaken,  may  be  easily 
accomplished,  —  then  will  we  also  use  all  our  might 
and  best  endeavors. 

"  But  if  otherwise,  then  will  we  bethink  ourselves, 
and  turn  our  affair  into  a  different  and  more  advanta- 
geous course,  no  longer  exposing  our  happiness  to 

'*  "  Und  solich  mannung  zu  hert-  confisi  in  banc  guerraruni  sentinam 

zcn  nam  und  furder  nit  als  bisher  ab  initio  venissimus." 
verhallt."  "  "  Als  die  durch  der  anvechtung 

''"'  "  Quibas  ceu  muro  fii'missimo  vdr  in  dis  viicbt  gewachsen  sind." 


:\       i 


CHAP.  II.] 


FINAL  SUMMONS  TO  THE  KING. 


303 


empty  words  and  promises.'^  To  prevent  this  is  in 
your  power,  Most  Christian  King !  ^  Out  of  pure  trust 
we  have  attached  ourselves  to  you,  and,  if  we  are 
truly  dealt  with,  purpose  to  continue  faithful,  with  the 
help  of  God,  who  ever  preserve  your  royal  majesty. 
And  we  desire  an  answer,  without  any  putting  ofi^ 
by  this  messenger."®^ 

AVhen  they  came  to  read  over  these  blunt  and 
threatening  expressions,  the  writers  were  either 
struck  by  the  impropriety  of  their  thus  addressing 
so  potent  and  gracious  a  king,  or  they  feared  that 
the  effect  might  be  different  from  what  they  intend- 
ed. They  proceeded,  therefore,  to  change  some  of 
the  more  objectionable  phrases.  Then,  finding  that  a 
sentence  thus  corrected  had  become  altogether  point- 
less, they  struck  it  out.  Finally,  with  three  strokes 
of  the  pen  they  erased  the  whole  of  the  last  para- 
graph, inserting  instead  one  of  their  commonplace 
effusions  of  humility,  devotion,  and  continued  confi- 
dence.®^ By  the  time,  however,  that  the  letter  thus 
amended  was  ready  for  transmission,  the  urgency  of 
the  situation  had  again  suggested  the  necessity  of 
making  this  final  appeal  as  forcible  as  possible.     A 


um  sentinam 


'*  "  Ob  ab'  anders  so  werden  wir 
gedencken  unnssrer  sache  ein  andre 
und  fruchtbare  weg  zu  furstechen, 
und  unsser  gluck  nitt  alien  wort- 
en  und  verheissungen  zubevelken." 

*"  "  Das  nitt  zu  beschechen  ist 
in  uwer  gewallt  aller  Cristernlichst 
konig." 

*'  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  887 
et  seq.  MS.  Lateinisches  Missi- 
voL.  III.  60 


ven-Buch  A,  456  et  seq.  MS. 

**  The  erasures  and  interlineations 
are  made  in  such  a  manner  that 
in  every  stroke  of  the  pen  —  now 
strong,  now  faint,  sometimes  leaving 
a  sentence  unfinished,  sometimes 
stopping  in  the  middle  of  a  word 
—  one  can  read,  after  the  lapse  of 
four  centuries,  the  precise  emotion 
that  impelled  or  checked  the  hand. 


394 


FINAL  SUMMONS  TO  THE  KING. 


[BOOK  V. 


!■  I 


postscript  was  therefore  added,  in  a  style  supposed  to 
be  adapted  to  the  character  it  was  designed  to  oper- 
ate upon,  a  ruse  being  employed  to  arouse  a  sense  of 
personal  danger,  and  touching  reminders  thrown  in 
to  stimulate  the  blunted  sense  of  personal  honor. 

"  We  learned  an  hour  ago  that  the  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy had  burned  his  camp  and  was  on  the  move ; 
and  supposing  at  first  that  it  was  against  us,  we  im- 
mediately summoned  our  forces  to  repel  his  invasion 
and  drive  him  off!  But  we  understand  that  he  is 
marching  in  the  direction  of  your  royal  majesty.  (!) 
If  it  be  with  a  hostile  purpose,  we  shall  joyfully  con- 
clude that  it  is  because  you  are  yourself  taking  the 
field,  and  we  shall  keep  you  supplied  with  informa- 
tion, as  desiring  your  safety,  advantage,  and  success 
not  less  than  our  own.  Should  it,  however,  be  the 
duke's  intention  to  seek  and  conclude  an  arrange- 
ment with  your  royal  majesty,  so  that  he  may  the 
more  easily  fall  upon  and  oppress  us,  —  who  came 
into  this  war  at  the  prompting  and  in  the  service  of 
your  royal  majesty,*'  —  then  we  beg  of  you  to  make 
such  provision,  and  to  take  such  steps,  on  our  behalf, 
as  shall  correspond  with  the  hope  and  high  confi- 
dence we  have  placed  in  your  royal  majesty,  who 
have  so  often  offered  to  live  and  die  with  us  —  words 
which  will  never  be  erased  from  our  memory.  On 
our  part  we  shall  omit  nothing  that  becomes  the  rep- 
utation of  upright  men.  As  in  the  past  the  manifold 
attempts  of  the  duke  of  Burgundy  to  separate  us 


'■'  "Die    (lurch    anwissen    und      diessen  krieg  komen  sind." 
dientslicher  neigung  uw  k.  m.  in 


CHAP.  II.] 


EMPLOYMENTS  OB  LOUIS. 


395 


from  your  royal  majesty  have  never  been  able  to 
draw  us  into  any  unseemliness,  so  we  shall  maintain 
the  same  honorable  persistence  in  the  future,  under 
the  favor  of  God,  to  whom  we  commit  your  royal 
majesty,  desiring  a  special  and  precise  answer  by  this 
messenger."  ^ 

Such  a  letter  could  not  fail  to  inspire  Louis  with 
the  liveliest  satisfaction.  It  gave  him  the  assurance 
that  his  labors  had  been  crowned  with  success,  that 
his  victims  were  conscious  of  being  hopelessly  caught, 
that  he  need  give  himself  no  further  trouble. 

It  was  a  mistake  of  the  Swiss  to  suppose  that  he 
had  of  late  been  absolutely  idle.  As  usual  he  had 
profited  by  the  suspense  to  take  up  some  of  the  loose 
threads  hanging  from  the  web  of  his  vast  and  intri- 
cate policy.  With  one  long  outstretched  arm  he  had 
seized  upon  the  duke  of  Nemours,  the  last  survivor  of 
the  Armagnac  nest  of  intriguers,  purposing,  if  all 
went  well,  to  send  him  to  a  cage  in  the  Bastille,  and 
have  such  revelations  as  were  wanted  squeezed  out 
of  him  by  due  process,  before  handing  him  over  to 
the  headsman.^  Another  portion  of  the  royal  forces, 
under  the  duke  of  Bourbon,  was  just  taking  posses- 
sion of  the  principality  of  Orange.^  More  than  a 
year  before,  William  of  Orange,  while  crossing  the 
territory   of  France   in  a  time  of  peace,  had   been 


"  DeutschMissiven-BuchC.  MS. 
—  The  date  of  the  letter  is  May  30, 
and  that  of  the  postscript  June  10, 
in  the  Lateinisches  Missiven-lJuch ; 
in  the  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  the 
latter  date  only  is  given.  Portions 
of  this   document  are  printed   in 


Schilling  and  Stettler,  but  without 
the  suppressed  passages  or  the  post- 
script, or  any  mention  of  thtm. 

"  Legrand  MSS.  —  Do  Troyes. 
—  N  Dtizenblatt. 

•**  DcpOches  Milanaises. 


|l:r 


396 


PROVENCE  AND  LORRAINE. 


[BOOK  V. 


r 


vim 


a 


H 


arrested  as  a  prisoner  of  war.  His  captors  had  ex- 
torted a  bond  for  forty  thousand  gold  crowns,  and 
the  only  person  found  willing  to  advance  this  sum 
was  the  king,  who  had  taken  in  exchange  a  surren- 
der of  certain  sovereign  rights  over  the  principality, 
accompanied  with  an  act  of  homage.®^ 

Provence  being  within  easy  reach,  and  the  duke  of 
Burgundy  fully  occupied,  the  juncture  was  not  less 
favorable  for  a  final  settlement  with  old  Rene,  who 
had  accordingly  received  a  summons,  so  worded  as  to 
shake  him  into  a  comprehension  of  the  necessity  of 
prompt  obedience,  to  appear  before  Louis  at  Lyons, 
and  give  an  account  of  the  arrangement  he  had  been 
making  with  Charles.  His  seneschal  attended  him 
and  avowed  himself  the  author  of  the  obnoxious 
treaty,  his  design,  as  he  boldly  stated,  having  been 
to  save  the  last  relic  of  his  master's  inheritance  from 
the  rapacious  hands  that  had  despoiled  him  of  Anjou 
and  Bar.  Enchanted  with  this  frankness,  Louis  treat- 
ed both  the  old  king  and  his  minister  with  distin- 
guished kindness,  while  obtaining  their  signatures  to 
an  instrument  transferring  Provence,  at  the  decease 
of  its  present  possessor,  to  the  crown  of  France.^ 

Another  Rene  claimed,  at  this  same  propitious  n^o- 
ment,  a  fraction  of  the  royal  interest  and  attention. 
The  defeat  of  the  Burgundians  at  Grandson  had  not, 
as  was  feared,  been  followed  by  a  popular  rising  in 
Lorraine.  But  a  small  party  of  nobles,  headed  by 
the  Bastard  of  Vaudemont,  had  succeeded,  with  the 


"  Legrand  MSS.  torn,  xviii. 
*'  Commines.  —  De    Troyes. 


Ddpuches  Milauaises. 


CHAP.  II.] 


LOUIS  AND  REN^. 


397 


help  of  Craon,  in  seizing  a  few  fortresses  on  the 
French  frontier.  The  king,  however,  had  been  no 
party  to  this  violation  of  the  truce.  At  all  events,  on 
receiving  a  complaint  from  Charles,  he  had  disavowed 
the  proceedings  of  his  lieutenant  and  ordered  his 
troops  to  withdraw.®"  Rene,  who  had  followed  him 
to  Lyons,  made  fresh  but  still  useless  appeals.  The 
mere  presence  at  the  court  of  a  suitor  so  little  dis- 
posed to  accommodate  himself  to  the  workings  of  the 
royal  policy,  was  evidently  irksome.*^  Disgusted  with 
the  slights  v/hich  heaped  up  the  men  sure  of  injustice 
he  had  received,  Rene  announced  his  purpose  to  go 
and  seek  help  from  his  German  allies.  The  idea  was 
hailed  as  a  happy  inspiration.  Whatever  the  result 
to  himself,  it  could  not  fail  to  b«3  agreeable  to  the 
king.  °^  He  was  supplied  with  an  escort  and  a  small 
sum  of  money ;  and  an  arrangement  was  made  with 
the  authorities  in  Lorraine,  by  which  the  dethroned 
prince  was  enabled  to  pass  unmolested  through  his 
lost  duchy,  on  his  way  to  procure  the  means  of  re- 
covering it.  In  most  of  the  towns  on  his  route  little 
notice  was  taken  of  his  presence ;  but,  as  he  ap- 
proached the  Vosges,  he  received  from  his  former  sub- 
jects, notwithstanding  the  presence  of  the  Burgun- 
dian  garrisons,  open  marks  of  respect  and  sympa- 


'  m^ 


"^  DepCches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 
pp.  72,  73,  178,  et  al. 

'"  " On  s'ennujoit  de  luy  en 
nostre  cour."  Commines,  torn.  ii. 
p.  28, 

*'  "II  ne  pouvoit  que  gaigner,  car 
B'il  succomboit  en  quelque  execu- 


tion de  guerre,  .  .  .  il  demouroit 
quicte  de  la  recompense  de  la  perte 
qu'il  auoit  fait  en  son  seruice,  et 
s'il  obtenoit  quelque  victoire,  .  .  . 
cela  luy  redonderoit  h  prosfit." 
Dialogue  entre  Lud  et  Chretien, 
p.  25. 


398 


CHARLES  ABOUT  TO  MARCH. 


[book  v. 


!%,(£? 


c 


'^1 


H 


I 


i  ! 


thy.  A  guard  of  honor,  spontaneously  enrolled,  at- 
tended him  across  ihe  mountains,  into  Alsace,  where 
he  proposed  to  enlist  a  body  of  auxiliaries.  In  this, 
however,  he  was  prevented  by  the  emperor.  From 
his  crowned  protectors  Rene  was  destined  to  meet 
with  nothing  but  rebuffs.  Passing  to  more  hospita- 
ble soil,  he  arrived  at  Lucerne  in  time  to  do  bat- 
tle for  a  cause  which  he  hoped  to  identify  with 
his  own.*"^ 

The  ten  days  during  which  the  council  of  Berne 
were  concocting  their  letter  to  the  king  had  been 
employed  by  Charles  in  his  final  preparations.  His 
army  was  now  perfectly  equipped,  and  according  to 
the  Swiss  spies  was  superior  in  numbers,  and  inferior 
only  in  artillery,  to  that  which  he  had  previously 
commanded.^^  Even  the  Italian  critics  admitted  that 
a  high  state  of  discipline  ^aemed  to  have  been  estab- 
lished, a  great  improvement  having  taken  place 
since  the  new  regulations  had  gone  into  effect.*^ 
How  it  had  been  done  —  how,  under  the  circum- 
stances, such  a  force  had  been  raised  and  organized  — 
passed  their  comprehension.  On  one  point  alone  they 
still  had  misgivings.  Their  countrymen,  they  thought, 
after  receiving  the  wages  now  due,  would  desert  in 
great  numbers.  To  guard  against  this,  Charles  or- 
dered that  only  a  first  instalment  should   be  paid 


^'  Ibid.  —  Rdmy. — Ddpeches  Mi-  —  The  Swiss  spies  also  reported  that 

lanaises.  —  Knebel.  Charles  had  established  "excellent 

®^  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  892.  order."    Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C. 

MS.  MS. 

^*  Depcches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 


i 


CHAP.  II.] 


INTEREST  OF  THE  SPECTATORS. 


399 


before  the  march  began.  The  second  would  be 
disbursed  when  a,,  encampment  had  been  formed  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  enemy."'  The  third  —  But  that 
debt  would  be  otherwise  cancelled. 

Never  before  in  modern  history  had  an  impending 
conflict  excited  so  deep  and  wide-spread  an  interest. 
The  long  rivalry  of  Burgundy  and  France,  with  its 
ever-widening  influence,  had  awakened  all  Europe  to 
a  perception  of  the  multiplied  results  involved  in  the 
issue.  The  emperor  hoped  to  gain,  the  king  of  Hun- 
gary  feared  to  lose,  by  the  event,  whichever  way  it 
might  turn.  The  king  of  England,  who  from  sheer 
personal  spite  had  been  making  attempts  to  increase 
the  embroilments  of  his  former  ally  and  beiiefactor,**" 
was  sending  his  other  brother-in-law.  Earl  Rivers,  on 
a  visit  of  inspection  to  the  Burgundian  camp.  Close 
around  the  theatre  of  war  were  eyes  that  watched 
with  an  intenser  gaze,  ears  that  listened  in  a 
hushed  suspense.  Yolande,  surrounded  by  her  chil- 
dren, sat  at  Gex,  her  heart  beating  with  balanced 
hopes  and  fears,  her  hours  employed  in  processions, 
masses,  and  almsgivings,  to  win  over  Heaven  to  the 
side  of  the  right."''  Sforza,  who  had  so  enmeshed 
himself  in  intrigue  as  hardly  to  know  what  he  hoped 
or  what  he  feared,  thirsted  for  the  earliest  tidings, 
that  he  might  shape  his  course  accordingly,  and  had 


i    n  I !  ' 


®*  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  may  credo  non  pensa  in  altro,  et 

pp.  115,  230,  233,  238,  239,  244.  continuamente  fa  fare  processione, 

'*  Ibid.  torn.  i.  p.  346.  dire  messe,  fare  elemosine."    Letter 

97  II  Yjyg  pmu  speranza  dl  sua  of  Aplano,  ibid.  torn,  ii,  p,  288. 
salvezza  in  questa  victoria,  e  gia- 


.1,   hi;  I 


400 


INTEREST  OP  THE  SPECTATORS. 


[boor  v. 


stationed  relays  of  couriers  along  the  route  from  his 
palace  door  to  the  scene  of  action.  No  such  facilities 
were  possible  for  him  who  waited  at  Lyons  with  a 
sharper  vision,  a  deeper  interest,  a  stronger  purpose, 
than  all  the  rest.  Nor  did  he  need  them.  His  keen 
vulture's  scent  would  inform  him  when  the  prey  was 
struck  down  and  awaiting  his  stoop. 


*«^m 


s* 


a 


!  .  i) 


I'    , 


1  >  ! 


CHAPTER    III. 


MORAT. 


1476. 


From  Lausanne  to  Berne  is  a  journey  of  fifty-six 
English  miles.  After  crossing  the  Jorat  there  is  a 
choice  of  two  roads  —  one  through  Rue,  Romont,  and 
Freyburg ;  the  other  through  Moudon,  Payerne,  and 
Morat.  On  ordinary  maps  the  former  is  represented 
by  a  straight,  the  latter  by  a  circuitous,  line.  But 
that  which  seems  the  more  direct  is  equally  long  and 
not  so  practicable.  It  traverses  a  high  and  rugged 
region,  the  basf  of  the  Freyburg  Alps ;  while  the 
regular  route  descends  the  valley  of  the  Broye,  which 
opens  out  into  a  broad  and  level  tract  as  it  approaches 
the  Lake  of  Morot. 

The  cross-roads  are  infrequent,  and  the  intervening 
ground  is  hilly  and  wooded.  It  would  not,  therefore, 
have  been  prudent  in  Charles,  with  the  force  at  his 
command,  to  undertake  active  opcyations  on  both 
lines.  He  had,  however,  the  option  between  them, 
his  advance  being  secured  by  his  present  possession 


VOL.  m. 


61 


(401) 


402 


MORAT. 


[DOOK  V. 


c 


of  the  country  for  about  half  the  distance,  including 
two  strong  places,  Romont  and  Moudon. 

As  he  had  given  no  positive  indications  of  his 
purpose,  Berne,  made  wary  by  its  miscalculations  on 
a  former  occasion,  did  not  attempt  to  concentrate 
troops  in  advance.  Tlie  reports  of  the  spies,  and  the 
conjectures  of  the  council,  wavered  down  to  the  last 
moment.*  But,  whichever  line  he  might  take,  he  must 
be  kept  at  arm's  length  until  the  Confederates,  who 
would  be  certain  to  wait  till  the  danger  was  imminent, 
should  have  assembled  to  meet  him.  Berne  itself, 
if  not  easy  to  capture,  would  be  easy  to  invest ;  and 
its  communications  severed,  its  leadership  suspended, 
its  voice  made  inaudible,  the  council  would  have  been 
filled  with  misgivings  as  to  the  conduct  of  those  who 
had  so  often  held  back  when  loudly  and  urgently 
summoned.  Luckily,  they  had  the  same  advantages 
for  defence  as  Charles  had  for  attack.  On  each  route 
a  strongly  fortified  town  would  bar  the  way.  If  he 
came  by  the  upper  road  he  would  have  to  lay  siege 
to  Freyburg,  if  by  the  lower,  to  Morat. 

Yet  his  choice  was  not  a  matter  of  indifference  to 
Berne.  Freyburg  had  a  claim,  readily  acknowledged 
by  the  diet,  to  be  treated  as  au  integral  part  of  the 
Confederacy.  The  cantons  exclusive  of  Berne  had 
contributed  over  eleven  hundred  men  to  the  garrison, 
and  had  promised  full  succors  in  case  of  need.^  But 
they  had  taken  no  such  step,  and  given  no  such 
pledge,  in  regard  to  Morat.    They  looked  upon  Berne's 


'  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  855,        '  Eidgenbssische   Abschiede,  B. 
885,  d92etal.  M8.  11.8.582,583. 


CHAP.  III.] 


REASONS  FOR  HOLDING  IT. 


403 


\bscbiede,  B. 


occupation  of  that  place  as  one  of  the  aggressive  acts 
livhich  they  had  long  discouraged,  and  of  which  they 
were  anxious  to  wash  their  hands.  When  questioned 
on  the  point,  they  had  earnestly  counselled  the  evacua- 
tion of  Morat,  giving  their  reasons,  and  adding  the 
assurance  that  Berne  might  count  upon  their  aid  in 
the  defence  of  its  proper  territory.' 

To  this  advice  Berne  had  of  course  refused  to  listen. 
Even  had  it  shared  in  the  scruple,  the  surrender  of  an 
advantage  already  gained  could  not  alter  the  origin 
or  stop  the  prosecution  of  the  war.  At  its  present 
stage  all  questions  must  be  looked  at  simply  from  a 
military  point  of  view;  and,  thus  looked  at,  the 
advantage  was  one  which  it  would  be  the  height 
of  folly  to  surrender.  "  Morat  is  a  bulwark  of  our 
own  territory,"  the  council  urged  in  reply ;  "  if  it  were 
given  up,  all  our  lands  would  be  lost  and  laid  waste."* 
To  this  sufficient  reason  they  added  another,  neither 
so  well  grounded  nor  so  forcible,  but  proceeding  on 
the  natural  presumption  that  it  is  easier  to  darken  the 
conscience  than  to  enlighten  the  intellect.  Savoy, 
they  pretended,  had  no  real  right  of  sovereignty  over 
Morat,  since  the  latter,  before  coming  under  its  domin- 
ion, had  been  a  free  imperial  town.  In  that  capacity 
it  had  contracted  an  alliance  with  Berne,  the  main 
object  of  which  was  mutual  protection.  They  could 
noL,  therefore,  in  honor,  and  without  a  breach  of  their 
obligations,  suffer  Morat  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy.    This  ingenious  mode  of  justifying  their  reten- 

'  Ibid,  ubi  supra.  unnsser  Statt  verloren  und  gewiist." 

*  "Dann  wo  das  selb  sloss  ver-     Deut8chMis8iveii-BuchC,897.  i¥S. 
lassen  so  weren  all  unnsser  land  vor 


i^ 


404 


MORAT. 


(book  v. 


c 


Ml 


tion  of  the  stolen  property  from  its  lawful  possessors 
made  less  impression  than  might  have  been  expected. 
The  diet,  without  taking  any  notice  of  it,  adhered  to 
its  own  recommendation,  but  offered,  as  usual,  to  refer 
the  matter  to  the  people." 

Whatever  might  be  the  ultimate  decision,  on  Berne 
alone  would  devolve  the  burden  of  holding  Morat  in 
the  interval,  and  withstanding  the  first  onset  of  the 
enemy  if  he  should  advance  by  this  route.  Warned 
by  the  fate  of  Grandson,  the  council  resolved  that 
there  should  be  no  remissness  or  oversight  on  their 
part.  The  preparations  were  begun  in  good  season, 
all  the  resources  of  the  canton  being  put  in  requisi- 
tion. In  addition  to  the  actual  garrison  of  four  or 
five  hundred  men,  a  levy  of  fifteen  hundred  was 
ordered,  to  be  picked  man  by  man  from  the  strongest 
and  most  courageous  in  every  district,  and  in  such  a 
manner  that,  while  one  member  of  a  family  would  be 
exposed  to  the  risk  of  capture,  a  brother,  father,  or 
son  would  remain  to  be  enrolled  in  the  army  of  succor. 
The  rural  population,  in  compliance  with  successive 
mandates  sternly  w^orded,  sent  in  abundant  supplies. 
Bienne  and  Solothurn  furnisher,  small  contingents. 
Heavier  ordnance  and  more  experienced  cannoniers 
than  could  be  found  at  home  were  borrowed  from 
Strasburg.  It  only  remained  to  select  a  commander 
on  whose  devotion,  ability,  and  resolution  full  reliance 
might  be  placed." 


*  Eidgenossische    Abschiede,  B.     —  Knebel.  —  Rodt.  —  Tillier.  — 
U.  8.  583,  585,  586.  Schilling. 

®  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C.  MS. 


I 


CHAP.  JII.] 


APPOINTMENT  OF  BUBENBERO. 


40 


0 


Among  the  ncrnons  on  whom  the  conscription  had 
fallen  was  Adrian  von  Bubenberg,  then  residing  in 
complete  retirement  on  his  family  estate.  Chance 
having  thus  recalled  his  name  to  the  minds  of  his 
colleagues,  they  immediately  remembered  that  the 
qualities  of  which  they  were  in  search  belonged  pre- 
eminently to  the  man  whom  they  had  discarded  and 
stigmatized  as  a  partisan  of  the  enemy. 

Bubenberg  was,  in  truth,  the  very  reverse  of  a  par- 
tisan. He  was  a  patriot  of  the  antique  cast,  who  felt 
more  pain  when  his  country  did  than  when  it  suf- 
fered wrong.  It  was  because  of  this  —  because  he  had 
shown  not  less,  but  greater,  loyalty  than  his  calumnia- 
tors ;  because,  unlike  them,  he  had  prized  the  public 
welfare  and  the  public  honor  higher  than  private 
interests — that  he  had  been  driven  from  the  service  of 
the  state.  For  the  same  reason  he  was  now  recalled, 
and,  by  an  overwhelming  majority  of  voices  in  both 
branches  of  the  council,  nominated  to  the  post  of 
greatest  danger  and  of  greatest  trust. 

In  the  language  of  the  vote  he  was  "  affectionately 
besought  to  overcome  his  feelings  about  the  matter." 
It  was  feared  apparently  that  he  would  either  refuse 
from  spleen  or  accept  with  a  mortifying  exultation. 
But  Bubenberg  was  the  last  man  to  think  of  his  own 
wrongs  in  connection  with  his  country's  peril.  The 
conditions  he  annexed  to  his  acceptance  were  dic- 
tated by  a  sage  and  single-minded  regaid  for  the 
common  good.  He  saw  that  the  only  real  source  of 
danger  in  a  war  like  the  present  lay  in  that  decay  of 
discipline  which  the  war  itself  had  occasioned.    He 


nil 


406 


MORAT. 


[BOOK  V. 


0» 


therefore  demanded  ampler  powers  than  were  usually 
conferred  on  a  single  Swiss  leader,  including  that  of 
punishing  with  death  and  of  administering  to  the  sol- 
diers an  oath  of  fidelity  and  of  unlimited  obedience 
to  his  orders.  His  stipulations  were  acceded  to  with- 
out demur,  and  in  the  latter  part  of  April  he  had  gone 
to  take  command/ 

Although  the  earlier  demonstrations  of  Charles,  so 
far  as  they  were  of  a  menacing  character,  had  pointed 
chiefly  to  Freyburg,  he  had  never  intended  to  march 
in  this  direction,  unless  it  should  be  necessary  for  the 
defence  of  Romont.  Besides  that  the  other  route,  as 
he  had  found  by  personal  inspection,^  was  more  open 
and  practicable,  he  had  a  flir  stronger  motive  for  pre- 
ferring it.  Its  course  was  such  as  would  enable  him 
at  every  step  to  cover  his  communications  with  his 
own  frontier  —  a  consideration  to  which  he  showed 
himself  keenly  alive.  From  Moudon  and  Payerne, 
branch  roads,  striking  off  to  the  left,  led  to  a  junction 
which  was  also  that  of  the  routes  to  the  main  passes 
of  the  Jura.  Yverdun  was  the  centre  from  which 
these  different  roads  all  radiated,  and  its  consequent 
importance  as  a  strategical  point  was  fully  appreci- 
ated by  the  duke.  He  had  reenforced  the  garrison, 
ordered  the  bridges  across  the  Thiele  to  be  put  in 
repair  and  well  guarded,  and  even  caused  a  fleet  to 
be  collected  in  anticipation  of  an  attack  by  the  Lake 
of  Neuchatel.®      In    fact,  all   his   proceedings   were 


•'  Rodt,  B.  II.  s.  186,  187.  »  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  f^83- 

*  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.     887.  MS. 
p.  4. 


CHAP.  III.] 


ROMONT'S  EXPEDITION. 


407 


-BuchC,f<83- 


marked  by  a  vigilance  and  caution  in  singular  con- 
trast with  the  blundering  rashness  which  is  generally 
supposed  to  have  characterized  this  part  of  his  career. 
No  precaution  which  modern  generalship  would  pre- 
scribe seems  to  have  been  neglected.  To  secure  his 
flanks,  menace  the  enemy's  communications,  and 
divert  attention  from  his  own  movements,  he  sent  a 
force  by  the  upper  road  to  ravage  the  neighborhood 
of  Freyburg  and  threaten  the  town,  left  detachments 
at  Romont,  Lausanne,  and  Vevay,  and  despatched  the 
count  of  Komont,  with  a  strong  body  of  horse  and 
some  field-pieces,  down  the  strip  of  land  between  the 
Lak9s  of  Morat  and  Neuchatel,  with  orders  to  cross 
the  Broye  where  it  connects  the  two  lakes,  strike  the 
roads  by  which  Berne  received  reenforcements  and 
supplies,  and  inflict  such  damage  as  might  be  pos- 
sible. 

Having  started  from  Estavayer,  Romont,  by  a  rapid 
night  march,  reached  unobserved  the  left  bank  of  the 
Broye.  Here  he  dismounted  his  men  and  left  his 
artillery,  the  opposite  side  being  impracticable  for 
horses  or  guns  by  reason  of  a  vast  morass.  After 
fording  the  river,  the  party  proceeded  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Ins,  a  point  of  junction  in  a  great  network  of 
roads  traversing  a  fertile  and  populous  region  and 
connecting  Berne  with  Neuchatel,  Bienne,  and  its 
other  allies  along  the  Jura.  Day  had  scarcely  dawned 
when  the  alarm  was  given,  and  every  village  steeple 
began  to  send  forth  its  summons.  The  peasantry, 
already  warned  to  be  on  the  alert,  flocked  in,  armed 
chiefly  with  their  implements  of  labor,  but  followed 


M 


408 


MORAT. 


[book  v. 


quickly  by  bodies  of  troops  from  Arberg,  Erlach,  and 
other  posts.  With  such  swarms  in  his  front  and 
such  obstacles  in  his  rear,  Romont  was  probably  wise 
in  recrossing  the  Broye,  which  he  did  without  delay 
and  with  little  loss.  The  pursuers,  on  whom  he 
opened  fire,  hesitated  till  the  example  of  a  herd  of 
cattle,  which  had  been  terrified  by  the  tumult,  incited 
them  to  follow.  Being  then,  however,  charged  by 
the  Burgundians  in  a  solid  battalion,  they  were 
driven  back  in  disorder.^"  Meanwhile  a  party  sent 
across  in  vessels  from  Neuchatel  had  landed  on  Ro- 
mont's  left  flank,  another,  from  Morat,  on  his  right. 
By  a  vigorous  attack  on  either  he  might  have  gained 
a  real  and  important  success.  Instead  of  this,  he 
drew  back  from  between  them  and  allowed  them  to 
unite,  profiting  by  his  double  advantage  of  a  shorter 
line  and  greater  speed  only  to  make  good  his  re- 
treat." 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  following  day,  Tuesday,  the 
4th  of  June,  the  duke  broke  up  his  camp  at  Morrens, 
and  set  out  upon  the  expedition  which,  in  common 
with  the  world,  he  expected  to  prove  decisive  of  his 
fate.  His  route  lay  through  Echallens,  avoiding  the 
Jorat,  and  crossing  at  right  angles  the  roads  already 
mentioned  as  leading  to  Yvdrdun.  Halts  were  made 
at  the  junction  with  these  roads ;  scouts  were  sent 


'"  "  Lors  le  Seigneur  de  Romont 
ayant  laccoustr^  et  range  sa  bataille, 
tornegentillementfacefaisant  charge 
et  rudes  saillies  sur  ceulx  du  Lan- 
deron  qui  les  plus  avanc^s  et  proches 
se  treuvent,  et  tant  grande  et  serrce 


estait  sa  bataille  que  les  Allemands 
ne  les  nostres  ne  povoient  tenir  long- 
temps  la  rive  dela."  Ilugues  de 
Pierre,  Purry,  Extraits,  p.  33. 

"  Ibid.  —  Chron.  de   Neuchatel, 
Schweiz.  Geschichtforscher,  B.  VIII. 


CHAP,  ni.] 


MARCH  OF  THE  BURGUNDIANS. 


409 


ahead  to  explore  the  wooded  heights  along  the  val- 
ley of  the  Broye;  and  no  advance  was  made  till 
their  reports  had  been  received  and  compared.  The 
excellent  order  maintained  on  the  march  did  much 
to  establish  the  reaction  of  opinion  which  had  lately 
set  in.  Old  Italian  captains  admitted  that  they  had 
never  seen  so  large  an  army  in  an  equal  state  of  dis- 
cipline ;  and  those  who  had  been  loudest  in  denoun- 
cing the  enterprise  as  an  act  of  madness  were  now, 
as  was  natural,  the  most  sanguine  of  a  prosperous 


12 


issue. 

From  the  7th  to  the  9th  the  army  lay  encamped  on 
the  spacious  plain  extending  westward  from  Pay- 
erne  to  Estavayer,  head-quarters  being  at  Montet, 
midway  between  these  two  places.  Contradictory 
accounts  having  been  received,  the  Great  Bastard 
undertook  a  reconnoissance  in  person,  and  brought 
in  word  that  a  force  estimated  at  six  thousand  was 
posted  on  the  heights  above  Avenches,  commanding 
the  road  from  Payerne  to  Morat.  It  being  then  late 
in  the  evening  of  the  8th,  a  plan  of  attack  was 
arranged  for  the  next  morning.  Earl  Rivers,  who 
had  arrived  only  the  day  before,  and  had  talked  of 
remaining  through  the  campaign,  suddenly  took 
leave,  pleading  other  business.  His  departure  on  the 
eve  of  an  expected  engagement  gave  rise  to  sarcastic 
comments  in  the  camp,  where  doubtless  there  were 
many  who  would  fain  have  followed   the  example. 


:\\m 


•'  "  Tuti  questi  capitanei  dicono  fossino  grossissimi,  la  victoria  essere 

pero  servando  questo  ordine  tanta  nostra."    DcpechesMilanaises,  torn, 

gente  como  sono,  se  ben  li  Suicerj  ii.  p.  233. 
VOL.  III.                    52 


liil 


410 


MORAT. 


[BOOK  V. 


Q 


Yet  the  smile  of  contempt  with  which  it  was  spoken 
of  by  Charles  '•'  seems  not  to  have  been  misapplied. 
Though  distinguished  above  all  his  contemporaries  by 
his  prowess  in  the  lists,  Rivers  had  been  long  before 
described  by  his  own  sovereign  and  brother-in-law  as 
a  coward,  who  always  found  some  excuse  for  avoid- 
ing danger.** 

No  opposition  was  encountered  on  the  next  day's 
march,  which  brought  the  army  in  front  of  Morat. 
The  reported  "  six  thousand  "  turned  out  to  have  been 
a  reconnoitring  party  of  only  as  many  hundred,  led 
by  Bubenberg  himself,  who,  after  taking  a  couple  of 
prisoners  and  securing  some  needful  articles,  had 
again  retired  into  the  town.**  On  Charles's  arrival, 
he  caused  all  his  forces  to  deploy  on  the  heights  in 
view  of  the  garrison'"  —  a  common  means  of  intimida- 
tion at  the  opening  of  a  siege.  The  investment  on 
the  land  side  was  immediately  completed.  It  would 
be  less  easy  to  intercept  the  communication  by  water. 
Bubenberg  had  already  sent  letters  to  the  council, 
informing  them  of  what  was  going  on,  but  deprecating 
any  premature  or  rash  attempt  at  succor,  such  as  had 
worked  only  injury  at  Grandson  and  might  prove 
even  more  disastrous  here.    Let  them  wait  calmly  till 


"  "  Si  ne  he  riso  dicendo,  per 
paura  si  ne  ha  andato."    Ibid.  p.  236. 

'*  "The  king  hath  said  of  him 
that  whensoever  he  hath  most  to  do, 
then  the  Lord  Scales  will  surest  ask 
leave  t6  depart,  and  weeneth  that 
it  is  most  because  of  cowardice." 
Paston  Letters  (Knight's  ed.),  vol. 
i.  p.  1G3. 

'*  Ibid.  p.  242.  —  Schilling,  s.  324. 


'^  Depuches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 
p.  242.  — This  has  been  ridiculed  as 
empty  bravado ;  and  if  it  had  taken 
place,  as  the  critics  represent,  a 
week  later,  it  might  have  passed  for 
such.  But  if  moral  influences  are 
to  count  for  anything  in  war,  surely 
an  exhibition  of  force,  in  a  case  of 
this  kind,  might  be  ex))ecte'~  to  pro- 
duce some  effect  —  as,  in  fact,  it  did. 


CHAP.  III.] 


INVESTMENT. 


411 


their  allies  had  come  to  thbir  assistance  and  concerted 
a  plan  of  operations.  They  might  rely  upon  his  hold- 
ing out  to  the  last.  He  would  never  leave  the  place 
alive  without  their  express  orders." 

During  the  six  weeks  he  had  been  in  command 
he  had  made  diligent  preparations  for  defence.  The 
works,  consisting  of  an  excellent  wall,  double  ditch, 
towers,  and  castle,  had  been  further  strengthened  by 
bastions  and  outworks ;  and  a  church  and  other  build- 
ings outside  the  walls  had  been  razed.^^  One  point 
only  had  been  overloo*  id  or  too  long  deferred  —  the 
destruction  of  the  village  of  Meyriez,  lying  within 
five  hundred  yards  of  the  south-western  gate.  An 
attempt  to  fire  it  was  made  at  the  enemy's  approach ; 
but  after  a  struggle  the  Burgundians  effected  a  lodg- 
ment, and  captured  two  prisoners,  who  were  brought 
before  the  duke.  Being  separately  questioned,  they 
gave  correct  information  as  to  the  strength  of  the 
garrison  and  other  particulars,  as  well  as  of  the  un- 
certainty that  still  existed  whether  the  Confederates 
would  undertake  the  relief  of  a  place  not  situated  on 
their  own  soil.^*^ 

It  was  Charles's  hope,  by  vigorous  cannonading  and 
assaults,  to  reduce  the  town  in  a  few  days,  and  con- 
tinue his  march  upon  Berne  before  the  Swiss  should 
have  decided  how  to  act  or  have  time  to  assemble.^ 
The  idea  of  leaving  Morat  unassailed,  masking  it  with 
a  portion  of  his  army  while  prosecuting  operations 

"  Stettler,  B.  I.  8.  253.— Schil-  B.  VIII.  s.  417. 
ling,  s.  323.  '"  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 

'*  Engelhard,     s.    54.  —  Girard  p.  242. 
MSS.  —  Schweiz.  Geschictforscher,        "^  Ibid.  p.  243. 


412 


MORAT. 


[BOOK  V. 


o 


i        :,(       t 


with  the  rest,  does  not  appear  to  have  occurred  to 
him.  In  that  age,  and  down  to  a  much  later  period, 
it  was  common  to  confound  the  resisting  power  of 
stone  walls  with  the  assailing  power  of  the  garrisons 
which  they  sheltered.  It  is  true  that  the  duke  of 
Burgundy  himself,  in  both  his  expeditions  into  France, 
had  left  fortified  places  in  his  rear.  But  the  country 
was  one  with  which  he  was  familiar,  which  had  few 
natural  obstacles,  and  where  he  had  counted  on  a  host 
of  adherents.  In  the  present  case  the  whole  land 
was  a  fortress,  which  an  invader  could  hope  to  pene- 
trate only  by  guarded  approaches.  Moreover  his 
force  was  hardly  sufficient  to  warrant  any  division  of 
it.  To  cover  his  communications  against  sallies  from 
Morat,  and  probably  Freyburg,  would  have  required 
him  to  detach  at  least  ten  thousand  men;  and  his 
army,  though  rated  by  the  Swiss  and  by  many  histo- 
rians at  seventy,  eighty,  and  e  ^en  a  hundred  thousand, 
cannot  possibly  have  exceeded  forty  thousand,  unless 
we  suppose  it  to  have  grown  hy  some  internal  princi- 
ple of  accretion.'^'  Of  this  number  about  six  thousand, 
chiefly  Savoyards,  were  now  posted  on  the  north-east 
of  the  town,  their  commander,  the  count  of  Romont, 
being  intrusted  with  the  conduct  of  the  siege.  The 
second  brigade,  commanded  by  the  prince  of  Tarento, 
and  consisting  wholly  of  Italians  under  Troylus  and 

"  Rodt  (B.  li.  8.  224),  basing  his  nances,   and  not  to  have  allowed 

calculations  on  the  data  furnished  for  accessions  mentioned  merely  in 

by  the  reports  of  the  Milanese  en-  general  terms.     Fanigarola  writes, 

voys,  thinks  the  total  cannot  have  on  the  10th,  "  Si  cognosce  questa 

been  greater  than  thirty-six  thou-  essere  una  gran  gente,  .  .  .  ed  ogni 

sand.     He  seems,  however,  to  have  di  ingrossa." 
underrated  the  lances  of  the  ordon- 


CHAP.  HI.] 


THE  TOPOGRAPHY. 


413 


Antonio  di  Lignana,  were  stationed  on  the  south-west, 
along  the  margin  of  the  lake,  both  to  carry  on  the 
approaches  from  this  side  and  to  hold  the  road  to 
Avenches.  The  two  remaining  corps  and  the  reserve 
battalion,  numbering  probably  about  twenty-four 
thousand  and  comprising  the  household  troops  and 
Burgundian  levies,  would  form  the  covering  army; 
and  in  order  to  determine  how  it  might  best  be  posted 
and  employed,  the  duke,  attended  by  his  staff,  spent 
the  forenoon  of  the  10th  in  exploring  the  environs. 

To  a  general  trained  in  the  precepts,  and  an  army 
habituated  to  the  manoeuvres,  of  modern  warfare,  the 
theatre,  while  suggesting  the  need  of  extraordinary 
watchfulness,  would  also  have  presented  an  opportu- 
nity for  brilliant  combinations.  It  is  ope  of  the  nar- 
row sections  into  which  the  great  undulating  table- 
land of  Switzerland  is  divided  by  the  numerous  rivers 
flowing  northward  from  the  Alps.  The  Saane  on  the 
one  side,  the  Broye  with  the  Lake  of  Morat  on  the 
other,  run  their  parallel  course  from  south-west  to 
north-east,  the  general  dip  of  the  interjacent  land 
being  in  the  same  direction.  Across  from  the  lake  to 
the  Saane  is  a  distance  of  five  or  six  miles.  On  the 
former  sides  the  slopes  are  gradual  though  irregular ; 
but  the  bed  of  the  Saane  lies  for  the  most  part  in 
deep  gorges.  The  surface  has  a  general  elevation  of 
three  or  four  hundred  feet  above  the  level  of  the  lake. 
It  is  everywhere  uuv^qual,  embossed  with  hill-tops, 
not  much  varying  in  height,  but  distinctly  marked  by 
hollows  and  watercourses.  Much  of  it  is  covered 
with  forests,  which  hide  in  their  recesses  many  villages 
and  cultivated  patches. 


li' 


414 


MORAT. 


[book  v. 


i»j.JI*T 


The  town  of  Morat  stands,  as  already  mentioned, 
on  the  margin  of  the  lake,  about  three  miles  from  the 
upper  end  and  two  from  the  lower.  Four  roads  radi- 
ate from  its  gates.  Two  skirt  the  lake  and  the  marshy 
tracts  at  the  extremities,  the  first  leading  north-east 
to  Arberg,  the  second  south-west  to  Avenches  and 
Payerne.  The  other  two,  branching  ojff  from  these, 
trend  across  the  hills  to  the  Saane,  the  more  north- 
erly crossing  it  at  Giimminen  and  leading  thence  to 
Berne,  while  the  other,  going  south,  meets  a  bend 
of  the  river,  and  continues  up  the  left  bank  to  Frey- 
burg.  There  are  also  many  cross-roads  and  by-ways 
connecting  the  villages  with  one  another  and  circu- 
itously  with  the  town;  and  besides  the  bridge  at 
Giimminen,  a,  second,  three  miles  higher  up,  leads  to 
the  village  of  Laupen,  a  spot  famous  in  the  earlier 
annals  of  Swiss  triumphs  and  connected  by  direct 
roads  with  both  Freyburg  and  Berne. 

Two  methods  of  operating,  if  not  equally  good,  yet 
both  justifiable  according  to  circumstances,  would 
seem  to  have  been  open  to  the  duke  of  Burgundy. 
For  offensive  movements  the  Saane  offered  a  screen 
behind  which  to  mass  his  troops  and  prepare  his 
attack,  keeping  the  enemy  in  suspense  and  prevent- 
ing his  concentration,  or  holding  him  fast  by  feints 
and  demonstrations  while  assailing  a  weak  point  or 
flankin-;  a  strong  one.^^    If  restricted,  on  the  other 


i  I 


**  This  was  the  course  pursued  by  diverting  the  a;,i,entiuii  of  the  de- 

the  French  invaders  in  1798.    Hold-  fenders,  eifected  a  crossing  at  Neu- 

ing  the  left  bank  of  the  Saane,  they  eneck.     Yet  they  were  immediately 

cannonaded  Giimminen,  made  a  false  repulsed,  and  forced  back  to  their 

attack  L..1  Laupen,  and  while  thus  original  position.    But  in  the  mean 


I 


CHAF.  III.] 


OPENING  MEASURES. 


415 


hand,  by  the  necessities  of  the  siege  and  the  smaU- 
ness  of  his  army,  to  defensive  measures,  he  woiUd 
have  a  more  difficult  part  to  play ;  for  in  this  cas  3,  of 
course,  the  advantages  of  the  screen  and  of  the  initia- 
tive would  lie  with  the  Swiss.  Yet  even  then  there 
were  circumstances  in  his  favor.  The  road  connect- 
ing the  bridges  of  Giimrainen  and  Laupen  lies  on  the 
left  bank,  lined  along  the  margin  by  a  wood,  and  in 
the  rear  by  heights  of  easy  ascent.  Consequently 
bodies  of  troops,  defending  the  points  of  passage, 
could  render  mutual  support,  falling  back,  if  com- 
pelled, to  a  position  behind  the  Biberen,  a  shallow 
stream,  but  flowing  in  the  same  direction  and  in 
nearly  as  deep  a  bed  as  the  Saane.  Thus  the  Bur- 
gundians  might  have  a  double  line  of  circumvallation, 
covering  the  besieging  army  and  allowing  it  full 
opportunity  to  retire  in  case  of  disaster.^^ 

Charles  seemed  at  first  to  comprehend  the  situa- 
tion. His  opening  measures  were  in  the  conception 
judicious  and  prompt,  though  they  failed  in  the  exe- 
cution. While  preparing  a  camp  and  hurrying  on 
the  siege,  he  pushed  out  bodies  of  troops  to  secure 
the  points  which  would  form  the  pivots  of  his  subse- 


1 1   11) 


time  a  government  at  Berne,  worthy 
of  the  days  of  Diesbach,  had  be- 
trayed the  country  and  the  army. 

"^  A  long  and  able  article  in  the 
Helve  tische  Militiir-Zeitschrift,!  836, 
contains  some  instructive  criti^nsm 
—  marred,  however,  by  fundamen- 
tal errors  on  points  cf  fact.  Thus 
Charles  is  assumed  to  have  had 
from  70,000  to  80,000  troops,  and 
is  blamed,  on  this  assumption,  for 


not  having  doubled  his  detachments. 
He  is  censured  for  having  deferred 
till  the  17th  attempts  which  were 
actually  made  on  the  11th  and  12th. 
It  is  also  taken  for  granted  that  he 
carried  with  him  all  his  supplies, 
and  had  consequently  no  need  to 
preserve  his  communications;  but 
this,  as  we  shall  see  on  the  authority 
of  Panigarola,  is  a  mistake. 


416 


MORAT. 


[BOOK  V. 


'H.Jft" 


C^ 


quent  operations.  A  strong  party  of  cavalry  went 
northward  as  far  as  Arberg,  as  well  to  arrest  intended 
succors  from  that  end  of  the  lake  as  to  occupy  the 
enemy's  attention.  On  the  12th  from  six  to  eight 
thousand  infantry  marched  against  Gumminen  and 
Laupen.  At  the  former  point  the  road,  after  leaving 
the  bridge,  enters  a  pass  capable  of  being  held  against 
far  superior  numbers.'^*  Such  troops,  few  in  number, 
as  Berne  had  already  sent  out  were  posted  here,  and, 
on  the  first  alarm,  were  reenforced  by  the  peasantry 
of  Freyburg,  without  whose  aid  they  would,  by  their 
own  confession,  have  been  overpowered.*^'  At  Laupen 
the  bridge  itself  lies  in  a  kind  of  defile,  the  left  bank 
above  it  and  the  right  bank  below  being  lofty  and 
precipitous.  The  road  along  the  river,  by  which  the 
Burgundians  advanced,  approaches  it  by  a  sudden 
turn  under  the  edge  of  a  clifl^  and  hence  their  su- 
perior force  gave  them  little  advantage,  especially  as 
no  guns  or  missiles  seem  to  have  been  used.  The 
defenders  consisted  of  the  neighboring  villagers,  those 
of  Neueneck,  headed  by  their  priest,  being  conspicu- 
ous by  their  courage  and  promptitude.  They  sus- 
tained the  contest,  chiefly  one  of  stratagem,  for  six 
hours.  Messengers  sent  to  Berne  with  the  first 
notice  of  the  danger  found  the  citizens  already  under 


I  i 
j  I 


**  See  the  Lebensgeschichte  des 
Schultheissen  Niklaus  Friedrich  von 
Miilinen  (Bern,  1837),  which  con- 
tains a  striking  account  of  the  oper- 
ations on  the  Saane  in  1798. 

**  "Als  dann  die  vind  gestern 
an  die  unsern  zu  Guminen  an  den 
bruck  mit  starken  macht  kament, 


litten  die  unnsern  grosse  not,  mocht 
inen  ouch  nitt  wol  ergangen  sin  ob 
die  uworn  nitt  manlichen  ouch  keck- 
lichen  zugezogen  weren  als  getruw 
bruder,  und  insunder  die  von  Re- 
singen  warent  bald  do."  Berne  to 
Freyburg,  Girard  MSS. 


CHAP.  III.] 


THE  SIEGE. 


417 


arms,  the  banners  waving  and  the  array  forming  in 
the  Kreuzgasse,  in  front  of  the  council-house.  In- 
stead of  marching,  as  had  been  intended,  to  Giira- 
minen,  the  column  immediately  took  the  road  to 
Laupen,  where  it  arrived  in  the  nick  of  time.  The 
bridge  had  at  length  been  carried,  and  the  village 
and  castle,  occupying  an  angle  formed  by  the  conflu- 
ence of  the  Sense  with  the  Saane,  were  on  the  point 
of  falling.'^"  With  a  river  in  their  rear  and  another 
on  their  flank,  the  Burgundians,  attacked  suddenly 
by  a  fresh  and  superior  force,  imagined  that  they 
had  been  decoyed  into  an  ambuscade.  They  retreat- 
ed in  haste  across  the  bridge,  turning,  however,  on 
their  pursuers  and  compelling  them  to  withdraw  in 
turn,  with  a  loss  of  forty  or  fifty .^'' 

Skirmishing  was  kept  up  along  the  river,  but  the 
attack  on  the  bridge  was  not  renewed.  The  party 
sent  against  Arberg  had  also  been  worsted,  in  a  sally 
by  the  garrison.*^^  Charles,  meanwhile,  had  found  that 
the  siege  would  prove  a  more  protraiited  operation 
than  he  had  counted  upon.  The  fire  from  the  walls 
was  so  powerful  and  so  well  maintained  thai,  it  was 
not  till  the  14th  that  the  Burgundians  succeeded  in 
intrenching  themselves  on  the  edge  of  the  ditch  ^  — 
the  position  where  in  that  day  the  chief  labors  of  the 

«6  It  -yy-Q  ^jf  inn  mitt  unser  offner  cerne.) 
paner  und  starken  zuzug  nitt  zu 
hilff  komen,  so  hetten  wir  sloss  und 
statt,  das  unnser  altvarden  und  wir 
langzit  harbracht  und  mitt  vil  bliit 
vergiessen  behauptet  haben,  ufF  den 
tag  verloren."  Berne  to  Lucerne, 
Jme  13.    MS,  (Archives  of  Lu- 

YOL.  III.  53 


"  Ibid.  — Schilling,  8.330. —D^. 
peches  '^lilanaises,  torn.  ii.  p.  262. 

**  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C,  904. 
MS. 

'^  Dcpeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 
p.  264. 


418 


MORAT. 


[BOOK  V. 


'^J« 


siege  must  begin,  but  where,  under  the  moJern  sys- 
tem of  Ibrtification  and  attack,  they  may  be  said  to 
end.  Two  bombards,  with  some  pieces  throwing 
stone  balls,  were  brought  to  bear  upon  the  wall  on 
the  north-eastern  side,  and  seventy  discharges  were 
dehvered  in  the  course  of  twenty-four  hours;'"  Every 
shot  tliat  told  was  followed  by  a  burst  of  cheers  from 
the  battery,  while  the  defenders  remained  perfectly 
silent  for  fear  of  drawing  the  fire  of  the  arquebusiers. 
By  Bubenberg's  orders  the  gates  were  left  open,  that 
the  vigilance  of  tlie  garrison  might  be  kept  upon  the 
stretch.^^  A  sally  in  the  night  of  the  16th,  for  the 
purpose  of  overturning  the  guns,  had  no  result."'^  On 
the  18th,  several  towers  having  been  shot  away,  and 
large  ravages,  of  which  the  effects  are  still  visible, 
made  in  the  wall,''^  an  assault  was  ordered.  It  was 
made  at  nightfall,  the  stormers  being  equipped  with 
axes  and  ladders.  But  the  defenders  had  made  every 
preparation.  The  breach  was  strewn  with  pointed 
irons ;  retrenchments  had  been  raised,  and  a  flanking 
fire  was  brought  to  bear.  After  losing  sixty  killed 
and  a  hundred  or  more  wounded,  the  assailants  were 
withdrawn.^* 


;  i 


3°  Schilling,  s.  331.  — This  is  the 
obvious  origin  of  a  statement,  to  be 
found  in  most  of  the  later  narrators, 
that  Morat  resisted  a  bombardment 
from  seventy  pieces. 

^'  Engelhard,  s.  55. 

^^  Dupeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 
p.  271. 

"  "  So  hat  er  den  beaten  thurm 
inn  fier  schutz  nieder  geschossen, 
och  ander  thurm  und  ir  murren 
vast  zu  schossen."    Letter  of  Hans 


Waldmann  to  the  council  of  Zurich. 
MS.  (Archives  of  Zurich.)  —  Parts 
of  the  wall  have  been  left  unre- 
paired, as  a  memorial  of  the  siege. 
■'*  Tschudi,  Fortsctzung,  in  Bal- 
tazar,  Helvetia  (Aarau,  1828),  B.  IV. 
8.  469.  —  Schilling,  s.  331,  332.— 
Dcpeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  pp. 
279,  282. — In  the  Swiss  accounts 
the  loss  is  put  at  700—1000;  by 
Molinet  at  200  killed  and  many 
wounded. 


CHAP,  III.] 


THE  SIEGE. 


419 


The  ofTicera  who  hjul  superintended  the  attack 
were  called  before  the  duke  and  reprimanded  for 
their  want  of  energy.  They  excused  themselves 
by  alleging  that,  if  numbers  of  the  best  men  were 
sacrificed  in  the  assaults,  the  army  would  bo  too 
much  weakened  to  meet  the  enemy  in  the  field. 
Their  ideas,  derived  from  the  Italian  modes  of  war- 
fare, were  too  methodical  for  the  emergency,  and 
their  plans,  formed  with  deliberation,  were  executed 
with  a  corresponding  slowness.  It  was  necessary, 
they  declared,  that  all  the  ravelins  and  other  works 
on  one  side  should  be  levelled  before  a  general  as- 
sault was  attempted.  They  were  charged  to  redou- 
ble the  fire  and  to  act  with  great  celerity.  A  new 
battery  had  been  erected  on  more  commanding 
ground;  mines  had  been  opened  at  several  points; 
and  Charles  went  fiequently  to  inspect  the  works 
and  to  stimulate  the  activity  of  the  men.^' 

During  the  first  three  days  of  the  siege  all  com- 
munication between  the  garrison  and  their  country- 
men had  been  suspended.^"  On  the  14th  a  single 
messenger  succeeded  in  getting  to  Berne.^''    To  pre- 


'*  Ddpeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 
pp.  258,  264,  271,  279,  282. 

"  Letters  of  Berne,  June  12  and 
13,  in  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C, 
and  Archives  of  Lucerne.  MS. 
"  Soliclier  mass  das  one  macht  nie- 
tnant  mitt  bottschaft  noch  suss  keins 
wegs  zu  noch  von  inn  komen  kan 
noch  mag."  On  the  13th  the  coun- 
cil wrote  that  they  had  not  yet  re- 
ceived a  word  of  intelligence.  This 
refutes  the  statements  of  Schilling* 


Engelhard,  Rodt,  and  other  writers, 
that  the  communication  by  the  lake 
was  never  for  a  moment  interrupt- 
ed. It  appears  from  a  letter  of  Pani- 
garola  that  the  besiegers  were  them- 
selves under  a  similar  impression. 
Bu^  the  only  foundation  for  it  would 
seem  to  have  been  the  boasts  of  the 
garrison. 

'■'''  Letter  of  Ludwig  Seller,  June 
14.  MS.  (Archives  of  Lucerne.) 


420 


MORAT. 


[BOOK  V. 


o 


vent  any  messages  or  succors  ly  the  lake,  Charles 
had  caused  some  vessels  to  be  fitted  out  and  filled 
with  troops."®  They  were  stationed  so  as  to  watch 
the  passage  between  the  palisades,  but  out  of  range 
of  the  guns  in  the  wooden  towers  that  guarded  the 
entrance.  The  success  therefore  was  only  partial. 
In  a  dark  night  a  fleet,  adroitly  steered  from  the 
opposite  shore,  succeeded  in  landing  a  number  of 
men,  furnished  with  panniers  of  earth  to  aid  in  re- 
pairing the  works."^°  Yet  a  feeling  of  discouragement 
alsot  found  entrance ;  for  no  report  arrived  that  the 
Confederates  were  gathering  for  the  relief  of  the 
place,  wb^ch  otherwise,  it  was  clear,  must  ultimately 
succumb.  Although  few  lives  had  been  lost,  the 
fatigues  of  an  incessant  defence,  the  crumbling  of  the 
walls,  the  roar  of  the  artillery,  and  the  dull  echoes  of 
the  pick,  cast  a  gloom  upon  that  spirit  which  flamed 
so  ardently  on  the  battle-field,  but  which  always 
chafed  at  the  irksome  and  protracted  toils  of  a  regu- 
lar siege.  In  the  present  instance  the  discontent  was 
the  greater,  that  those  on  whom  the  duty  had  fallen 
contrasted  their  lot  with  that  of  their  brethren,  who 
would  monopolize  the  excitement,  the  glory,  and  — 
it  was  to  be  feared  —  the  booty.  At  the  first  indica- 
tion of  this  feeling  Bubenberg  assembled  both  the 
soldiers  and  the  disaffected  townspeople,  reminded 
the  former  of  their  oath,  warned  the  latter  of  their 
peril,  declared  that  whoever  breathed  a  word  or  ex- 
hibited a  sign  of  faintheartedness  or  treason  should 


^^  Depcches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.        '^^  Chron.  de  Neuchiltel,  Schweiz. 
p.  247.  Geschichtforscher,  B.  VIII.  s.  294. 


CHAP,  in.] 


THE  CONFEDERATES  ASSEMBLING. 


421 


be  cut  down  on  the  spot,  and  wished  the  same  fate 
for  himself  if  he  should  ever  entertain  a  thought  of 
yielding.*"  He  nevertheless  perceived  that  the  crisis 
of  the  siege  was  at  hand.  He  wrote,  therefore,  to 
Berne  that,  if  it  were  intended  to  save  the  town, 
there  must  be  no  delay.  The  works  were  greatly 
damaged,  and  the  men  were  fairly  worn  out.  Yet 
they  and  he  would  continue  the  defence  while  a  vein 
pulsated  in  their  bodies.*^ 

If  any  time  had  been  lost,  Berne  at  least  was  not  in 
fault.  At  the  first  moment  it  had  sent  notice  to  all 
its  Confederates  and  allies  from  Strasburg  to  Sion. 
Letters  were  issued  daily  with  circumstantial  accounts, 
and  members  of  the  council  had  gone  to  obtain  assur- 
ance that  the  summons  would  be  obeyed.*^  There 
was  no  occasion  for  undue  emphasis  or  reproachful 
slurs.  Yet  the  council  could  not  refrain  from  observ- 
ing that,  if  their  earlier  urgings  had  been  heeded  .and 
the  plans  of  Berne  adopted,  no  second  invasion  would 
have  taken  place.**^ 

At  present,  however,  there  was  no  lack  of  zeal  in 
any  quarter.  The  cantons  were  all  in  a  bustle  of 
preparation.  Alarm-bells  were  constantly  pealing ; 
signal-fires  blazed  on  the  hill-tops.  The  summons 
found  the  herdsmen  ascending  to  the  Alpine  pastures, 
and   recalled   them   to  the  valleys.    Gathered   into 


43  i<  \yo  aile  pundsverwandten  als 
wir . . .  wir  wareu  des  wiitenden  Blut- 


*»  Schilling.— Engelhard.— Tscbu 
di,  Fortsetzung. 

*'  Tschudi,  Fortsetzung,   Helve-    gosser  langst  abkommen."   Berne  to 
tia,  B.  IV.  8.  470.  Strasburg,  Deutsch  Missiveu-Buch 

«  Schilling.  — DeutschMissiven-    C,  898.  MS. 
BuchC.   MS.  • 


422 


MORAT. 


[BOOK  V. 


f 


c 


groups,  they  heard  in  fancy  the  reverberations  of  the 
cannon  battering  the  walls  of  Morat."  Questions  as 
to  the  propriety  of  assisting  Berne  to  preserve  its 
unrighteous  conquests  were  forgotten.  Recollections 
of  Grandson  —  of  the  fate  of  the  garrison,  of  the 
plunder  of  the  camp  *^  —  filled  all  minds  ;  and  there 
was  a  general  determination  to  muster  more  quickly 
and  in  greater  numbers  than  on  that  occasion.  One 
place  was  suspected,  though  wrongly,  of  a  different 
feeling.  Zurich,  dissatisfied  with  the  distribution  of 
the  money  received  from  Geneva,  would,  it  was  said, 
display  its  grudge  by  a  scanty  contingent.  But  the 
authorities,  when  made  acquainted  with  the  charge, 
repelled  it  as  a  stigma  on  Helvetian  fidelity.  "  It  is 
false,"  they  said  ;  "  such  a  thought  never  entered  our 
minds.  We  intend  not  to  diminish,  but  to  increase, 
our  levies."^" 

Lucerne,  while  mustering   its  men,  had  sent  an 
agent  to  Berne  to  give  a  promise  of  their  speedy 


"  At  Bienne  the  noise  of  the 
bombardment  was  actually  heard, 
throughout  the  17th  and  18th,  rais- 
ing excitement  and  impatience  to 
the  highest  pitch.  See  Bla;sch,  B. 
II.  s.  301. 

*^  There  are  numerous  indications 
of  the  degree  in  which,  after  Grand- 
son, the  thirst  for  booty  grew  to  be 
a  settled  and  primary  motive  for 
war.  To  trace  them  would  lead  us 
too  far  from  our  subject.  An  ex- 
tract from  Schilling  will  be  sufficient 
to  mark  this  influence  on  the  pres- 
ent occasion.  Speaking  of  the  feel- 
ing with  which  the  troops  at  Berne 


and  Morat  had  awaited  the  enemy's 
approach,  he  says,  "  Die .  . .  wurden 
damlt  dester  mannhafter  und  ge- 
hertzer,  dann  sy  meinten,  er  wurde 
aber  gros  Gut  von  Gold,  Silber,  und 
andern  Dingen,  mit  ihm  bringen, 
das  sy  ihm  aber  meinten  an  zu  ge- 
winnen."  s.  323. 

46  «  Yo,j  ^ygnj  ypjj  jjjg  fufgcben 

ist  der  hat  die  unwahrheit  gebrucht, 
und  uns  ist  solichs  in  unser  gedecht- 
niss  sinn  und  gemiit  nie  kome, 
Und  wir  woUent  unsern  zug  meren 
und  nit  mindern."  Zurich  to  Lu- 
cerne, June  14.  MS.  (Archives  of 
Lucerne.) 


ii: 


CHAP.  III.] 


URGENT  MISSIVES. 


423 


arrival,  as  well  as  to  ascertain  the  exact  state  of 
affairs.  He  wrote  back  on  the  14th,  certifying  the 
correctness  of  former  reports.  On  his  journey  he 
had  found  the  fields  and  houses  almost  entirely 
deserted,  —  men,  women,  and  children  flocking  to 
Berne  in  a  state  of  anxiety  and  alarm.^'  There 
too  all  was  commotion  and  fear,  especially  on  ac- 
count of  the  garrison  of  Morat.  The  troops  of  the 
canton  had  already  set  out,  resolved  to  lose  every  life 
rather  than  that  the  tragedy  at  Grandson  should  be 
repeated.^^  None  of  the  Confederates  had  yet  arrived. 
But  it  was  to  Lucerne  that  the  inhabitants  of  Berne 
of  all  classes  looked  with  the  greatest  confidence  and 
hope.  Aided  by  their  brothers  of  Lucerne,  they 
would  be  ready,  they  said,  to  meet  any  attack.*^ 

On  Monday,  the  17th,  the  council  sent  out  an 
urgent  missive  to  the  forces  already  approaching, 
entreating  them  to  lose  no  moment  on  the  way. 
Tidings  just  received  from  the  besieged  showed  that 
their  situation  was  growing  desperate.  *' Dearest 
friends  and  brothers,"  the  letter  concluded,  "  were  the 
need  not  so  great,  we  should  be  loath  to  use  such 
pressing  and  burdensome  solicitations.  But  our  af- 
fairs, alas !  are  in  a  state  which  obliges  us  to  load  you 
beyond  our  desire.  If  God  grant  that  we  preserve 
our  existence  and  power,  we  will  show  our  eternal 


*''  "  Under  wegs  har  uff  hab  ich  ren  niimer  zu  verlassen  das  innen 

die  lantschafft  zu  gutter  mass  gantz  beschech  als  dennen  vor  gransson 

ot  gesechen  und  niemand  da  heimen,  beschechen  ist,   e  all  lib  und  gut 

und  raaiissbild  wib  und  kind  gant^  darum  geben." 

trurig  und  ershrocken."  ""*  Letter  of  Ludwig  Seiler    MS, 

**  "  Und  v°nneint  je  mer  die  ir-  (Archives  of  Lucerne.) 


424 


MORAT. 


[BOOK  V. 


D 


gratitude,  to  the  extent  of  our  ability,  with  steadfast 
brotherly  love,  never  "  —  as  heretofore  —  "  separating 
ourselves  from  you."  «> 

Before  this  message  had  left  the  gates  those  to 
whom  it  was  addressed  had  begun  to  enter.  The  first 
to  arrive  were  the  men  of  Unterwalden  —  the  last 
who  had  consented  to  the  war.  They  had  been 
joined  on  the  route  by  those  of  the  Entlibuch  Valley, 
too  eager  to  wait  for  the  banner  of  Lucerne.  This 
canton,  Schwytz,  and  Uri,  followed  in  quick  succes- 
sion on  the  next  day,  and  the  stream  continued  to 
flow  without  intermission.  All  the  allies  arrived  in 
good  season.  Frederick's  injunctions  to  the  contrary 
had  been  treated  with  scorn  by  the  imperial  towns, 
their  answer  being,  that  their  obligations  to  the  Swiss 
imposed  a  duty  paramount  to  that  of  obeying  the 
emperor.^'  Some,  who  had  rejected  the  former  sum- 
mons, now  came  without  any.  Others,  who  had  then 
been  too  late,  were  now  among  the  foremost.  Aus- 
tria was  represented  by  five  hundred  cavalry  under 
Oswald  von  Thierstein.  Sion  had  sent  the  whole  of 
its  forces.  The  young  count  of  Gruyeres,  whose 
father,  the  marshal  of  Savoy,  was  now  dead,  had  put 
ofi"  his  mourning  weeds  and  the  doubtful  policy  he 
had  inherited,  and  chosen  the  side  that  was  certain  to 
win.  But  the  warmest  greetings  were  given  to  Rene 
of  Lorraine,  who,  with  his  meagre  and  ill-equipped 


*"  "  Den  furscichtigen    frommen  Montag  nach  Corporis  Xsti,  zu  ves- 

wyssen    Houptluten  Vennern   und  perzytt."    MS.   (Archives   of   Lu- 

Biiten  von  Luzern  ure  Schwiz  und  cerne.) 

underwalden  so  jetz  zu  unssre  statt  ^'  Knebel,  2te  Abth.  s.  53. 
Bern  ziechen."     "Datum  schnell 


CHAF.  in.] 


SUCCORS  ARRIVING. 


425 


troop  of  three  hundred  mercenaries/^  seemed  to  sym- 
bolize the  cause  of  the  conquered  and  oppressed.  As 
fast  as  they  were  refreshed,  the  successive  bands 
pushed  on  to  Giimminen,  to  join  the  troops  of  Berne, 
who  had  meanwhile  crossed  the  Saane,  taking  post  at 
Ulmitz,  on  the  Bibcren,  in  readiness,  if  the  case  required 
it,  to  fling  themselves  on  the  enemy  and  give  the 
hard-pressed  garrison  a  chance  to  fight  their  way 
out."^  Charles,  having  learned  the  design,  had  kept 
his  whole  force  under  arms  throughout  the  night  of 
the  17th,  and  on  the  following  morning  had  made  a 
reconnoissance  in  person,  postir?g  troops  on  the  heights 
to  guard  against  a  saiprise.^  But  the  reenforce- 
ments  constantly  arriving  had  given  the  Swiss  leaders 
the  assurance  of  a  speedy  and  more  effectual  blow 
and  determined  them  to  wait.^^  By  the  evening  of 
the  19  th  all  the  expected  succors  had  reached  the 
place  of  rendezvous  or  were  close  at  hand,  except 
those  of  Zurich  and  Appenzell.®'' 

Through  his  scouts  and  the  spies  in  the  service  of 
Romont,  Charles  had  been  kept  informed  of  the 
enemy's  numbers  and  movements.  He  knew,  and 
Berne  was  aware  that  he  knew,  that  its  own  force, 
with  that  of  its  immediate  allies,  was  no  match  for 
him.^'    Yet  after  his  first,  too  feeble  efforts,  he  had 


*'  Ibid.  8.  62  et  al.  rate  worden  das  man  .  .  .  erwarten 

"  Letters  of  Peter  Rot,  command-  will."    Letter  of  Peter  Rot,  Knebel, 

er  of  the  Basel  troops,  in  Knebel,  2te  Abth.  s.  60. 

2te  Abth.  s.  58-60.  *'  Knebel.  —  Schilling.  —  Tschu- 

**  Depcches  Milanaises,  tom.  ii.  di,  Fortsetzung. 

pp.  273,  274.  *'  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 

"  "  Also  ist  man  einhelcklich  zu  p.  273.    Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  C, 
VOL.  m.                   54 


426 


MORAT. 


[book  v. 


i 


suspended  all  offensive  attempts,  letting  slip  the 
golden  opportunity  to  overwhelm  a  far  inferior  force, 
with  a  river  in  its  rear.  Remembering  his  habitual 
eagerness  for  battle,  and  the  promptitude  with  which 
he  had  taker  the  offensive  at  Neuss  and  at  Grandson, 
this  conduct  cannot  but  appear  strange,  —  the  more 
so,  since  it  appears  from  a  letter  of  his  own,  written 
on  the  16th,  that  he  had  made  preparations  for  fall- 
ing on  the  enemy  on  that  daj';®^  but  hearing  that 
they  meant  to  attack  him,  he  had  changed  his  plan 
and  resolved  to  remain  on  the  defensive.  The  truth 
is,  that,  despite  his  independent  position  and  arbitra- 
ry will,  he  was  oppressed  by  a  sense  of  responsibility. 
He  had  undertaken  the  campaign  against  all  men's 
entreaties  and  advice;  and  for  any  ill  fortune  that 
might  befall  he  must  expect  to  bear  the  sole  blame. 
The  notion  of  his  extreme  rashness  had  become 
universal.  It  was  a  common  opinion  that,  if  he  had 
remained  behind  his  intrenchments  at  Grandson,  the 
Swiss  would  inevitably  have  been  repulsed.^^  Aware 
of  this  criticism  and  of  the  censures  on  his  over- 
weening confidence,  he  had  given  repeated  assurances, 
before  setting  out,  that  he  would  move  with  the 
greatest  prudence,  risking  as  little  as  possible,  offering 


904.  MS.  —  "  Sy  hand  ouch  ij  ge- 
fangenen  die  sprechend  das  der 
hertzog  hab  sm  anschlag  in  sblicher 
mass  das  cr  vol  wiiss  das  hern  sol- 
lotern  und  friburg  in  nit  angriffe." 
Letter  of  Ludwig  Seiler.  MS.  (Ar- 
chives of  Lucerne.) 
68  <»A.vons    este    ia  nuyt    passcS 


veillant  at  debout  en  intencion  de 
marcher  h.  tout  notre  arniee  au  de- 
vant  de  nos  ennemis,  prouchains  de 
nous  Ji  deux  petites  lieues."  Letter 
to  the  magistrates  of  Dijon,  M6m. 
de  I'Acad.  de  Dijon,  1852,  p.  132. 

*"  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.   i. 
p.  324. 


CHAP,  III.] 


EMBARRASSMENTS  OF  CHARLES. 


427 


the  enemy  no  advantage.""  Since  he  had  opened  the 
siege  new  causes  of  anxiety  had  arisen.  Vedettes  and 
foraging  parties  had  been  cut  o^,  and  Charles  was  in 
constant  fear  for  his  communications,"^  limited  now, 
as  far  as  Payerne,  to  a  single  road  on  the  verge  of  a 
lake  and  a  morass.  In  the  distant  rear  a  still  more 
serious  peril  had  occurred.  No  sooner  had  he  quitted 
the  neighborhood  of  Lausanne  than  a  band  from  the 
Simmenthal,  several  thousimd  strong,  had  crossed  the 
Jaman  and  marched  against  that  city.  They  were 
met  in  front  of  Vevay  by  five  hundred  men  under 
Pierre  de  Gingins,  lord  of  Chatelar.  An  obstinate 
combat  ended  in  the  slaughter  of  the  whole  of  the 
defenders,  and  was  followed  by  a  frightful  massacre 
of  men,  women,  and  children.  The  invaders  were 
about  to  continue  their  advance,  when  a  summons 
from  Freyburg  recalled  them  to  the  army  mustering 
for  the  relief  of  Morat."^ 

The  capture  of  this  place,  as  preliminary  to  the 
execution  of  his  original  plan,  would  have  freed 
Charles  from  his  embarrassments.  It  was  not  with- 
out a  visible  vexation  that  he  had  renounced  the 
hope  and  turned  his  whole  attention  to  prepara- 
tions for  defence.  Tn  his  choice  of  a  position,  appre- 
hensions proceeding  from  the  sources  we  have  noticed 
had   a  preponderating  influence."^    The   road  from 


uses,  torn.  i. 


*"  Ibid.  torn.  ji.  pp.  15,  52,  210,  tualie  e  serar  li  passi." 

217,  219.  — Notizenblatt,  1856,  s.  «*  Ibid.  s.  249,  258.  —  Schillii-tj, 

179.  s.    313.  —  Gingins,    Episodes,    pp. 

«'  Dcpeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  292-298. 

pp.  248,  279.     "  Si  dubita  costoro  "^  "  Prefato  S.  e  stato  a  v-edere 

si  ingegnerano  tome  la  via  di  le  vie-  tuti  questi  monti  circonstanti,  per 


^H.jsm 


o 


428 


MORAT. 


[book  v. 


Morat  to  Freyburg,  diverging  at  a  right  angle  from 
that  to  Avenches,  rises  through  the  villages  of  Courge- 
vaiix  and  Courlevon,  which,  with  others  in  the  vicin- 
ity, had  been  burned  by  the  duke's  orders.  Around 
or  in  the  rear  of  these  the  main  Burgundian  camp 
seems  to  have  been  pitched,**  —  about  two  miles  south 
of  Morat,  and  three  or  more  east  of  Avenches.  In 
both  these  directions  —  i.  e.  to  the  north  and  west  — 
the  ground  of  course  slopes  downwards.  Southward 
it  alternately  falls  and  rises ;  but  stretching  eastward, 
a  space  of  tolerably  level  ground,  as  if  the  top  of  a 
hill  had  been  partially  sheared  away,  presented  the 
only  chance  Charles  was  able  to  find  for  the  deploy- 
ment of  troops."*  On  the  right  was  a  ravine  hollowed 
out  by  the  Biberen ;  on  the  left  a  tangle  of  hollows 
and  hills,  besides  the  danger  to  an  assailant  of  being 
caught  between  the  main  body  and  the  besieging 
force.  In  front  the  position  looked  down  upon  a 
gentle  slope,  clear  of  woods  for  several  hundred 
yards,  beyond  which  the  forest  extended  to  the  Saane. 
On  the  brow  of  the  slope  the  Burgundians  erected  a 
palisade,  called  in  the  military  language  of  the  time  a 
"  hedge,"  lining  their  front,  but  with  openings  to  allow 


fortificare  questo  catnpo  intorno,  e 
serar  che  non  possano  li  iiiimicj  ve- 
nere  salvo  da  un  canto,  al  quale 
uscire,  per  essere  ale  mane  con  loro, 
0  non,  sia  in  arbitrio  di  Soa  Extia." 
Ddpeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  p.  248. 
**  The  names  of  these  villages  are 
not  given  in  the  authorities ;  but  the 
descriptions  of  the  locality  and  the 
distances  and  directions  mentioned 


leave  no  doubt  of  the  correctness  of 
the  local  traditions.  A  kind  of  cav- 
ity near  the  Freyburg  road  is  point- 
ed out  as  the  spot  where  the  duke's 
pavilion  stood. 

'^  "  II  fucto  consiste  in  avere  loco 
spatioso  et  in  lo  quale  possi  adope- 
rare  le  squadre  et  fanti  soi."  Dfj- 
pcches  Milanaises,  tom.  ii.  p.  2d8. 


CHAP.  III.] 


THE  BURGUNDIAN  POSITION. 


429 


the  artillery  to  play  and  the  troops  to  sally  when  the 
foe  had  bee:i  repulsed. 

At  a  superficial  glance,  the  position  may  well  have 
seemed  the  best  that  could  be  found.  It  was  assail- 
able only  in  front,  and  there  at  a  sufficient  dis- 
advantage. But  looked  at  in  relation  to  purposes 
which  it  was  essential  to  keep  in  view,  it  was  faulty 
in  a  fatal  degree.  Were  the  troops  engaged  in  the 
siege  to  be  regarded  as  a  separate  corps  or  as  the 
left  wing  of  the  army  ?  In  the  former  case,  the  larger 
portion  of  them  were  completely  uncovered,  liable 
to  be  overwhelmed  before  assistance  could  arrive,  or, 
if  the  main  army  were  first  defeated,  to  be  cut  off 
from  all  chance  of  retreat.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  they 
formed  a  portion  of  the  line,  —  which  in  this  case 
extended  from  Courlevon  on  the  right  to  Romont's 
position,  north-east  of  Morat,  on  the  left,  —  then  the 
army  would  be  fighting,  in  modern  parlance,  "  front 
to  a  flank,"  and  that  with  a  lake  in  its  rear.^  The 
problem  would  have  been  solved  if  Charles  had 
carried  out  an  expressed  intention  to  draw  off  the 


*'  The  sarcasm  of  Bonaparte,  when 
at  Morat,  in  1797,  on  his  way  from 
Italy  to  Rastadt,  —  "  Si  jamais  nous 
livrons  bataille  en  ces  lieux,  soyez 
persuade  que  nous  ne  prendrons  pas 
le  lac  pour  retraite,"  —  is  treated  by 
Von  Kodt  as  inapplicable,  inasmuch 
as  only  the  besieging  force  was  in 
this  position.  No  doubt  Napoleon, 
like  Jomini,  was  under  the  impres- 
sion that  the  whole  Burgundian  ar- 
my lay  posted  along  the  lake  at  the 
^oot  of  the  hills,  and  that  it  was 


turned  by  a  flank  attack  on  the 
right  wing.  Von  Rodt  has  exposed 
these  errors,  and  partly  indicated 
their  source.  But  he  has  failed  to 
notice  how  hazardous  the  position 
was  rendered  by  this  distribution 
of  the  different  corps ;  while  he  at- 
tributes to  mere  accident  that  deci- 
sive movement  of  the  Swiss  which, 
as  we  shall  see,  was  really  an  effect 
of  design  and  skill,  well  entitled  to 
the  designation  of  "belle  manoeu- 
vre "  given  to  it  by  Lecomte. 


lih 


430 


MOHAT. 


[book  v. 


0 


greater  part  of  the  besieging  force.  He  proposed,  by 
constructing  "bastions"  in  front  of  the  gates,  to 
enable  a  small  body  to  repel  any  attempted  sally 
during  the  battle.'"'  But  the  time  was  insufficient  for 
the  engineers,  with  their  sluggish  methods  of  pro- 
cedure, to  execute  this  project;  and  all  that  was 
actually  done  was  to  remove  most  of  the  light  artil- 
lery, leaving  Romont  to  carry  on  a  steady  bom- 
bard aient. 

While  awaiting  the  issue,  the  busy  mind  of  Charles 
turned  from  its  calculations  of  immediate  triumph  or 
disaster  to  schemes  of  an  older  date.  The  war  with 
the  Swiss  he  looked  upon  merely  as  an  episode.  Mid- 
way in  his  career  of  success  he  had  been  arrested,  not 
by  the  opposition  he  might  have  expected  to  arouse, 
but  by  an  unforeseen  obstacle  falling  upon  and  block- 
ing up  his  path.  When  this  had  been  removed,  he 
would  be  able  to  resume  his  course  —  provided  his 
crafty  adversary  had  not  strewn  it  meanwhile  with 
fresh  impediments.  It  was  important  to  lose  no  time 
in  counteracting  the  manoeuvres  of  Louis  in  Provence, 
and  in  securing,  if  possible,  the  adhesion  and  assist- 
ance of  Milan.  A  mission  having  in  view  this  double 
object  was  now  intrusted  to  Olivier  de  Lamarche,  with 
instructions  for  his  guidance  and  an  armed  escort  to 
secure  his  passage  across  the  Alps.  The  worthy 
cavalier,  who  held  the  post  of  captain  of  the  guard, 


6'  ''Mi  a  dicto  .  .  .  intende  far    vino  il  contrasto  de  dicti  bastioni, 
fare  dei  bastioni  contra  le  doe  porte    quali  poche  gente  tenerano  et  def- 
di  la  terra,  forti  quanta  potra,  per    fenderano."     Depcches  Milanaises, 
lassar  manco  gente  a  lobsidione  di    torn.  ii.  p.  283. 
la  terra,  etiam  perche  uscendo  tro-  . 


1:1 


OHAF.  III.] 


OMINOUS  DEPARTURE. 


431 


pleaded  hard  not  to  be  sent  away  at  a  moment  when 
every  true  knight  was  looking  forward  to  the  op- 
portunity of  attesting  his  courage  and  devotion.  He 
was  dismissed  with  the  reply  that  the  day  of  battle 
was  uncertain,  and  that  he  could  render  better  service 
in  the  negotiations  intrusted  to  him  than  by  any  acts 
of  prowess  in  the  field."® 

Another  and  more  ominous  departure  followed  on 
the  21st.  The  king  of  Naples,  with  a  policy  modelled 
on  that  of  Sforza,  though  with  strongly  antagonistic 
objects,  had  maintained  an  open  alliance  with  Bur- 
gundy, while  his  secret  leanings  were  on  the  side  of 
France.  He  had  long  since  made  the  simultaneous 
discovery  that  his  son  had  no  chance  of  obtaining  the 
hand  of  Charles's  daughter,  and  that  the  star  of  Louis 
would  in  the  end  eclipse  that  of  his  rival.  If  the 
French  king  could  be  induced,  in  view  of  innumerable 
advantages  to  himself,  to  discountenance  and  chastise 
the  duke  of  Milan,  Ferdinand  would  onlv  await  the 
safe  return  of  his  son  to  come  to  an  open  rupture 
with  Burgundy.*""  It  was  not,  however,  till  after  the 
battle  of  Grandson  that,  under  the  mask  of  a  mission 
of  condolence  to  Charles,  he  had  made  arrangements 


ill 


*'  Ibid,  ubi  supra. 

**  Letters  to  Louis  from  a  secret 
agent  of  Ferdinand,  Aug.  and  Oct., 
1475.  Legrand  MSS.  torn,  xviii.  — 
A  passage  in  the  former  of  these 
letters  shows  that  the  world  was  be- 
ginning to  comprehend  the  sagacity 
and  good  fortune  of  Louis,  the 
greatness  of  his  aims,  and  the  im- 
prudence of  being  classed  among 
his  opponents.     "Je  vous  supplie, 


sire,  tres  humblement  qu'il  vous 
plaise  me  pardonner  si  je  ose  si 
avant  me  ingerer  h.  en  escripre,  car 
bon  desir  le  me  fait  faire,  et  la  grant 
joye  que  j'ay  de  la  prosperite  que  je 
voy  qui  graces  k  Dieu  vous  vient  de 
toutes  pars.  En  quoy  vous  aurez 
fait  le  plus  grant  oeuvre  et  de  la  plus 
grant  prudence  et  estimation  que 
jamais  prince  pourroit  faire." 


432 


MORAT. 


[book  v. 


r 


.1   ! 


m 


for  the  prince  of  Tarento  to  withdraw  from  the  camp, 
before  the  renewal  of  hostilities,  and  proceed  to  the 
court  of  France.  The  design  had  easily  revealed 
itself  to  Sforza,  who,  in  communicating  on  the  subject 
with  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  had  advised  that  so  im- 
portant a  hostage  should  not  be  allowed  to  leave  the 
camp.  Charles  had  replied  that  he  would  endeavor 
by  persuasion,  to  retain  him,  at  least  for  a  time.''"  But 
he  disdained  to  employ  even  persuasions  at  a  moment 
when  his  power  was  about  either  to  be  shattered  for- 
ever or  to  soar  above  all  opposition.  He  dismissed 
the  young  prince  with  thanks  for  his  past  services 
and  good  wishes  for  his  welfare. 

A  notion  was  prevalent  in  the  Burgundian  camp 
that  the  Swiss  would  make  their  attack  on  a  Satur- 
day, as  a  day  which  had  proved  propitious  to  them  on 
former  fields."'  And  it  so  happened  that  an  intention 
of  fighting  on  Saturday,  the  22d,  had  in  fiict  been 
entertained  by  the  Confederates,  not  for  the  reason 
supposed,  but  because  the  festival  of  the  "  Ten  Thou- 
sand Martyrs,"  on  which  the  battle  of  Laiipen  had 
been  gained,  in  1399,  would  fall  on  that  day."^  Yet 
it  was  only  through  a  second  coincidence  that  the 
event  corresponded  with  the  expectation.  Already 
on  the  20th  preparations  had  been  made ;  the  troops 
were  filled  with  impatience,  and  the  leaders  had  dis- 


'"  Ddpeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  der  X"*  Rittertag  do  gestritten  werd 

p.  218.  harumb  so  wellend  die  hh.  X™  Rit- 

"  Ibid.  pp.  260,  283.  ter  fur  uns  bitten."    Letter  of  Peter 

'*  "  Versehen  uns  do  uff  samstag  Rot,  Knebel,  2te  Abth.  s.  59. 


onAP.  ill.] 


THE  LAST  REfiNFORCEMENTS. 


433 


missed  all  notion  of  waiting  either  for  additional 
auspices  or  further  succors/'  But  on  this  same  day 
a  letter  from  Lucerne,  written  on  the  19th,  was  re- 
ceived, stating  that  the  troops  of  Zurich,  four  thousand 
strong,  were  to  leave  home  on  that  morning,  and  beg- 
ging that,  if  po,^sible,  tht  attack  should  be  deferred 
until  their  arrival.  They  would  probably  be  joined 
by  those  of  Appenzell  and  Saint-Gall.''*  Waldmann, 
who  was  to  command  the  levies  of  his  canton,  had 
already  brought  the  garrison  of  Freyburg  to  the  camp, 
whence  he  hurried  back  to  Berne  to  meet  and  urge 
forward  his  men.  He  was  taunted  in  the  streets  with 
the  backwardness  of  his  canton,'*  and  in  feverish 
anxiety  he  sent  message  after  message,  both  to  his 
colleagues  in  the  camp,  entreating  them  to  wait,  and 
to  the  oncoming  forces,  charging  them  not  to  linger. 
To  miss  such  an  opportunity  for  overwhelming  the 
enemy  would  be  an  eternal  disgrace.  "  There  are 
three  times  as  many  of  them  as  at  Grandson,"  he 
wrote  to  his  people ;  "  but  let  no  one  be  dismayed ; 
with  God's  help  we  will  kill  them  all." '« 

Thus  stimulated,  the  troops  made  no  delay.  The 
roads  were  very  different  from  those  which  on  the 
same  route,  as  everywhere  else  in  Switzerland,  now  ex- 
cite the  admiration  and  gratitude  of  travellers.''''  The 
difficulties  were  doubled  by  heavy  rains,  that  abated  at 


"  Ibid.  s.  60.  werden  sy  mit  der  gots  hilff  all  er- 

'*  In  das  Veld  gen  Murten.    MS.  toden."  MS.   (Archives  of  Zurich.) 

(Archives  of  Lucerne.)  '^  One  can  scarcely  believe  that 

'*  Edlibach,  s.  155.  in  a  country  now  so  distinguished 

"  "Aber  erschreck  nieman,  wir  for  the  excellence  of  its  roads,  it 


VOL.  III. 


00 


434 


MORAT. 


[BOOK  V. 


\i 


intervals  only  to  recommence  with  greater  violence. 
Nevertheless  the  zealous  band  accomplished  their 
march  of  a  hundred  miles  in  less  than  three  days, 
arriving  at  Berne  in  the  afternoon  of  Friday,  the  2l8t. 
Finding  what  shelter  they  could,  they  sank  down  to 
rest,  thinking  to  recruit  their  exhausted  strength 
before  going  into  battle.  But  crowds  of  women  and 
children,  weeping  and  running  to  and  fro.  kept  up 
ihe  incessant  cry,  "  Dear  friends,  go  on,  go  on  !  Rest 
not  yet !  The  lives  of  our  husbands,  our  fathers,  are 
in  peril !  "  Waldmann,  after  writing  to  the  camp  to 
crave  still  a  short  delay,  as  the  wearied  troops  could 
not  possibly  proceed  till  morning,  found  that  the  im- 
possible must  be  done.  A  little  before  midnight  the 
horns  again  sounded,  and  the  sleepers  started  to  their 
feet.  Lights  blazed  in  every  window.  No  one  in 
Berne  went  to  bed  that  night.  At  the  moment 
when  the  leading  files  left  the  gate  and  plunged  into 
the  darkness,  the  storm  broke  out  with  greater  fury 
than  ever,  and  had  not  yet  subsided  when,  at  dawn, 
the  drenched  and  broken  band  struggled  into  Giim- 
miuen.  Six  hundred  had  dropped  by  the  way.  Af- 
ter crossing  the  river,  they  made  a  brief  halt  for 
refreshment,  notice  being  sent  forward  of  their  arri- 
val. They  entered  the  camp  through  a  lane  of 
spears,  saluted  with  welcomes  and  plaudits,  and  with 


was  a  common  complaint,  scarcely  was  attributed  to  the  policy  which, 

more  than  half  a  century  ago,  that  from  the  period  of  our  history,  had 

no  such  thing  as  a  decent  road  was  kept  the  attention  and  energies  of 

to  be  seen.    This  fact,  with  the  lack  the  government  absorbed  by  its  for- 

of  internal  improvements  generally,  eign  relations. 


CHAP.  III.] 


PLAN  OF  ATTACK. 


435 


the    exclamation  from  all  sides  that  so  strong  and 
gallant  a  band  had  been  well  worth  waiting  for.''^ 

Mass  was  now  said  and  breakfast  served  out, 
though  many,  in  their  restlessness,  refused  to  eat  or 
drink  till  the  victory  had  been  won.  The  leaders 
had  already  decided  on  the  method  of  attack.  At 
first  it  had  seemed  the  more  obvious  plan  to  follow 
the  direct  road,  fall  upon  the  besieging  army,  and 
liberate  the  garrison.  But  the  old  landamman  of 
Schwy tz,  Ulrich  Katzy,  gave  wiser  counsel.  "  While 
we  are  beating  Romont,"  he  said,  "the  duke  will 
have  time  and  opportunity  to  escape.  Let  us  go 
round  by  the  hills  against  the  main  body ;  when  that 
is  routed,  we  shall  have  the  rest  without  a  stroke." ''" 
This  suggestion  of  a  happy  instinct,  equivalent  to 
the  coup  d!odl  of  military  genius,  was  appreciated 
and  accepted  by  all.  A  reconnoitring  force  was 
sent  out  to  find  the  proper  road  and  the  exact  posi- 
tion of  the  enemy.  For  still  greater  surety,  messen- 
gers were  despatched  to  Ins,  Erlach,  and  other  places, 
desiring  the  people  in  that  quarter  to  guard  the 
passes  and  fords,  in  case  Romont,  on  learning  his 
danger,  should  attempt  to  make  off  round  the  lake.^'' 

Meanwhile  the  task  of  marshalling  a  force  consist- 
ing of  numerous  independent  bands,  many  of  which 
had  never  before  fought  in  the  same  array,  present- 
ed considerable  difficulty.  In  some  cases  a  question 
was  quickly  settled ;  in  others  there  was  hesitation 

"  Edlibach,  s.  155,  156.  —  Schil-    Schilling,  ubi  supra, 
ling,  8.  33),  336.  *"  Chron.  de  Neuchutel,  Schweiz. 

'*  Knebel,  2te   Abth.  s.  65.  —    Geschichtforscher,  B.  VIII.  8.  295. 


it 


[■  * 

: 

1  t 

:  \ 

^  1 

'i 

i  . 

1 

;i. 

1  1  i' 

1  \  \ 


436 


MORAT. 


[BOOK  V. 


or  a  struggle  for  precedence.  When  it  was  asked 
■where  Bienne  should  stand,  "  Where  else  but  next 
to  Berne,  as  of  old  ?"  was  called  out  in  reply. 
"  Where  is  Lenzburg  ?  "  cried  a  voice ;  "  its  place  is 
next  to  Zofingen."  "Gone  forward  to  wake  the 
duke,  that  he  may  hear  us  coming,"  was  the  laugh- 
ing: answer.®*  It  was  soon  evident  that  consultations 
of  this  kind,  amid  bursts  of  hilarity,  would  end  in  dis- 
order and  a  waste  of  time,  and  that  the  only  proper 
course  was  to  elect  a  supreme  commander  and  leave 
all  the  dispositions  to  him.  Herter,  who  was  present 
in  the  suite  of  the  duke  of  Lorraine,  was  chosen  for 
the  post,®^  in  preference  to  the  unpopular  Thierstein. 
The  experienced  soldier,  thus  raised  from  the  lieu- 
tenancy of  the  smallest  fraction  to  the  leadership  of 
the  united  host,  proceeded  to  arrange  it  in  three 
divisions.  In  the  vanguard  he  placed  the  whole 
of  the  cavalry,  amounting  to  sixteen  hundred,  with 
six  thousand  light  troops  —  nimble  youths,  selected 
chiefl}'"  from  the  corps  of  Berne,  Freyburg,  and 
Schwytz.  These  were  placed  under  the  orders  of 
Halwyl.  To  Caspar  von  Hertenstein,  of  Lucerne, 
was  assigned  the  command  of  the  rearguard,  about 
eight  thousand  strong,  embracing  the  bands  of  Lu- 
cerne and  the  Forest  cantons.  The  artillery,  under 
Waldmann,  with  whom  Herter  rode  in  company,  was 
divided  between  the  vanguard  and  the  "battle,"  or 
main  body,  which  comprised  the  bulk  of  the  army. 
The  standards  in  the  centre  were  flanked  by  the 


*"  Rodt,  fi.  U.  s.  264.         "  EtterUn,  fol.  03. — Knebel,  s.  65. 


CHAP.  III.] 


MARCH  THROUGH  THE  FOREST. 


437 


halberds,  while  the  spears  in  close  column  bristled 
in  front  and  rear,  ready,  when  deployed,  to  form  a 
girdle  firmly  interlocked.^'  The  three  divisions  num- 
bered together   from  thirty-five   to   forty  thousand 


men 


Si 


The  forenoon  was  far  advanced  when  the  arrange- 
ments had  been  completed,  and  the  march  began. 
Yet  a  long  halt  took  place  in  the  forest,  the  time  being 
chiefly  consumed  in  making  knights,  a  chivalrous 
mode  of  exciting  emulation  at  the  moment  of  going 
into  combat.  Any  who  had  themselves  received  the 
accolade  were  qualified  on  such  occasions  to  adminis- 
ter it.  The  honor  was  bestowed  on  three  hundred 
or  more,  Rene  of  Lorraine  being  one,  but  the  great 
majority  simple  burghers,  many  of  them  too  obscure 
to  make  any  subsequent  use  of  it.  A  still  more  futile 
act  was  the  administration  of  a  new  oath,  prepared 
by  the  Swiss  diet  as  a  remedy  against  the  failing  dis- 
cipline of  which  there  had  been  so  much  complaint, 


^'^  Schilling.— Knebel—Etterlin. 
—  Edlibach.  —  Calmet.  —  Schweiz. 
Geschichtforscher,  B.  XI. 

**  Knebel  says  in  one  place,  not 
less  than  thirty  thousand,  in  anoth- 
er, not  more  than  forty  thousand ; 
Hugues  de  Pierre,  Bonstetten,  J. 
von  Watt,  and  the  chroniclers  in 
general,  forty  thousand ;  Commines, 
who,  like  all  these,  had  his  informa- 
tion, as  he  tells  us,  from  some  who 
were  present,  says,  about  thirty-four 
thousand.  Von  llodt,  who  wishes 
to  reduce  the  number  to  twenty-four 
thousand,  has  noticed  only  the  au- 
thority last  cited  and  rejects  it  on 


erroneous  grounds,  bases  his  own 
calculations  on  little  beyond  mere 
conjecture,  and,  above  all,  leaves 
out  of  view  the  fact  that  all  the  data 
and  descriptions  we  possess  go  to 
show  that  the  army  was  vastly  more 
numerous  than  at  Grandson,  many 
bands  being  present  which  had  then 
been  absent,  and  all,  except  perhaps 
those  of  Berne  and  Schwytz,  in  far 
greater  force  than  on  that  occasion. 
The  contingent  of  Zurich,  as  we 
have  seen,  had  been  more  than 
doubled ;  and  no  doubt  this  was  also 
the  case  with  others. 


hi   ■  jlli 


438 


MORAT. 


[BOOK  V. 


c 


? 


o 


more  especially  the  private  appropriation  of  booty .^ 
The  troops,  all  the  while,  were  chafing  with  impa- 
tience, little  suspecting  that,  by  one  of  the  accidents 
of  war,  the  delay  was  destined  to  facilitate  and  in- 
sure their  triumph.  Before  leaving  the  wood  they 
knelt  down,  while  a  soldier  in  each  band  recited  a 
prayer,  his  comrades  joining  in  the  Amen.  As  they 
rose  to  their  feet,  the  sun,  which  had  been  invisible 
for  several  days,  threw  his  beams  upon  their  ranks.^ 
Halwyl  is  said  to  have  pointed  to  the  glorious  omen 
with  his  sword,  proclaiming  it  as  a  proof  that  the 
prayer  had  been  heard,  and  that  the  sun  of  victory 
was  about  to  shine  upon  their  arms.^''  We  have  more 
conclusive  authority  for  the  addresses  of  other  chiefs, 
who  reminded  their  men  of  the  rich  spoil  they  might 
expect,  and  promised  that  the  state  would  provide  for 
the  families  of  those  who  M\.^ 

In  expectation  of  the  coming  attack  the  duke  of 
Burgundy  had  led  out  his  army  at  dawn,  and  posted 
it,  in  an  order  of  battle  previously  arranged,  in  the 
arena  he  had  selected  and  prepared.  When  the 
reconnoitring  party  was  stien  on  the  verge  of  the 
wood,  some  shots  were  fired,  and  all  stood  in  readi- 
ness for  an  immediate  struggle.  But  the  hostile 
horse  had  instantly  vanished  ;  a  long  interval  of  un- 
broken stillness  succeeded,  until,  as  the  morning  wore 


"'  Schilling.  —  Knebel  —  Letter  Abth.  3.  86. 
of  Lucerne  to  the  Abbot  of  Saint-        *^  Tsehudi,  Fortsetzung.  —  Bui- 
Gall.    MS.    (Stift-s-Archiv,    Sanct-  linger. 
Gallen.)  "•*  Rathsbuch    of    Lucerne,    ap. 

««  Etterlin,  fol.  93.  — Knebel,  2te  Pfyffer,  B.  L  8.  179. 


CHAP.  III.] 


THE  ATTACK. 


439 


away,  the  opinion  became  general  that  the  enemy, 
discouraged  by  the  weather  and  the  preparatiors  for 
his  reception,  had  concluded  to  postpone  the  attempt. 
About  noon  the  troops,  after  standing  to  their  arms 
for  six  hours  in  a  continuous  rain,  were  permitted  to 
retire  to  the  camp,  leaving  a  double  guard  at  the 
palisade.  Officers  and  men  dispersed  to  their  quar- 
ters. Arms  were  laid  aside ;  horses  were  ungirded 
and  groomed ;  the  booths  of  the  sutlers  were  filled 
with  throngs,  draining  the  wine-casks  as  quickly  as 
they  were  broached.  Charles  himself,  contrary  to 
the  habits  of  his  whole  life  previous  to  his  recent 
illness,  allowed  his  armor  to  be  taken  off,  and  was 
sitting  at  table  in  a  loose  robe  when  the  alarm  came 
from  the  front.^ 

Bursting  from  the  forest,  the  Confederate  vanguard, 
horse  and  foot,  proceeded  to  form.  The  Burgundian 
artillery  opened  fire  on  the  instant.  It  played  with 
great  effect  upon  the  cavalry.  A  hundred  and  thirty 
were  killed,  and  two  or  three  hundred  grievously 
hurt.  "  I  saw  heads  carried  off","  says  a  soldier- 
chronicler,  "  and  bodies  torn  asunder,  the  upper  part 
falling  to  the  ground,  while  the  lower  remained  in 
the  saddle."  ^  The  infantry  suffered  little,  the  balls 
for  the  most  part  passing  overhead  and  crashing 
among  the  trees.  In  loose  array  the  men  ran  up  the 
slope  and  strove  to  break  through  the  palisade.  It 
proved,  however,  too  strong  for  their  efforts ;  the  fire 
became  deadly,  and  a  general  wavering  ensued.     But 


"*  Basin.  —  M<^linet.  —  Ddpeches 
Milanaises.  —  Kodt. 


*•  Etterlin,  fol.  93  verso. 


r  I 


440 


MORAT. 


[BOOK  V. 


r 


a  party  who  had  clambered  round  where  the  ground 
was  steeper  found  an  unguarded  gap,  and,  breaking 
through,  took  the  guns  in  flank."^  Then  the  main 
entrance  was  cleared;  and  the  whole  army,  which 
had  meanwhile  deployed,  came  up,  with  the  cavalry 
in  front,  and  began  to  form  on  the  high  ground, 
where  a  commemorative  chapel  dedicated  to  Saint 
Urban  now  stands."^ 

At  the  first  gun  Charles  had  sprung  to  horse,  his 
armor  being  put  on  while  he  was  giving  his  orders. 
There  was  no  time  now  for  the  studied  array  in 
which  the  troops  had  been  formed  and  exercised.  As 
fast  as  any  body  of  them  could  be  got  together,  they 
were  hurried  forward  to  defend  a  position  which  be- 
fore they  could  arrive  was  already  lost.  The  first 
to  advance  were  some  squadrons  of  the  ducal  guard, 
which,  encountering  the  enemy's  cavalry,  swept  it  off 
at  a  charge.  Rene  of  Lorraine  was  overturned  among 
others,  and  would  have  been  crushed  if  Halwyl  had 
not  sprung  forward  and  disengagt^d  him.  But  against 
the  serried  ranks  of  spears  the  squadrons  dashed  only 
to  shiver  and  recoil.  Raising  the  shout  of  "  Grand- 
son ! "  and  still  maintaining  their  compact  order, 
the  Confederates  moved  forward,  and,  as  the  ground 


"  Schilling.  —  BuUinger.  —  Hu- 
gues  de  Pierre.  —  It  is  doubtless 
this  incident,  coupled  with  the  gen- 
eral direction  of  the  Swiss  march, 
which  i\aa  given  rise  to  the  notion 
that  the  Burgundian  left  was  turned. 
Such  a  measui  i  could  only  have 
been  executed  by  gaining  the  Frey- 
burg  road  beyond  the  source  of  the 
Biberen  —  which  was  quite  imprac- 


ticable, and  was  certainly  not  at- 
tempted, as  the  intrenchment  in 
this  case  would  never  have  been 
mentioned. 

"*  The  present  is  not  the  original 
building ;  the  inscription  designating 
the  spot  as  that  on  which  the  Swiss 
leaders  assembled  after  the  battle  to 
pray,  is  of  doubtful  authenticity. 


[book  v. 

le  ground 
.  breaking 
the  main 
ny,  which 
le  cavah'y 
h  ground, 
.  to  Saint 

horse,  his 
bis  orders. 

array  in 
:{;ised.  As 
jther,  they 
which  be- 

The  first 
ical  guard, 
wept  it  off 
led  among 
alwyl  had 
Jut  against 
ished  only 
if  "  Grand- 
act  order, 
he  ground 

tainly  not  at- 
lenchment  in 
er  have  been 

Qt  the  original 
on  designating 
lich  the  Swiss 
r  the  battle  to 
uthenticitv. 


•iff' 


I ;  '  I,; ;    ■)  •! 


=  h  f  = 


0 


I      1 ' 


■l(. 


1! 


CHAP.  III.] 


THE  OVERTHROW. 


441 


.4 


began  to  descend,  went  with  an  increasing  momentum 
which  nothing  could  resist.  Every  column  they  met 
was  hurled  back  upon  the  supports  coming  up  be- 
hind. In  front  of  the  camp  the  duke  had  drawn  up 
the  English  archers,  hoping  to  arrest  the  torrent  and 
gain  time  to  form  a  line  of  battle.  Before  a  bow 
could  be  bent  their  commander  was  killed  by  a  shot 
from  an  arquebuse,  and  a  rush  like  that  of  a  hurricane 
whirled  them  away.  Finding  that  every  effort  only 
added  to  the  confusion,  Charles  gave  an  order  to  fall 
back,  with  the  purpose  of  reforming  his  troops  on 
more  favorable  ground.  But  with  th'j  order,  ec  *va- 
lent  to  one  of  retreat,  all  resistance  ended.  To  ;  tc 
to  turn,  to  form,  in  such  a  wreck,  before  .  h 
pursuit,  was  impossible.  Flight  itself  was  a  ui-^oult, 
often  a  hopeless,  struggle.  The  shattered  army 
plunged  and  tossed  like  a  hamstrung  hor.  \i  the 
fangs  of  a  wild  beast.  Three  miles  or  more  of  broken 
hill-side  had  to  be  traversed  before  coming  to  the 
main  road  at  Avenches.  On  every  bit  of  open 
ground  the  Confederate  cavalry  darted  forward,  over- 
turning the  fugitives  and  leaving  them  to  be  finished 
by  halberd  and  spear.  Every  slope  ran  with  blood, 
every  hollow  was  heaped  with  corpses.  It  was  the 
pride  of  Burgundy,  the  glory  of  chivalry,  the  pillar  of 
feudal  power,  that  was  thus  smitten  and  overthrown. 
Fifteen  hundred  cavaliers  of  Franche-Comte  perished 
on  that  day.  There  was  scarcely  a  noble  house  in 
either  Burgundy  but  had  cause  to  put  on  mourning. 
Many  such  families  were  henceforth  extinct.  Flanders 
and  Hainault  had  their  share  of  ruth  for  gallant  sons 


VOL.  m. 


56 


442 


MOItAT. 


[BOOK  r. 


f"S^ 


,,J.« 


and  stalwart  sires.  The  count  of  Marie,  eldest  son  of 
Saint-Pol  and  commander  of  the  principal  brignde, 
made  vain  offers  of  a  countless  ransom.  A  nobler 
death  was  that  of  Jacob  van  der  Maas,  of  an  ancient 
Dutch  family,  who  carried  the  great  standard.  Facing 
the  foe,  after  his  circle  of  guards  had  been  cut  down 
or  put  to  flight,  he  wrapped  the  once  glorious  emblem 
round  his  loyal  heart,  where  it  was  afterwards  found, 
suffused  and  stiffened  with  his  blood.  Among  so 
many  bodies  his  alone  was  given  up  to  be  entombed 
with  those  of  his  ancestors."^ 

Yet  the  crudest  carnage  —  as  a  moment's  reflection 
will  suggest  —  was  not  in  this  part  of  the  field.  The 
main  army,  attacked  in  front,  was  simply  pushed  back 
obliquely  from  the  heights  to  the  low  ground  at  the 
extremity  of  the  lake.  But  the  besieging  army,  sta- 
tioned along  the  margin  of  the  lake,  was  by  the  same 
movement  necessarily  taken  in  reverse.  It  was,  as  we 
have  seen,  divided  into  two  distinct  bodies — the  Savoy- 
ards on  the  north-east  of  the  town,  and  the  Italians 
on  the  south-west.  The  latter  were  posted  along  the 
Avenches  road,  from  Morat  to  the  village  of  Faoug  — 
a  distance  of  two  miles.  At  the  height  of  the  battle 
they  were  attacked  by  a  sallying  party  from  the  town, 
which  was  driven  in,  though  with  the  loss  of  most  of 
the  pursuers.^  When  the  rout  had  begun  they  were 
enveloped  and  cut  off  by  a  portion  —  apparently  the 


i  I 


"  Schilling. — Etterlin.  —  Knebel.  Rodt.  —  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn. 

—  Bullinger.  —  Edlibach.  —  Tschu-  ii.  pp.  299,  300,  330,  34(3. 

di.  —  Hugues  de  Pierre.  —  Molinet.        '■•  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 

—  Haynin.  —  Gollut.  —  Dunod.  —  p.  333. 


CHAP.  lit.] 


THE  SLAUGHTER. 


443 


rearguard  —  of  the  victorious  army.  In  such  '^  pre- 
dicament braver  troops  might  well  have  ceased  to 
struggle.  The  poor  wretches,  six  thousand  or  more 
in  number,  threw  away  their  arms  and  made  pitiable 
attempts  to  hide  themselves  from  the  merciless  foe. 
At  Faoug  they  crept  into  chimneys  and  ovens.  To 
smoke  them  out,  or  smother  them  in  their  holes, 
afforded  excellent  sport  to  the  hunters.  Others 
climbed  the  huge  walnut-trees  that  lined  the  road, 
seeking  concealment  in  the  foliage.  A  cry  of  "  Crows ! " 
was  immediately  raised,  and  the  arquebusiers,  gather- 
ing in  a  circle,  picked  them  off  one  by  one,  while 
calling  to  them  to  spread  their  pinions,  or  asking  if 
there  were  not  air  enough  to  sustain  them.  But  the 
great  mass  was  driven  into  the  lake,  men  and  horses 
struggling  together  and  trampling  each  other  down, 
a  few  getting  rid  of  their  armor  and  swimming  out 
till  they  sank  from  exhaustion,  the  rest,  when  they 
had  waded  up  to  their  chins,  standing  in  a  dense 
crowd,  their  faces  wild  with  terror,  their  arms  thrown 
up,  their  voices  sending  forth  screams  for  mercy, 
which  were  answered  with  derisive  yells.  "  Ha !  they 
are  thirsty !  they  are  learning  to  swim ! "  While  the 
spearmen  waded  after  them  or  collected  boats,  the 
arquebusiers,  calling  to  each  other  to  mark  "the 
ducks,"  poured  in  their  fire  from  the  bank.  For  two 
hours  the  slaughter  v/ent  on,  nor  ceased  until  the 
water  over  a  space  of  miles  was  incarnadined  with 
blood.°5 


»'  Schilling,  s.  338,  339,  349.—    IV.  s.  473,  474.  —  Etterlin,  fol.  92 
Tschudi,  Fortsetzung,  Helvetia,  B.    verso.  —  Knebel,  2te  Abth.  s.  63.  — 


444 


MORAT. 


[BOOR  V. 


0 


Of  the  differont  divisions  the  one  that  suffered  least 
was  that  whose  doom  had  been  considered  certain. 
Romont,  on  hearing  how  the  day  had  gone,  kept  up  a 
vigorous  fire  while  preparing  to  retreat.  When  his 
column  was  formed  he  discharged  a  salvo  and  began 
his  march,  leaving  behind  only  the  heaviest  guns. 
No  sally  was  made  upon  his  rear  —  an  omission  on 
the  part  of  Bubenberg  which  he  himself  seems  never 
to  have  explained,  though  his  colleagues  thought 
proper  to  put  forth  some  lame  excuses  on  his  be- 
half ^  He  sent  information,  however,  to  the  leaders 
at  Avenches,  but  merely  with  the  effect  of  suspending 
the  pursuit  in  that  quarter.  Meanwhile  Romont,  who 
had  intended  to  make  the  circuit  of  the  lake  and  find 
shelter  at  Estavayer,  had  learned  from  his  scouts  that 
his  retreat  in  that  direction  was  already  cut  off. 
Wheeling,  therefore,  to  the  right,  he  crossed  the  hills, 
60  close  in  the  rear  of  the  victorious  army  that  he 
was  supposed  to  be  meditating  an  attack.  Having 
reached  the  Saane,  he  there  diverged  from  the  Frey- 
burg  road,  and  after  running  the  gantlet  between 
hostile   villages,  succeeded,  with   no  great  loss,  in 


The  Murten-Lied  in  Schilling  is  lit- 
eral in  description,  as  well  as  in  its 
cruel  irony :  — 

"  Eiuer  floch  her  dcr  andcr  bin,  Do  er 
incint  wol  vcrborgen  sin,  Man  tlict  ey  in 
dcu  Hursten  ;  Kcin  grosser  Not  sail  ich 
nic  me,  Ein  t^rosse  Seliaar  luff  in  den  Sec, 
Wiewol  sy  nit  was  diirsten. 

"  Sy  wutcn  drin  bis  an  das  KUnn,  Dem- 
nocht  Bclios  man  fast  zu  itin,  Als  ob  sy 
Eaten  weren;  Man  scliifft  zu  Jncn  und 
Bchlug  sy  zu  tod,  Der  See  der  wart  von     ders 


Blutc    roht,  Jemmcrlloh  hort  man   sy 
pleren. 

"  Gar  vil  die  klummcn  uiT  die  Bowm, 
AViewolJr  nieman  moulitliiibcn  ^iim,  Man 
BclioBB  sy  als  die  Krcfrcn ;  Man  stachs  mit 
SpicHHcn  liber  ab,  Ir  ieflder  jnen  kcin 
llilff  gab,  Der  Wind  mocitt  sy  nit  wcgcn." 

*"  Tschudi,  Fortsetzung,  Helve- 
tia, B.  IV.  s.  473.  —  The  principal 
reason  alleged  was  Bubeuberg's  vow 
not  to  leave  the  town  without  or- 

f 


CHAP,  in.] 


PLUNDER  OP  THE  CAMP. 


445 


reaching  the  town  from  which  he  derived  his  title  — 
to  quit  it  forever  a  few  days  later."'' 

The  Confederates  had  begun  their  attack  at  two 
o'clock,"**  and  within  an  hour  had  overcome  all 
resistance.""  But  the  sun  was  low  when  the  pursuit 
ended  ;  and  the  troops,  weary  with  slaughter,  but 
still  fresh  for  spoil,  retraced  their  steps  to  the  camp. 
They  found  there  a  number  of  women,  some  of  whom 
were  killed  under  the  supposition  or  pretence  that 
they  were  men  disguised  in  female  attire.  The  oth- 
ers were  compelled  to  exhibit  their  persons  and  to 
submit  to  the  lust  of  the  soldiery.^""  To  the  general 
surprise,  there  was  a  great  abundance  of  provisions ; 
but  the  scarcity  of  other  booty,  except  arms,  banners, 
and  equipments,  occasioned  equal  disappointment.^"^ 
No  collection  took  place,  the  successful  plunderers,  in 
spite  of  their  oath,  savagely  resisting  every  effort  to 
compel  them  to  disgorge.  The  prize  of  chief  value 
was  the  duke's  pavilion,  or  portable  house,  construct- 
ed of  nicely-fitted  blocks,  and  elegantly  furnished. 
This,  with  its  contents,  the  Swiss  leaders  generously 


hort  man   ay 


""  Letters  in  the  Schweiz.  Ge- 
schichtforscher,  B.  XI.  s.  415,  417. 
—  Schilling,  s.  343.  —  Etterlin,  fol. 
93. 

»»  Letter  of  Peter  Rot,  Knebel, 
2le  Abth.  s.  64. 

»"  Ibid.  8.  66. 

"^  Tschudi,  Fortsetzung,  Helve- 
tia, B.  IV.  <.  474.  —  But  the  story 
is  told  more  fully  by  Schilling,  not 
in  his  text,  but  in  an  illustration  in 
the  original  mat  uscript. 

""  Letter  of  Hertenstein,  June 
24.  MS.  (Archives  of  Lucerne.)  — 


He  goes  on  to  say,  "  Doch  so  schetz- 
en  wir  die  ere  und  iiberwindung  der 
vigenden  hoch  dan  das  gut."  Schil- 
ling, on  the  other  hand,  asserts  that 
there  was  a  great  quantity  of  rich 
booty,  but  that  the  chiefs,  —  of  whom 
Hertenstein  was  one, —  having  taken 
a  large  portion  of  it  for  themselves, 
were  unwilling  to  have  it  brought  into 
a  common  hoard  for  fair  distribution. 
The  diet  often  subsequently  talked 
of  enforcing  a-  collection,  but  with- 
out effect.  Eidgenbssische  Abschie- 
de,  B.  II. 


446 


MORAT. 


[BOOK  V. 


0' 


presented  to  Eene  of  Lorraine.  But  he  had  scarcely 
taken  possession  of  it  when  it  was  broken  open  and 
despoiled,  even  his  own  coffers  being  pillaged  by  the 
marauders.  He  declined  to  prosecute  a  complaint, 
but  asked  to  be  allowed  to  purchase  some  of  the  cap- 
tured guns,  one  of  which  bore  his  own  arms.^'''- 

Hertenstein,  in  a  letter  written  at  seven  o'clock 
on  the  evening  of  the  battle,  declared  himself  unable 
as  yet  to  form  any  estimate  of  the  enemy's  loss,  as 
well  on  account  of  its  greatness  as  of  the  wide  extent 
of  ground  over  which  the  slaughter  had  raged. '°^  On 
Monday,  the  24th,  after  having  gone  over  the  field 
in  bad  weather  and  an  intolerable  stench,  he  set 
down  the  number  of  the  slain  at  ten  thousand.^^ 
Most  of  the  first  accounts  coincided  with  this,  or  fell 
somewhat  below  it.'*'^    But  as  fresh  heaps  were  dis- 


•"*  Tschudi.Fcrtsetzung.  — Schil- 
ling. —  Berchtold. 

103  K  j£ai)en  ...  so  lang  bestritten 
damit  wir  ira  so  viel  luten  erschla- 
gen  und  ertrenckt  hahen,  dz  von  ir 
vile  wegen  die  zal  so  ijald  noch  nie- 
man  wissen  mag,  bitz  morn  sondag, 
dz  wir  die  walstatt  wit  erschouwen 
werden."  MS.  (Archives  of  Lu- 
cerne.)—  This  letter  is  dated  "zu 
Sungiesten."  No  village,  or  even 
farm,  so  named  (as  we  learn  through 
an  investigation  kindly  instituted  by 
M.  le  comte  de  Circourt)  is  known 
to  the  local  antiquaries,  either  from 
tradition  or  existing  records.  Our 
own  conjectures  would  lead  us  to 
believe  that  the  village  of  Chandos- 
sel  was  intended.  If  the  point  were 
clear,  it  would  help  to  establish  the 
exact  position  of  the  Burgundian 
camp. 


104  "Vinden  dz  des  vigenden  ob 
X™  bliben  sind  .  .  .  wan  dz  wir  dis 
dry  tage  in  ungewitter  und  grossem 
gestanck  der  vigenden  und  doten 
uff  der  walstatt  gelegen  sind."  MS, 
(Archives  of  Lucerne.) 

'0*  Deutsch  Missiven-Biich  C,920. 
MS.  —  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 
pp.  299,  333,  345. —  Yet  twenty 
thousand  was  also  a  common  state- 
ment. See  the  letter  of  Kugeneck, 
the  commander  of  the  Frankfort 
troops,  and  an  Austrian  report,  in 
the  Schweiz.  Geschichtforschei",  B. 
XL ;  also  a  letter  of  Peter  Eot,  in 
Knebel,  and  a  Swiss  report  to  the 
duke  of  Milan,  in  the  Depeches  Mi- 
.'anaises,  torn.  ii.  p.  316.  Hugues 
de  Pierre  says  ten  thousand,  adding, 
with  one  of  his  flashes  of  naive  en- 
thusiasm, "  Aulcuns  disent  quinze 
voir  vingt  mill,  si  faut-il  se  contenter 


CHAP.  111.] 


THE  SLAIN. 


447 


covered,  and  the  bodies  of  the  drowned,  fished  up 
for  the  sake  of  plunder,  were  added  to  the  amount, 
rumor  magnified  the  total  as  much  as  it  had  before 
been  underrated.^""  After  a  while  the  authorities  of 
Berne,  fearing  an  outbreak  of  pestilence,  caused  deep 
pits  to  be  dug  and  the  festering  corpses  to  be  thrown 
in.  There  are  reasons  for  believing  that,  by  a  com- 
putation then  made,  the  number  was  found  to  exceed 
twenty-two  thousand.^"'' 

Nine  years  later,  when  Berne  and  Freyburg,  as 
joint  sovereigns  of  the  territory,  had  decided  on  rais- 
ing a  memorial  of  the  battle,  the  mouldering  remains 
were  unearthed,  and  deposited  in  a  building  erected 
for  the  purpose  on  the  shore  of  the  lake,  near  the 
village  of  Meyriez,  with  a  chapel  attached  to  it 
under  the  guardianship  of  a  friar.  During  three  suc- 
ceeding centuries  this  depository  was  several  times 
rebuilt,  and  decorated  with  fresh  inscriptions.'"^    But 


de  dix  mill."  —  Commines,  in  gen- 
eral so  loath  to  believe  in  lar^re  num- 
bers, says  the  Burgundian  ambassa- 
dor Contay  confessed  in  his  presence 
to  a  loss  of  8000  all  slain  ;  but  that 
from  other  information  he  believed 
the  total  to  be  full  18,000. 

106  forty  thousand  is  the  number 
given  by  several  writers. 

'"  De  Troyes  says,  22,700 ;  Kne- 
bel,  22,065,  actually  buried ;  Schil- 
ling, 26,000 ;  most  of  the  chroniclers, 
22,000.  These  accounts  ha'e  the 
air  of  being  derived,  more  or  less 
directly,  from  official  reports,  and 
their  particularity  and  general  agree- 
ment show  that  they  must  at  least 
have  rested  on  some  different  basis 
from  mere  guesswork.  The  Swiss  loss 


was  reported  by  the  women,  and  by  a 
few  other  prisoners,  saved,  secreted, 
and  ransomed  by  some  of  the  chiefs, 
at  1500  to  3000.  But  there  are  no 
data  of  any  value. 

""*  Among  these,  one,  the  compo- 
sition of  Albert  von  Haller,  has  the 
true  pati'iotic  glow  which  was  char- 
acteristic of  its  author ;  — 

"  Steh  still  Helvctior !  liier  liegt  das  klih- 

ne  Ilecr, 
Vor  woleliem  LUttich  flel,  und  Frank- 

rciclis  Tliroii  erbcbte, 
Niclit  uuser  Ahuen  Znlil,  nicht  kilnst- 

lichcs  Gewehr, 
DicEiatracIa.^clilug'den  Fcind,dielhren 

Arm  bolebte. 
Kcnut  Brlidcr  cure  Macht;  sic  licgt  ia 

euerer  Treu, 
O  wUrde  sic  nocb  jetzt  bei  jodem  Leser 

neu ! " 


448 


MORAT. 


[BOOK  V. 


V^ 

m 


the  ill-starred  relics  were  not  destined  even  yet  to 
rest  undisturbed.  At  the  close  of  the  last  century, 
when  the  armies  of  the  French  republic  were  occu- 
pying Switzerland,  a  regiment  consisting  mainly  of 
Burgundians,  under  the  notion  of  effacing  an  insult 
to  their  ancestors,  tore  down  the  "  bone-house "  at 
Morat,  covered  the  contents  with  earth,  and  planted 
on  the  mound  a  "  tree  of  liberty."  But  the  tree  had 
no  roots ;  the  rains  washed  away  the  earth ;  again 
the  remains  were  exposed  to  view,  and  lay  bleaching 
in  the  sun  for  a  quarter  of  a  century.  Travellers 
stopped  to  gaze,  to  moralize,  and  to  pilfer ;  postilions 
and  poets  carried  off  skulls  and  thigh-bones ;  ingen- 
ious peasants  scraped  and  polished  the  well-hardened 
material  into  knife-handles.  At  last,  in  1822,  the 
vestiges  were  swept  together  and  re-sepulchred,  and 
a  simple  obelisk  of  marble  was  erected,  to  commem- 
orate a  victory  not  undeserving  of  its  fame  as  a 
military  exploit,  but  all  unworthy  to  be  ranked  with 
earlier  triumphs,  won  by  hands  pure  as  well  as  strong, 
defending  ficedom  and  the  right. 


t 
i 


[BOOK  V. 


I  yet  to 
century, 
ire  occu- 
lainly  of 
m  insult 
)use  "  at 
planted 
tree  had 
h ;  again 
bleaching 
^'ravellers 
postilions 
3 ;  ingen- 
hardened 
.822,  the 
ired,  and 
3oramera- 
,me  as   a 
^ed  with 
is  strong, 


CHAPTER   IV. 

GHABLES  IN  AD VKRSITY.  —  LOUIS  IN  PROSPEEITy.~END  OP 
TOLANDE  AND  OP  SFOKZA. 

1476. 

No  special  anxiety  had  been  felt  by  the  regent  of 
Savoy  during  the  last  few  days.  Her  Burgundian 
escort  and  others  of  her  suite  had  concealed  their 
knowledge  that  a  battle  was  impending,  some,  who 
had  intended  to  take  part  in  it,  having  remained  at 
the  court,  in  order  not  to  excite  an  alarm.*  At  seven 
o'clock  in  the  morning  of  Sunday,  the  23d,  she  was 
roused  from  sleep  two  hours  before  her  usual  time 
of  rising,  to  receive  the  prince  of  Tarento,  who  had 
travelled  to  Geneva  in  company  with  Olivier  de  La- 
marche,  and  now  came  to  Gex  with  the  first  report 
of  the  defeat.  She  refused  at  first  to  credit  tidings 
for  which  she  was  ill  prepared.  But  in  a  few  hours 
they  were  confirmed  by  messengers  sent  to  inquire  ; 
and  in  the  afternoon  a  son  of  Cainpobasso  brought 
the  decisive  intelligence  that  he  had  seen  the  duke 
of  Burgundy,  who  would  be  at  Gex  the  same 
evening.'^ 


'  DdpCches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  p.  287. 
TOL.  III.  67 


»  Ibid.  pp.  293,  295. 

(H9) 


450 


CHARLES  AT  GEX. 


rB.K)K  V. 


f 

0 


Oharles  had,  therefore,  not  kept  his  av  a;  dipt 
upon  the  field  of  his  disgrace.  Surrounded  by  li-iscile 
bands,  he  had  fought  his  way  through.^  but,  .mable  io 
rally  any  portion  of  his  troops,  had  been  swept  along 
by  the  stream,  until  darkness,  and  shadows  blacker 
than  darkness,  had  settled  down.  There  was  no 
drawing  of  bridle  through  the  night.  At  every  cross- 
road the  press  diminished,  most  of  the  fugitive? 
taking  the  routes  to  the  nearest  passes  of  the  Jura. 
The  duke,  with  the  remnant  of  his  guard,  kept  the 
road  through  Echallens  to  the  Lake  of  Geneva,  and 
halted  in  the  morning  at  Morges.  Li  the  long  hours 
of  the  dark  and  rapid  ride  his  heart  had  silently  con- 
sumed some  portion  of  its  bitterness.  Before  the  eye 
of  day  and  of  the  world  he  was  able  to  put  on  a  stoi- 
cal demeanor.  Having  taken  refreshments  and  heard 
his  regular  mass,  he  resumed  his  journey,  wit!;,  less 
than  a  hundred  horse,  and  at  six  in  the  evening  dis- 
mounted in  the  courtyard  of  the  castle  of  Gex.* 

Yolande  and  her  household  met  him  at  the  toot  of 
the  staircase.  He  saluted  them  severally  in  strict 
order  of  precedence  —  fiist  the  young  duke  and  his 
brother,  then  the  motuer  ad  the  daughters,  after- 
wards the  ladies  in  attendance,  kissing  each  in  turn. 
Yolande  had  given  up  her  own  apartment  for  his 
use.  They  ascended  to  it,  followed  at  a  distance  by 
the  rest  of  the  company,  and  talked  together  for 
some  time  in  a  low  voice.     He  then  escorted  her  to 


'  Knebel,  2te  Abth.  s.  63. —  *  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 
"Passa  parmi  I'armee  de  sea  enne-  pp.  298, 299.  —  Ancienne  Chronique, 
mis."    Molinet,  torn.  i.  p.  204.  Lenglet,  torn.  ii.  p.  220. 


CHAP.  IV.j 


YOLANDE  TEMPORIZING. 


451 


her  son's  apartment,  returning  alone  "witL  evident 
marks  of  great  fatigae.  Antonio  de  Apiano,  the 
Milanese  envoy  at  the  court  of  Savoy,  seized  the 
opportunity  to  address  him,  oifering,  in  the  absence 
of  Panigarola,  who  had  gone  to  Orbe,  to  be  the  medi- 
um of  an}'  communication  he  might  wish  to  have 
transmitted  to  Sforza.  The  curt  reply,  "  It  is  well ; 
?t  suffices,"  cut  short  the  prying  intermeddler.  La- 
marche,  who  had  come  from  Geneva  foi  fresh  orders, 
and  the  Sire  de  Givry,  the  commander  of  Yolande's 
Burgundian  escort,  were  summoned,  and  remained 
for  a  long  time  closeted  with  their  master.^ 

From  the  regent  Apiano  learned  that  Charles  was 
as  firmly  fixed  as  ever  in  his  resolution  to  carry  on 
the  contest  to  the  end.  What  did  she  herself  pro- 
pose to  do?  Did  she  consider  it  safe,  the  envoy 
asked,  to  remain  at  Gex  ?  and  he  suggested  her  im- 
mediate removal  to  Chambery.  That  would  be  too 
near  the  king,  she  replied ;  if  there  were  actual  danger, 
which  she  did  not  anticipate,  she  could  take  refuge  at 
Saint-Claude,  on  the  Burgundian  side  of  the  Jura.  It 
seemed,  therefore,  that  she  was  still  clinging  to  the 
alliance  which  had  proved  so  fatal.  Standing  on  the 
verge  of  the  abyss,  she  was  apparently  spell-bound 
and  unable  to  turn.  But  Apiano  did  not  believ  iier. 
He  saw  that  she  was  only  temporizing.  It  was  clear, 
he  wrote  to  his  master,  that  she  had  no  resource  but 
to  throw  herself  on  the  protection  either  of  France  or 
of  Milan ;   and  her  choice   between   the  tw  o  would 


*  Dcpeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  p.  298. 


452 


CHARLES  AT  GEX. 


[book  v. 


( 


be  easily  decided,  if  she  could  be  induced  to  return 
to  Piedmont  by  the  highly  convenient  route  of  Cour- 
mayeur  and  Aosta.*' 

But,  desperate  as  was  her  situation,  Yolande  had 
not  lost  her  head,  or  become  so  incapable  of  measuring 
her  perils  as  to  let  herself  be  plunged  into  the  most 
ruinous  of  all.  To  accept  the  offers  of  Sforza  would 
be,  not  merely  to  resign  her  own  authority,  but  to 
surrender  the  dominions  of  her  son  into  the  hand 
that  was  already  opening  to  grasp  them.  With  equal 
firmness  she  resisted  the  persuasions  of  Charles  to 
accompany  him  in  his  flight  —  to  consider  their  union 
indissoluble  —  to  find  encouragement  and  hope  in  the 
continuance  of  mutual  trust  and  aid.  It  was  asking 
too  much.  She  had  already  trusted  too  far  and  hoped 
too  long.  Charles  had  proved  his  inability  to  defend 
her;  she  must  now  look  to  another  quarter.  She 
would  cross  neither  the  Alps  nor  the  Jura,  but  simply 
go  back  to  Geneva,  and  there,  in  the  face  of  the 
danger,  in  the  midst  of  confusion  and  terror,  wait  for 
deliverance  from  the  only  hand  that  was  able  to  save 
her.  She  had  kept  up  her  secret  intercourse  with 
her  brother ;  and  though  there  had  been  no  plain 
speaking  or  confidence  between  them,  and  her  last 
message,  sent  a  week  before,  was  still  unanswered,^ 
she  saw  clearly,  after  revolving  the  matter,  that  for- 


"  "  Oomi'.to  per  quel  puocho  chio    et  megliore  partito  farasse  venendo 


intende  essei  .:'i  forza  metterse  total- 
mente  ij.  mftn.-  del  Signore  Re  aut 
di  Vostrrx  l..\cellen?;u  volendo  vl- 
maneio  nel  stato  suo,  quale  V.  S, 
sapient!  isinia  che  la  sapra  prehndare, 


la  via  da  Cormagio  et  de  Valle  de 
Augusta."      Depcclies    Milanaises, 
torn.  ii.  p.  302. 
'  Ibid.  pp.  269,  302. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


ABDUCTION  OF  YOLANDE. 


453 


tune  had  made  him  the  arbiter  of  her  lot,  and  that 
her  best,  her  only  chance  lay  in  submitting  to  his 
decree. 

In  the  vain  hope  of  inducing  a  change  of  purpose, 
the  duke  deferred  his  own  departure  till  the  moment 
of  her  setting  out,  in  the  afternoon  of  the  27th.  Their 
roads  lay  in  opposite  directions ;  but  he  gave  her  his 
escort  about  half  way  to  Geneva,  riding  beside  her 
carriage,  and  bending  over  it  while  still,  in  a  low 
voice,  making  earnest  but  fruitless  appeals.  At  last 
he  drew  up,  bade  her  farewell,  and  parted  from  her 
with  a  kiss.®  With  her  must  vanish  forever  illusions 
that  still  curtained  the  naked,  hideous  re.ility  — 
Savoy  in  the  hands  of  the  king,  Provence  and  Italy 
cut  off,  Lorraine  in  revolt,  the  Burgundies  hemmed 
and  invaded,  allies  banded  with  enemies,  nothing  left 
but  the  struggle  of  despair !  Maddened  with  the 
thought,  he  called  Lamarche,  and,  in  a  tone  which 
admitted  of  no  remonstrance,  ordered  him  to  follow 
the  party  with  a  troop  of  horse,  and  on  peril  of  his 
head  to  seize  the  regent  and  her  sons  and  bring  them 
after  him  to  Saint-Claude.  He  then  rode  off  to  cross 
the  mountains,  but  stopped  short  of  Saint-Claude, 
where  his  lodgings  had  been  prepared,  passing  a 
sleepless  night  at  Mijou.' 

In  the  dusk  of  evening,  the  cortege  was  overtaken 
and  surrounded  when  close  to  the  gates  of  Geneva. 
Yolande  was  lifted  from  her  seat  and  placed  on  horse- 
back behind  Lamarche.    Her  children  and  two  of  her 


®  Chronica      Latina      Sabaudia*,        *  Ancienne  Chronique,  torn.  ii.  p. 
Monumciita  hist.  Patriae,  torn.  i.  220. 


454 


DEMEANOR  OF  CHARLES. 


[BOOK  V. 


ladies  were  disposed  of  in  like  manner,  while  others 
fled  screaming  to  the  town.  The  young  duke  was 
given  in  charge  to  a  captain  of  the  troop,  a  Pied- 
montese  by  birth,  with  whose  connivance,  and  be- 
friended by  the  confusion  and  obscurity,  some  of  his 
attendants  carried  him  off  and  hid  him  in  the  tall 
corn  beside  the  road.  Lamarche,  either  ignorant,  as 
he  himself  pretends,  of  the  escape,  or  too  lukewarm 
to  prosecute  a  search,  hastened  off  with  the  prisoners 
he  had  secured.'"  His  half  success  was  worse,  in 
every  sense,  than  total  failure.  The  full  odium  had 
beea  incurred,  while  the  advantages  —  if  any  there 
would  have  been  —  were  lost.  On  receiving  the 
report  Charles  burst  into  a  rage,  in  which  the  flood 
of  his  pent-up  passions  was  discharged.  His  luck- 
less servant  expected  nothing  less  than  death  upon 
the  spot."  Others  feared  that  the  duke  would  turn 
his  drawn  sword  upon  himself  ^^     But  anger,  grief, 


*"  Lamarche.  —  Chron.  Lat.  Sa- 
baudio;. 

"  "  Fus  en  grand  danger  de  ma 
vie."    Lamarche,  torn.  ii.  p.  418. 

'^  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 
p.  326.  —  M.  de  Gingins  would  have 
us  believe  that  Yolande  was  carried 
off  with  her  own  consent.  The 
notion  is  not  so  absolutely  absurd 
as  it  has  been  thought,  fiut 
■where  is  the  proof?  Her  remark 
to  Aplano,  about  going  to  Saint- 
Claude  in  case  of  necessity,  is  cited 
by  M.  de  Gingins  as  having  been 
made  j)ublicly  "  at  the  moment  when 
Charles  was  preparing  to  return  to 
Burgundy."  This  is  an  incorrect 
statement.    The   conversation  had 


occurred  soon  after  Charles's  arrival, 
on  the  23d  or  24th,  while  Yolande 
was  no  doubt  undecided.  Herr  von 
Rodt,  on  the  other  hand,  seeks  to 
fix  upon  Charles  the  odium  of  hav- 
ing planned  the  abduction  a  long 
time  before,  representing  him  as 
having  induced  her  to  go  to  Gex, 
with  the  express  intention,  in  case 
of  his  defeat,  of  forcing  her  across 
the  Jura.  But  this  theory  is  sup- 
ported by  still  less  proof.  It  may, 
in  fact,  be  easily  disproved.  The 
idea  of  going  to  Gex,  "  per  essere  piu 
in  sua  libertu  de  potere  andare  inan- 
ti  et  indreto  como  gli  parera,"  had 
originated  with  Yolande  herself,  im- 
mediately after  the  battle  of  Grand- 


[BOOK  V. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


FRESH  PREPARATIONS. 


455 


le  others 
luke  was 
I,  a  Pied- 

and  be- 
me  of  his 
1  the  tall 
aorant,  as 
lukewarm 

prisoners 
worse,  in 
idium  had 
any  there 
jiving  the 
i  the  flood 

His  luck- 
eath  upon 
vould  turn 

ger,  grief, 

larles's  arrival, 
while  Yolande 
led.    Herr  von 
hand,  seeks  to 
odium  of  hav- 
duction  a  long 
nting    him  as 
to  go  to  Gex, 
ention,  in  case 
ing  her  across 
theory  is  sup- 
)roof.     It  may, 
isprovcd.     The 
"  per  essere  piu 
re  andare  inan- 
jli  parera,"  had 
nde  herself,  im- 
)attle  of  Grand- 


remorse,  if  he  felt  it,  again  subsided,  leaving  thick 
clouds  tinged  with  a  portentous  glare.  Panigarola, 
who  joined  him  at  Salins,  —  having  previously  had  an 
interview  with  him  at  Gex,'''  —  described  him  as  un- 
like himself,'*  his  demeanor  not  the  same  as  after  his 
former  reverse.  He  had  fits  of  hilarity,  seemed  to 
think  nothing  of  his  defeat,'^  wished  that  a  couple  of 
thousand  more  of  his  household  troops,  who  were 
«  French  at  heart,"  had  been  killed,  and  talked  wildly 
of  the  immense  armies  he  could  raise  at  will.  He  had 
sent  Yolande,  refusing  to  see  her,  to  the  castle  of  the 
Sire  de  Rochefort,  his  former  envoy  at  her  court,  and 
one  of  his  ablest  and  most  trusted  ministers.  Now  he 
drove  him  from  his  presence,  accusing  him  of  having 
aided  her  in  conspiring  with  the  king  and  with  the 
Swiss.'" 

Such  incidents,  getting  abroad,  gave  rise  in  some 
quarters  to  a  belief  that  his  intellect  was  affected. 
What  perhaps  saved  him  from  insanity  was  that  which 
the  world  was  disposed  to  consider  its  strongest  indica- 
tion —  namely,  his  inflexible  purpose  and  continued 
efforts  to  renew  the  contest.  Now,  as  after  Grandson, 
he  employed  himself  day  and  night  in  the  labors  of 
preparation.  His  first  care  had  been  to  muster  and 
send  out  a  force  to  occupy  Jougne,  on  the  pass  by 

son,  before  she  had  seen  or  even  p.  328. 

communicated  with  Charles,  and  ap-  '*  "  Fa  bon  viso,  e  non  pare  piu 

pears  to  have  been   suspended  in  sia  quello." 

consequence  of  his  reassurances  and  '*  "  Ride,  screza,  et  fa  bona  chi- 

promise   to    reenter   the    Pays   de  era  altramente  che  laltra  volta,  e 

Vaud       See    the   DepCches   Mila-  pare  non  sia  rotto." 

naises,  torn.  i.  p.  343.  '°  Depuches  Milanaises,  torn.  iL 

"  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  pp.  341,  342,  349. 


456 


RESOURCES  OF  CHARLES. 


[BOOK  V. 


MJiC 


0' 


which  the  victorious  enemy  might  be  expected  to 
pursue.  The  precaution  would  have  been  vain  against 
a  Swiss  army ;  but  it  was  happily  sufficient  to  save 
the  plains  of  Burgundy  from  the  ravages  of  the 
marauding  bands  which  alone  had  taken  that  direc- 
tion. La  Riviere  was  designated  as  a  place  of  arms, 
to  receive  the  debris  of  the  beaten  host.  All  the 
founderies  and  workshops  in  the  principal  towns  were 
kept  busy,  casting  cannon  and  forging  arms.  Money 
for  present  exigencies  was  in  hand,  that  which  had 
been  carried  to  Morat  having  neither  been  disbursed 
nor  lost.  In  the  coffers  at  Lille  something  still 
remained  of  the  treasure  bequeathed  by  Philip  the 
Good,  and  a  three  months'  subsidy  from  the  provinces, 
as  well  as  from  the  domain,  was  falling  due.  It  was 
not  without  reason  that  Charles  insisted  on  the  ampli- 
tude of  his  resources,  declaring  that,  if  the  people  of 
all  his  states  should  put  forth  their  strength,  his  only 
cause  of  fear  would  lie  in  their  proud  and  independent 
spirit.  With  a  nation,  a  willing  and  united  nation,  at 
his  back,  he  would  have  no  cause  to  despond.  The 
time  had  come  to  test  the  spirit  of  his  subjects,  and  he 
had  already  convoked  the  Estates  of  the  two  Bur- 
gundies, who  met  accordingly  at  Salins,  on  the  8th 
ofJuly.^'' 

This  was  not  such  an  assembly  as  we  have  seen 
him  confronting  in  Flanders.  Even  in  an  hour,  like 
the  present,  of  gloom  and  dishonor,  though  there 
might  be  sorrow  and  dejection  in  the  faces  before 

"  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  pp.  340-342,  348-3j0,  360. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


ESTATES  OF  BURLUNDY. 


457 


him,  there  was  nothhig  of  sullenness  or  aversion. 
Tlie  proceedings  were  opened  by  Jean  de  Gray,  pres- 
ident of  the  parliament  of  Burgundy,  who  described 
the  sovereign  as  having  constantly  desired  to  pre- 
serve his  states  and  subjects  in  tranquillity,  and  as 
having  expended  his  means  and  imperilled  his  life 
on  their  behalf  In  former  encounters  he  had  been 
always  successful.  Now,  at  last,  he  had  been  van- 
quished by  the  Swiss,  through  a  lack  of  zeal  and 
courage  in  a  portion  of  his  troops.  As  a  consequence 
the  country  was  in  danger,  not  only  from  the  Swiss, 
but  on  the  side  of  France  and  of  Savoy.  It  was  for 
their  own  protection,  therefore,  that  he  was  calling 
upon  his  people  for  aid.  What  he  asked  of  them 
was  to  furnish  garrisons  for  the  frontier  to^vns,  taking 
the  expense  upon  themselves.  At  his  own  cost  he 
would  raise  a  fresh  army,  and  again  carry  the  war 
into  the  enemy's  territory. 

In  a  fervent  address  from  his  own  lips  Charles 
exhorted  his  hearers  to  provide  for  the  security  of 
their  property,  the  safety  of  their  wives  and  children, 
unless  they  wished  them  to  become  the  spoil  of  the 
Germans  and  the  French.  It  was  a  time  for  efforts 
and  sacrifices,  not  for  despair.  History  was  full  of 
instances  of  states  and  princes  that  had  risen  from 
defeat  by  sinking  individual  interests  in  the  common 
welfare.  He  cited  examples  from  Livius  of  the  spirit 
displayed  by  the  Romans  in  their  contest  with  Han- 
nibal, recounting  at  length  the  story  of  that  memo- 
rable day  when  the  senators,  in  response  to  the 
appeal  of  the  Consul  Lsevinus,  had  poured  all  their 


VOL.  m. 


58 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-S) 


1.0 


I.I 


IL25  i  1.4 


I^|2j8    |2.5 

150   ■^"     H^H 

Ufi  Kii    12.2 

1.6 


HiotDgraphic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


33  WIST  MAIN  STtiiT 

WHSTIR.N.Y.  MSSO 

(716)  S73-4S03 


\ 


'^. 


sc^ 


:\ 


\ 


v\ 


'^ 


458 


ESTATES  OF  BUEGUNDY. 


[book  v. 


f  ■)■ 


0 


jewels  and  other  treasures  into  the  empty  exchequer 
of  the  republic.  Adducing  the  cases  of  several  of 
the  emperors,  he  dwelt  especially  on  that  of  Octavi- 
anus,  who,  after  being  totally  defeated  by  Sextus 
Pompeius,  had  lived  to  make  himself  and  the  Roman 
people  masters  of  the  world.  As  a  recent  illustration, 
fresh  in  the  memory  of  the  world,  he  recited  the  long 
struggles  of  King  John  of  Aragon,  —  old,  blind,  de- 
spoiled by  a  pretender  who  had  been  set  up  by  the 
French,  yet  enabled  by  the  support  of  his  people  to 
triumph  over  his  enemies  and  to  reestablish  his  do- 
minion. So  ready  were  the  quotations,  so  fluent  the 
discourse,  that  it  seemed  as  if  a  book  lay  open  before 
the  speaker;  and  the  impression  he  produced  was 
visible  in  the  faces  of  his  auditors.*® 

Their  assent  to  his  demands  was  immediate,  but  the 
formal  answer  was  not  presented  until  the  12th.  Al- 
though they  had  held  themselves  exempted  from  any 
further  calls  by  their  annual  grant  of  a  hundred  thou- 
sand florins,  yet  in  view  of  the  greatness  of  the  peril, 
and  the  representations  of  his  highness,  they  were 
ready  to  undertake  whatever  he  required  of  them, 
and  to  risk  their  possessions  and  their  lives.  They 
requested  him  to  designate  the  places  to  be  defended 
and  the  number  of  men  to  be  apportioned  to  each, 
promising  to  supply  whatever  was  wanted,  and  add- 
ing many  assurances  of  their  loyal  and  cordial  affec- 
tion. In  return  they  proffered  two  petitions :  first, 
that  he  would  leave  to  his  generals  the  operations  in 


"  "  Scorendo  queste  cose  como    uno  imprimesse  bene  questo  suo 
avesse  il  libro  avanti,  parse  ad  ogni-    intento." 


'ir 


CHAP.  IV.] 


MEASURES  OF  LOUIS. 


459 


the  field,  remembering  the  importance  of  his  own 
life  as  that  of  the  sole  surviving  prince  of  his  house ; 
secondly,  that  he  would  listen  to  any  overtures  that 
might  be  made,  and  restore  to  his  subjects  as  soon  as 
possible  the  blessings  of  peace.  Charles,  in  reply, 
made  general  but  warm  professions  of  his  regard  for 
the  welfare  of  his  people,  declaring  his  desire  to  be 
more  than  ever  their  good  lord  and  to  live  and  die 
with  them.  With  raised  spirits  and  restored  health,*' 
he  applied  himself  to  the  task  of  organizing  another 
army,  confident  that  before  the  summer  had  passed 
he  should  find  himself  at  the  head  of  thirty  thousand 


20 


men. 

But  how  was  it  that  he  had  obtained  a  respite? 
Where  were  the  Swiss?  Above  all,  what  was  the 
French  king  doing?  Had  Louis  sunk  into  apathy, 
or  —  having  no  proper  emissaries  on  the  ground,  de- 
pending for  his  information  on  mendicants,  pilgrims, 
and  the  like  ^^  —  was  he  still  ignorant  of  the  good 
news?  It  would  appear,  on  the  contrary,  that  he 
had  known  of  the  event  on  the  instant  —  by  inspira- 
tion.   The  stragglers  from  the  field  had  been  met 


'^  "  Sta  bene  ora  dl  la  persona,  ot 
fa  bona  chiera." 

'"  DepCches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 
pp.  338-362. —Among  the  thousand 
misrepresentations  of  the  events  of 
Charles's  career,  few  are  more  glar- 
ing than  the  common  account  of  this 
meeting  of  the  Estates  of  Burgundy. 
His  demands  are  described  as  hav- 
ing been  scornfully  rejected,  and  the 
discussions  as  having  ended  in  violent 
recriminations.    A  report  started  in 


Alsace,  and  propagated  by  Burgundi- 
an  writers  who  were  assumed  to  have 
found  authority  fov  it  in  the  archives 
of  the  province,  has  passed  current 
among  all  writers  on  the  subject. 

*'  "II  avoit  maintes  espies  et 
messagiers  par  pays,  la  pluspart 
despechez  de  ma  main.  .  .  .  Y  falloit 
envoyer  mendians,  pellerins  et  sem- 
blables  gens."  Commines,  torn.  ii. 
pp.  11,  12.  ^ 


460 


MEASURES  OF  LOUIS. 


[BOOK  V. 


Q 


at  Geneva,  on  the  day  after  the  battle,  by  a  royal 
courier  going  openly,  at  full  speed,  with  a  message  of 
congratulation  and  advice  to  the  victors.'"  On  the 
25th,  if  not  sooner,  full  details  had  been  received  at 
Lyons,  —  three  or  four  days  before  the  first  rumor 
reached  the  ears  of  Sforza,^  the  despatches  of  Paniga- 
rola,  containing  information  which  he  had  risked  his 
life  to  obtain,  and  which  he  had  penned  with  the 
fidelity  of  an  evangelist,*^  having  been  intercepted. 
Posterity  has  been  the  loser.  Who  was  the  gainer 
it  is  not  difficult  to  conjecture.  A  Milanese  agent  at 
Lyons  wrote,  on  the  26th,  that  all  the  particulars 
were  known  at  the  court,  but  that  he  himself  could 
learn  nothing,  as  no  one  would  answer  his  questions.^ 
By  making  good  use  of  his  eyes,  however,  he  discov- 
ered that  something  was  in  progress  which  would  be 
far  from  agreeable  to  Sforza.  The  royal  forces  were 
in  motion,  not  on  the  road  to  Burgundy,  but  towards 
Savoy  and  the  Alps.  The  calculations  of  tht  world 
in  regard  to  the  versatile  Louis  were  again  to  be  dis- 
appointed.   At  the  risk  of  allowing  his  rival  time  to 


**  "Son  avisato  che  certamente 
e  passato  un  cavallero  del  S*^  lie  di 
Franza  ad  Alamani  tutto  battante, 
giungeva  a  loco  domenica  doppo  la 
rotta  facta  el  sabbato,  se  dicto  an- 
dava  per  fare  soprastare  essi  Alama- 
ni. ...  Non  so  que  credera  che  questa 
fosse  la  casone,  perche  ala  sua  par- 
tita dela  rotta  non  si  potteva  sapere. 
Vero  e  che  le  passato  a  loro,  per  la 
via  de  Genevra,  verso  il  dicto  ca- 
mino."  Letter  of  Aplano,  June  25, 
Dcpeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  p.  303. 

*^  Conf.  letters  of  J.  Blanco  and 


Sforza,  Ibid.  pp.  307,  319. 

*♦  "Per  le  mie  de  25  et  26  del 
passato  avera  [V.  S.]  el  tutto  inteso, 
che  e  levangelio  San  Joanne ;  peiche 
propriis  oculis  vidi  e  foi  al  facto,  e 
tanto  ananzi  che  mi  sepe  costare 
caro  e  la  vita."  Letter  of  Paniga- 
rola,  July  8,  Ibid.  p.  345. 

**  "Ego  perpauca  sentio ;  nuUus 
enim  mecum  ex  Gallicis  loquitur. 
.  .  .  Animus  [Regis]  ad  Vestram 
Excellentiam  . .  .  non  est  talis  qua- 
lem  cuperem."  Letter  of  J.  Blanco, 
Ibid.  p.  307. 


>  < 


[book  v. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


MEASURES  OF  LOUIS. 


461 


by  a  royal 
message  of 
.=«=  On  the 
received  at 
first  rumor 
3  of  Paniga- 

risked  his 
d  with  the 
ntercepted. 

the  gainer 
36  agent  at 

particulars 
oaself  could 
questions.^ 
,  he  discov- 
1  would  be 
brces  were 
ut  towards 

tht  world 
1  to  be  dis- 
s^al  time  to 

319. 

;  25  et  26  del 
el  tutto  inteso, 
oanne ;  peiche 

foi  al  facto,  e 
i  sepe  costare 
;ter  of  Faniga- 
345. 

sentio;  nullus 
llicis  loquitur. 
]  ad  Vestram 
t  est  talis  qua- 
!r  of  J.  Blanco, 


recover  from  the  defeat,  he  had  to  guard  against  a 
misuse  of  their  victory  by  the  Swiss.  Instead  of  pur- 
suing the  beaten  enemy,  they  were,  as  he  had  feared 
would  happen,  threatening  to  overrun  Savoy.  To 
prevent  this  had  been  the  object  of  the  message  he 
had  sent  beforehand ;  and  he  now  despatched  Silinen 
to  exercise  his  persuasive  eloquence  to  the  same 
effect,  and  to  announce  the  speedy  advent  of  a 
splendid  embassy,  comprising  some  of  his  greatest 
lords,  and  headed  by  his  own  son-in-law,  the  admiral 
of  France.  In  the  mean  time,  however,  the  admiral 
was  marching  to  Chambery,  at  the  head  of  the  army, 
with  orders  to  seize  the  fortresses  in  the  mountain 
regions  of  Savoy,  bring  them  into  subjection  to 
the  king,  and  not  permit  the  troops  of  any  other 
power  to  enter.  As  a  further  precaution,  the  levies 
of  Dauphiny  were  called  out.  Leaving  his  various 
measures  to  be  executed,  Louis  himself  started  on  a 
visit  to  Our  Lady  of  Behuard,  to  acknowledge  the 
many  favors  lately  vouchsafed,  and  by  costly  gifts 
insure  their  continuance.^'' 

In  his  absence,  as  if  by  the  operation  of  some 
natural  law,  events  began  everywhere  to  shape 
themselves  to  his  wish.  The  abduction  of  Yolande, 
designed  as  a  bar  against  French  intervention,  had 
prepared  all  parties  in  Savoy  to  accept  and  even  in- 
vite it.  At  Geneva  the  people  had  raged  with  an 
indignation  that  swallowed  up  their  old  jealousy  of 
the  king  and  of  the  Swiss.    Passing  bands  of  Burgun- 

**  Ibid,  ubi  supra.  —  De  Troyes.    MSB.  tovuTOX. 
—  Letter  of  J.  de  Miolani,  Legrand 


'M   . 


462 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  SWISS. 


[BOOK  V. 


dians  were  set  upon  by  the  rabble,  robbed  and  mur- 
dered, Ce  tumult  being  fomented  by  the  bishop,  no 
longer  a  hollow  supporter  of  Yolande,  but  an  open 
aspirant  for  her  place.  As  the  natural  guardian  of 
the  orphaned  duke,  he  was  able  to  assume  the  chief 
direction  of  affairs.  An  embassy  was  sent  to  the  king 
to  solicit  his  protection,  and  another  to  the  Swiss, 
to  arrest  the  invasion  by  offers  of  submission  and 
proposals  of  an  alliance  against  the  treacherous  Bur- 
gundian.'^' 

We  left  the  Confederate  forces  on  the  battle- 
ground, intending,  after  they  had  completed  the 
usual  term  of  three  days,  to  return  home.  Against 
this  purpose  the  council  of  Berne  protested  in  the 
strongest  terms.  It  was  now  the  time  to  punish 
Savoy  for  the  aid  it  had  given  to  the  enemy?^  To 
their  own  generals  they  pointed  out  that  a  proper 
sequel  would  be  the  conquest  and  annexation  of 
Geneva.'^  In  the  existing  state  of  affairs  and  dispo- 
sition of  the  people,  the  proposal  for  a  prosecution  of 
the  campaign  niet  naturally  with  less  dissent  from 
the  other  cantons  than  on  former  occasions,  while 
the  minor  allies  were  only  too  happy  to  follow  the 
lead  of  Berne.^  It  was  settled  that  about  half  the 
troops  of  each  state  should  be  disbanded,  the  remain- 
der '*  being  amply  sufficient  for  the  enterprise.    Those 

"  DdpSches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  Geschichtforscher,  B.  ^l. 
pp.  325-328.  ''  One  or  two  of  the  chroniclers 

"  Deut8chMisBiven-BuchC,916,  put  the  number  that  kept  the  field 

918.  MS.  at  12,000;  and  this  is  the  chief  fact 

"»  Ibid.  922.  M8.  on  which  Von  Kodt  bases  his  esti- 

*"  Letter  of  Kageneck,  Schweiz.  mate  of  the  Swiss  force  at  Morat. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  SWISS. 


463 


of  Berne  and  the  allies  marched  against  Moudon,  the 
others  against  Lucens.  Both  places  were  sacked,  and 
the  latter  was  given  to  the  flames  —  an  act  strongly 
censured  by  Berne,  on  the  ground  that  Lucens,  being 
a  dependency  of  Lausanne,  must  be  considered  as  ec- 
clesiastical property.  Meanwhile,  however,  marauders 
of  its  own,  in  conjunction  with  those  of  the  Simmen- 
thal,  had  pounced  upon  Lausanne  itself,  and  plun- 
dered houses  and  altars  alike,  leaving  but  a  scanty 
harvest  for  their  successors,  and  affording  just  grounds 
of  recrimination.^'^  Within  a  few  days  that  fraternal 
spirit  which  had  shone  so  brightly,  and  through 
which  the  victory  had  been  achieved,  seemed  to  be 
utterly  extinct.  Most  of  the  bands  withdrew  from 
the  camp,  filling  the  country,  on  their  return,  with 
complaints  and  denunciations  of  Berne.  The  source 
of  the  rupture  seems  to  have  lain  in  the  want  of  a 
common  purpose.  Berne  was  aiming  at  conquest; 
its  Confederates  had  yielded  simply  to  the  temptation 
of  spoil.  Lausanne  was  occupied  by  the  remnant  of 
the  army;  every  building,  the  cathedral  included, 
was  stripped  bare;  but  the  leaders  were  already  hes- 
itating as  to  their  future  course,  when  they  were  met 
by  the  messengers  from  Geneva  and  from  the  king, 


But,  apart  from  the  fact  that  this  is 
a  very  loose  deduction,  M.  de  Gin- 
gins  cites  an  oiRcial  entry  from  the 
registers  of  Lausanne,  which  gives 
the  number  of  the  Swiss  troops  that 
marched  against  the  city  as  24,000. 
"*  Schilling  throws  the  chief  ob- 
loquy of  this  act  on  the  count  of 
Gruy^res.     The  statement  is  dis- 


credited by  M.  Hisely  (Hist,  du 
Comt^  de  Gruyfere,  torn.  ii.  p.  99), 
who  opposes  to  it  the  amiable  char- 
acter of  young  Louis,  as  exemplified 
in  a  charming  letter,  which  certainly 
overflows  with  bonhommie.  We  may 
add  that  the  council  of  Berne  throw 
all  the  blame  on  their  own  subjects. 


1  ■ 

464 


INACTIVITY  OF  SFORZA. 


[BOOK  V. 


0 


at  whose  persuasion  they  consented  to  an  armistice, 
leaving  the  terms  of  a  final  adjustment  to  be  settled 
by  a  diet.'" 

In  another  quarter  where  the  royal  projects  might 
have  encountered  an  obstacle,  there  had  been  an 
equal  lack  of  energy.  Sforza,  as  we  have  seen,  in- 
stead of  being  the  first,  had  been  the  last,  to  hear  of 
the  Burgundian  defeat.  He  had  made  his  prepara- 
tions to  profit  by  it.  His  army  lined  the  frontier  of 
Piedmont,  and  had  even  crossed  it  at  one  point.  The 
people  and  government,  cursing  the  alliance  with 
Burgundy,  which  had  brought  them  into  this  strait, 
were  in  no  condition  to  oppose  him.  But  his  own 
heart  failed  him.  Remembering  his  premature  exul- 
tation after  Grandson,  he  was  full  of  doubts  and 
fears,  and,  after  seizing  a  nple  of  castles,  waited 
while  he  despatched  a  i  ge  to  the  king,  pre- 
paratory to  the  renewal  of  his  old  connections.^ 

Thus  Louis,  by  a  concurrence  of  circumstances, 
was  left  perfectly  free  to  deal  with  Savoy  as  he 
pleased.  Not  that  he  had  any  thought  of  open  usur- 
pation, without  some  better  pretext  than  he  could 
now  set  up.  Experience  had  taught  him  that  the 
moral  resistance,  of  which  in  his  hot  youth  he  had 
made  so  little  account,  deserved  to  be  taken  into 
consideration.  Moreover  he  was  growing  anxious  to 
finish  up  the  great  task  of  his  life,  fearful  of  leaving 


'»  Schilling.  — Gingins,  Episodes,  pp.  9,  319,  322,  342.  —  Cibrario, 

—  Deutsch    Missiven-Buch    C. —  torn.  i.  p.  3.  —  Corio,  Storia  di  Mi- 

Eidgenossische  Abschiede.  lano,  torn.  iii.  p.  299. 

'*  Ddpeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 


[BOOK  V. 

1  armistice, 
0  be  settled 

jects  might 
d  been  an 
^e  seen,  in- 
,  to  hear  of 
lis  prepara- 

frontier  of 
point.  The 
liance  with 

this  strait, 
ut  his  own 
lature  exul- 
3oubts  and 
ties,  waited 

king,  pre- 
ections.^ 

iimstances, 
Lvoy  as  he 

open  usur- 
n  he  could 
n  that  the 
ith  he  had 
taken  into 

anxious  to 

of  leaving 


12.  —  Cibrario, 
Storia  di  Mi- 


CHAP.  IV.] 


SETTLEMENT  OF  SAVOY. 


465 


difficult  questions  to  be  dealt  with  by  an  incompe- 
tent successor.^  It  would  answer  his  purpose  to 
play  the  part  of  protector,  holding  the  strong  places, 
while  leaving  the  management  of  internal  affairs  to 
natives  of  his  own  selection.  The  Estates  desired 
the  appointment  of  two  of  the  principal  nobles ;  but 
these  were  persons  of  a  patriotic  leaning,  on  whom, 
therefore,  he  could  place  no  reliance.  He  set  the 
useful  but  unruly  Philip  of  Bresse  over  Piedmont, 
to  be  a  thorn  in  the  side  of  Sforza.  The  bishop  of 
Geneva  —  a  more  pliable  character,  who  was  giv- 
ing up  the  fortresses  to  the  French  while  sending  Yo- 
lande's  personal  effects  to  Lyons  and  elsewhere  to  be 
pawned  or  soW — seemed  to  the  king  the  most 
suitable  person  to  administer  the  government  of  Sa- 
voy, but  not  to  have  the  charge  of  the  young  duke, 
whose  person  was  intrusted  to  surer  hands.^' 

And  now  it  remained  to  report  these  proceedings 
to  the  Swiss,  as  evidence  of  his  own  exertions  in  the 
common  cause,  and  an  incentive  to  them  to  complete 
their  proper  share  of  the  work.  It  was  to  be  feared 
that  the  Confederacy  would  prove  a  less  manageable 
body  than  heretofore.  Its  recent  triumphs  had  raised 
it  to  the  zenith  of  its  reputation.  Addresses  of  con- 
gratulation, offers  of  alliance,  petitions  for  aid,  were 

"  "  Chel  se  fosse  una  volta  libe-    impedire  ne  tore  la  corona  al  Del- 
rato  da  tanta  paura,  como  Iha  havu-    phino  che  dicto  Duca."    Letter  of 
to  de  luy,  non  tanto  per  se  quanto    J.  Blanco,  DepCches  Milanaisesytom. 
per  la  sua  posterita,  cioe  per  il  Del-    ii.  p.  367. 
phino,  che  veramente  quando  acca- 
desse  altro  dei  Re,  non  e  alcuno 
Signore  in  quello  reame,  che  potesse 
TOL.  III.  59 


=«  Notizenblatt,  1836,  s.  196. 
'''  Chronica  Latina  Sabaudise. 


466 


OPPORTUNITIES  OP  THE  SWISS. 


[BOOK  V. 


r 


pouring  in  from  all  sides.  German  communities  which 
had  refrained  from  earlier  exiiibitions  of  sympathy 
begged  that  no  ill  construction  might  be  put  upon 
the  omission ;  they  had  rung  their  bells  and  offered 
up  prsiyers  for  the  success  of  the  Swiss.  The  electors 
of  Mayence  and  Treves  and  the  elector  palatine  — 
hitherto  a  stanch  ally  of  Burgundy  —  sought  admis- 
sion into  the  Lower  League.  Ren6  of  Lorraine,  relymg 
on  his  services  at  Morat,  was  soliciting  a  more  intimate 
alliance  and  help  in  the  recovery  of  his  duchy.^  It 
rested  only  with  the  Swiss  themselves  to  take  a  posi- 
tion at  the  head  of  the  European  powers  and  to  be- 
come the  arbiter  of  all  pending  questions.  But  to  do 
this  they  would  have  to  emancipate  themselves  from 
the  guidance  of  France — a  proceeding  which  Louis 
proposed  to  avert  by  offering  them  a  more  equal,  or 
at  least  a  more  prominent,  share  in  the  partnership. 
He  would  continue  to  hold  his  own  position  in  Savoy ; 
but  he  could  afford  to  let  his  allies  take  possession  of 
Geneva  and  the  whole  of  the  Leman  valley. 

Such  openings  might  well  have  fired  the  ambition 
of  Berne.  But  Berne  had  no  longer  the  same  influ- 
ence, or  the  same  power  of  independent  action,  as  of 
old.  Twice  in  the  course  of  a  war  in  which  the  wishes 
of  its  Confederates  had  been  overborne  and  their 
advice  contemned,  it  had  been  obliged  to  owe  its 
preservation  to  their  succors.  In  its  hour  of  need 
it  had  promised  that  it  would  never  again  seek  to 
separate  itself  from  them  -,  and  they  were  determined 


3S 


EidgenoBsische  Abschiede,  B.  II.  s.  698, 699,  604  et  aL 


i ! 


CHAP.  IV.] 


DIET  AT  FnEYBURO. 


467 


that  the  promise  should  be  kept  A  vote  was  passed 
by  the  diet  requesting  Berne  to  lay  all  future  com- 
munications from  the  French  king,  with  the  seals 
unbroken,  before  the  eight  cantons,  and  to  send  no 
answer  except  under  the  direction  and  approval,  and 
in  the  name,  of  the  whole  Confederacy.^"  Partly  in 
submission  to  the  feeling  thus  displayed,  partly  be- 
cause Bubenberg  had  regained  his  position  in  the 
council,  Berne  relinquished  for  the  time  its  usurped 
leadership  and  went  with  the  general  current,  though 
not  without  a  private  assurance  to  Louis  that  every 
thing  would  still  be  managed,  as  heretofore,  by  his  di- 
rection, counsel,  and  assistance.*"  Among  the  people 
at  large  there  was  but  one  sentiment  and  one  aim. 
No  thought  of  conquest  or  aggrandizement  entered 
their  minds.  They  remembered  only  the  origin  of 
the  war,  their  own  labors  and  losses,  and  the  broken 
guaranties  of  France.  Reparation  was  to  be  sought, 
not  in  wresting  territory  from  the  enemy,  but  in 
wringing  just  pecuniary  compensation  from  their 
employer. 

A  diet  called  expressly  to  settle  matters  of  foreign 
policy  met  at  Freyburg  on  the  25th  of  July.  It 
opened  with  extraordinary  pomp,  and  remained  in 
session  several  weeks.  The  delegations  of  the  can- 
tons included  many  of  the  most  notable  men,  Berne, 
in  particular,  being  represented  by  the  four  leaders  of 


"'  Eidgenossische  Abschiede,  B.  Letter  to  the  president  of  Toulouse, 

II.  s.  599.  July  9,  Deutsch  Missiyen-Buch  C, 

*"  "Durch  der  fiirung  bystand  931.    MS. 
und  rat  all  sach  gehandelt  wurde." 


m 


II 


Q 


mm 


468 


DIET  AT  PREYBUHO. 


[boor  v. 


the  council  —  Scharnachthal,  Wabern,  Diesbach,  and 
Bubenberg.  Deputies  from  the  allied  states  were 
admitted  to  the  more  public  sittings,  places  of  honor 
being  assigned  to  Rene  of  Lorraine  and  Herter.  The 
bishop  of  Geneva  had  come,  attended  by  his  council, 
to  make  terms  on  behalf  of  Savoy.  The  French  em- 
bassy comprised  the  admiral,  the  president  of  the 
parliament  of  Toulouse,  the  coadjutor  of  Grenoble, 
and  other  dignitaries,  with  a  train  of  two  hundred 
knights.  Their  business  took  precedence  of  all  other. 
They  announced  the  satisfaction  of  their  master  at 
the  glorious  victory  achieved  by  the  Confederates. 
Nothing  in  his  life  had  ever  given  him  equal  joy. 
The  duke  of  Burgundy  was  the  common  foe  of  the 
French  and  German  nations,  the  great  disturber  of 
the  peace  of  Christendom.  It  was  now  the  time  to 
run  him  down  and  finish  him,  giving  him  no  rest  and 
no  opportunity  to  get  aid  from  the  emperor  and 
other  princes,  or  to  complete  his  preparations  for 
again  assailing  the  Confederates.  He  had  lately  sent 
a  humble  message,  calling  himself  "  the  king's  poor 
friend,"  offering  to  do  homage  for  all  his  fiefs,  to  give 
his  daughter  in  marriage  to  the  dauphin,  and  send  her 
in  the  mean  time  to  the  court,  on  condition  of  receiv- 
ing aid  against  the  Swiss.  Far  from  listening  to  such 
proposals,  the  king  had  no  other  desire  than  to 
strengthen  and  extend  his  league  with  the  Con- 
federates, and  to  join  with  them  in  following  up  the 
war  till  the  enemy  was  utterly  annihilated.  He  pro- 
posed that  they  should  send  out  twenty  thousand 
men,  while  he  himself,  with  an  equal  or  greater  force, 


[nooK  V. 


CHAP.  IV.J 


DIET  AT  FREYBURO. 


469 


bach,  and 
itcs  were 
I  of  honor 
•ter.    The 
lis  council, 
rench  em- 
nt  of  the 
Grenoble, 
5  hundred 
'  all  other, 
master  at 
nfederates. 
equal  joy. 
foe  of  the 
sturber  of 
he  time  to 
10  rest  and 
iperor  and 
'ations  for 
lately  sent 
:ing*s  poor 
efs,  to  give 
d  send  her 
1  of  receiv- 
ng  to  such 
than   to 
the  Con- 
ing up  the 
.     He  pro- 
thousand 
eater  force, 


would  make  an  attack  in  Picardy  or  some  other 
quarter,  besides  bringing  over  tlie  king  of  England 
to  help.  When  the  work  was  done,  the  gains  should 
be  fairly  divided.  The  barrier  which  had  hitherto 
impeded  their  intercourse  and  concert  of  action  no 
longer  existed,  the  king  having  settled  the  affairs  of 
Savoy  and  reestablished  the  authority  of  the  duke  his 
nephew.  The  better  to  secure  their  communications, 
he  invited  his  allies  to  occupy  Geneva. 

On  each  and  all  of  these  points  the  Swiss  were 
prepared  with  a  categorical  reply.  They  had  entered 
into  the  war  at  the  instigation  and  for  the  honor  of 
the  king.*'  Often  as  they  had  been  tempted,  they 
had  rejected  all  offers  of  a  separate  peace.  Thrice 
they  had  encountered  and  beaten  the  enemy's  forces, 
not  without  much  cost  and  labor  to  themselves.  On 
their  own  part  they  deemed  it  unnecessary  to  under- 
take anything  further.  They  were,  however,  glad  to 
learn  that  the  king,  as  he  had  so  often  and  so  long 
announced,  now  intended  to  go  personally  into  the 
war,  which,  by  using  his  best  endeavors,  he  would  no 
doubt  be  able  to  bring  to  the  desired  conclusion. 
What  they  wished  the  envoys  to  commend  to  his 
attention  was  the  amount  of  the  pensions  now  in 
arrears  and  the  additional  eighty  thousand  francs  for 
which  he  had  made  himself  liable  by  failing  to  come 
to  their  assistance.    If  any  obstructions  had  prevented 


*'  "  Gemeine    Eidgenossen    und  honorem  et  impulsionem  regis  guer- 

ibre  Zugewandten  sein  dem  Kiinig  ras  in  eum  [Burgundie  ducem]  mo- 

zu  Ehren  in  diesen  Krieg  getreten."  visse." 
"  Domini  de  liga  respondent,  sese  ob 


470 


DIET  AT  FREYBURG. 


[BOOK  V. 


n 


'mk 


their  summonses  from  reaching  him,  this  ought  not 
to  work  to  their  disadvaDtage.  With  regard  to  the 
affairs  of  Savoy  they  declined  to  express  any  opinion, 
the  entanglements  with  that  state  having  grown 
out  of  its  treaties  with  Berne.  Neither  would  they 
occupy  Geneva,  but  would  leave  the  king  to  do  so 
if  he  pleased.  •  "  ' 

When  pressed  in  regard  to  the  eighty  thousand 
francs,  the  admiral  and  his  colleagues  replied  that 
they  had  brought  no  instructions  on  this  point,  but 
being  well  acquainted  witli  the  sentiments  of  the 
king,  they  were  sure  that  he  would  fulfil  all  his 
engagements.  They  suggested  that  the  Swiss  should 
send  an  embassy  of  their  own  to  negotiate  the  mat- 
ter. Nothing  would  so  delight  him  as  to  have  an 
opportunity  of  becoming  personally  acquainted  with 
the  heroes  of  Grandson  and  Morat.***  .. 

Terms  of  peace  with  Savoy  were  dictated  by  the 
diet,  the  passage  of  the  Italian  recruits  and  other 
acts  of  assistance  to  Burgundy  being  recapitulated 
at  great  length  as  the  grounds  of  the  war."*'  No 
useless  denial  or  protest  was  offered  by  the  opposite 
party ;  but  all  the  blame  was  laid  upon  the  regent, 
and  mildness  entreated  in  consideration  of  the  suffer- 
ings and  poverty  of  the  people.  It  was  decided  that 
Savoy  should  pay  an  indemnity  of  fifty  thousand 
florins,  the  Pays  de  Vaud  to  be  held  by  the  Confed- 
erates   as   security.      The    districts   of   Morat    and 


42 


Eidgendssische  Abschiede,  B.    bel,  2te  Abth.  8.  79-81.  —  Stettler, 
II.  8. 601-608.—  Lateinisches  Missi-    B.  I.  s.  263. 
veu-Buch  A,  484  b.  MS.  —  Kne-        "  Schilling,  8.  353-359. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


DIET  AT  FREYBURG. 


471 


Grandson,  with  some  other  places,  were  to  be  per- 
manently retained,  under  the  joint  sovereignty  of 
Berne  and  Freyburg.  No  portion  of  the  territory 
was  to  return  to  the  count  of  Romont.  Geneva  was 
to  pay  its  separate  fine,  in  good  current  money  of 
full  weight  Other  debts  were  to  be  discharged; 
freedom  of  intercourse  and  trade  was  to  be  restored ; 
and  the  treaty  was  to  be  ratified  and  guaranteed  by 
the  French  king." 

Among  minor  matters,  the  petition  of  Rene  of  Lor- 
raine received  a  patient  and  benign  hearing.  There 
was  no  intention  of  according  it ;  but  a  vote  was 
passed  commending  the  claims  and  services  of  the 
good  prince  to  the  consideration  of  the  people.*^ 

The  proposal  to  send,  for  the  first  time,  an  embassy 
to  the  king,  embracing  representatives  of  all  the 
states  which  had  executed  his  pleasure  and  earned 
his  bounty,  met  with  general  acceptance.  The  chiefs, 
or  others  who  had  most  distinguished  themselves  in 
the  two  great  battles,  were  appropriately  chosen  by 
the  respective  cantons,  Zurich  sending  Waldmann ; 
Schwytz,  Kiitzy  and  Reding;  Lucerne,  Hertenstein 
and  Hassfurter ;  Berne,  Halwyl  and  Bubenberg ;  while 
Diesbach  and  Albert  von  Silinen  were  designated  as 
the  chaperons  of  their  unfamiliar  and  less  polished  col- 
leagues.^^ More  time  was  required  for  fitting  out  in  a 
becouiing  manner  this  novel  expedition  than  had  ever 
been  consumed  by  the  Swiss  in  raising  and  equipping 


"  Eidgenossische  Abschiede,  B.        *«  Knebel,  2te  Abth.  s.  215.— 
II.  8.  603,  608  et  seq.  Schilling,  s.  363. 

«  Ibid.  8.  604. 


472 


LOUIS  AT  A  STAND-STILL. 


[BOOK  V. 


"     <',i 


0 


troops  for  the  field.  In  the  interval  the  council  of 
Berne,  in  disregard  of  the  interdict  laid  upon  their 
correspondence  with  the  king,  deemed  it  advisable 
to  give  him  a  preliminary  warning  of  the  demands 
about  to  be  made  upon  him,  entreating  his  favorable 
reception  of  them,  as  he  valued  his  own  interests  and 
the  maintenance  of  the  alliance.*' 

The  affairs  of  Louis  were  just  now  at  a  stand-still. 
It  appeared  that  he  had  nothing  to  fear  from  the 
ambition  of  the  Swiss,  but  also  nothing  to  hope  from 
their  spirit  of  enterprise.  His  rival  had  sustained  a 
great  overthrow ;  but  he  was  still  alive,  —  his  spirit 
as  indomitable  and  defiant  as  ever.  Was  it  then  fear 
that  kept  the  king  inactive,  and  prevented  him  from 
giving  the  finishing  stroke  with  his  own  knife  ?  Yes ; 
the  same  fear,  as  we  learn  from  a  close  and  keen 
observer,  which  had  so  long  restrained  him,  —  relics 
of  an  old  terror,  the  flesh  shrinking  at  the  recollec- 
tion of  former  scaldings ;  an  extreme  desire  to  have  a 
continuous  peace  within  his  own  borders,  where  the 
harmony  was  now  so  perfect;  the  conviction  that  it 
would  be  altogether  better  to  have  the  job  performed 
by  other  hands  rather  than  attempt  it  with  his  own.*^ 


i  1 1 


"  "Die  wir  von  hertzen  und 
hochsten  begirden  bitten,  das  nitt 
anders  dan  es  bestechen  und  ver- 
hallten  ist  ze  bedencken,  und  sich 
gewiiss  zehallten  das  so  furderlichst 
das  ytnmer  sin  mag  die  selb  unnsre 
bottschafft  bj'  uwer  k.  m.  sin  wirdt, 
alles  das  zethun  das  uwer  k.  m.  und 
unnsern  gemeynen  nutz  nitt  wenig 
beriirt."  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  D, 
46-  MS. 


**  "  E  opinione  che  la  maesta  del 
He  non  debba  schiffare  il  nouo  ap- 
punctamente  con  luy  parte  per  ex- 
trerao  desyderio  di  viuere  paciBca- 
mente,  parte  per  lasciarlo  sbizariri 
con  altri  che  con  luy,  del  quale  non 
e  pur  chel  non  habia  qualche  reli- 
quie  et  paura  per  esserc  tante  volte 
scotato  de  laqua  calda,  etc."  Petra- 
santa  to  the  duke  of  Milan,  No- 
tizenblatt,  1856,  s.  184. 


ill. 


I  :  !l 


CHAP.  IV.] 


CAMP  AT  LA  RIVIERE. 


473 


In  truth,  eager  as  he  was,  he  could  afford  a  short 
delay.  If  it  should  prove  impossible  to  induce  the 
Swiss  to  make  a  direct  and  final  attack  on  the  duke 
of  Burgundy,  there  still  remained  the  chance  that 
the  duke  of  Burgundy  would  make  another  and  final 
attack  upon  the  Swiss. 

Unfortunately  this  chance  was  every  day  diminish- 
ing. The  hope  that  had  lately  dawned  upon  Charles 
was  but  a  transient  lifting  of  the  clouds  before  they 
settled  down  forever.  Towards  the  end  of  July  he 
proceeded  to  La  Riviere,  where  his  stay,  with  brief 
intermissions,  lasted  till  the  close  of  September.  He 
had  counted  on  finding  in  the  camp  eleven  hundred 
lances,  —  some  nine  thousand  cavalry,  —  which  were 
known  to  have  escaped  the  slaughter.  Scarcely  half 
the  number  had  made  their  appearance,  and  such  of 
them  as  had  passed  through  Geneva  in  much  the 
same  plight  —  stripped  of  horses,  arms,  and  accoutre- 
ments —  as  the  rifled  dead  upon  the  field.  Of  the 
foot  companies  there  was  scarcely  a  relic.  The  great 
majority  of  the  soldiers  had  made  for  their  homes  or 
found  other  hiding-places.  To  tempt  them  out,  and 
raise  the  spirits  of  those  who  had  assembled,  it  was 
necessary  to  double  the  pay,  putting  all  on  the  same 
footing  in  this  respect  as  the  household  troops.  The 
latter  force,  diminished  now  to  four  hundred  lances, 
had  been  stationed  around  the  camp,  to  stop  any 
further  desertions.  There  were  besides  four  hundred 
lances  in  Picardy,  as  many  in  Luxembourg,  and  eight 
hundred  in  Lorraine,  forces  considered  as  reserves  — 


VOL.  III. 


60 


474 


CHARLES  IN  ADVERSITY. 


[BOOK  V. 


mi 

0 


if  it  were  only  safe  to  draw  upon  them.**  From 
Italy,  so  long  his  great  recruiting  ground,  Charles 
was  now  entirely  cut  off.  His  exhausted  Burgun- 
dies had  done  their  part  towards  that  supreme  effort 
of  which  he  rightly  believed  his  people  to  be  capable. 
It  remained  to  be  seen  whether  the  Netherlands, 
hitherto  untouched  by  the  war,  could  be  roused  in  a 
commensurate  degree. 

Advices  already  received  from  that  quarter  had 
not  been  encouraging.  On  the  first  report  of  the 
disaster  at  Morat,  the  Chancellor  Hugonet  and  the 
Sire  de  Ravenstein,  who  had  charge  of  the  duke's 
affairs  in  his  absence,  had  convoked  a  council  of  the 
highest  nobles  and  principal  functionaries,  the  Duch- 
ess Margaret  presiding  in  person.  All  concurred  in 
the  necessity  of  immediate  measures  to  secure  the 
frontiers  against  a  French  invasion.  The  Estates  of 
Flanders  had  already  rejected  demands  for  the  same 
object.^"  It  was  decided  as  the  only  resource  to 
appropriate  the  throe  months'  subsidy  —  the  chief 
item  of  the  ducal  revenue.  In  excuse  it  was  pleaded 
that  the  duke  had  lost  his  army,  —  the  inference 
being  that  he  would  iiave  no  occasion  for  money. 
But,  low  as  he  had  fallen,  Charles  was  not  a  person 
who  could  be  safely  treated  in  this  fashion.  He  had 
written  back  from  Salins,  on  the  13th  of  July,  that 
if  any  sums  had  been  taken  and  were  not  instantly 
reimbursed,  he  would  hold  the  chancellor  and  the 
treasurers  of  the  exchequer  responsible  in  their  own 

**  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn-  ii.         *"  Gachard,    note    to    Barante, 
pp.  369,  370.  torn.  ii. 


CHAP,  rv.] 


INDHTEBENCE  OP  THE  PEOPLE. 


475 


^  f| 


estates.  The  grant,  he  reminded  them,  had  been 
voted  expressly  for  the  maintenance  of  his  army  in 
the  field.  He  was  well  pleased  that  the  garrisons 
should  be  strengthened ;  but  this  was  a  duty  incum- 
bent on  the  people.  Those  of  Burgundy  had  cheer- 
fully undertaken  it,  although  the  towns  were  far  from 
being  so  populous  and  wealthy  as  those  of  the  Nether- 
lands, and  the  country  had  been  constantly  harassed 
by  war.  From  his  other  provinces  he  expected  more. 
His  army  had  not  been  lost.  He  was  now  going  to 
review  it,  preparatory  to  a  new  campaign.  He  re- 
quired all  the  reenforcements  possible  —  the  lances 
and  artillery  he  had  left  in  Picardy  and  elsewhere,  a 
general  levy  of  the  feudal  vassals,  and  ten  thousand 
men  to  be  enlisted  as  part  of  his  permanent  lorce.®^ 
So  far  as  the  powers  and  liabilities  of  his  own 
officers  extended,  this  missive  proved  effectual.  But 
all  efforts  to  induce  the  people  to  share  in  the  burdens 
and  the  risks  were  unavailing.  And  naturally  so. 
The  war  in  which  Charles  was  engaged  had  for  its 
objects  the  preservation  of  his  southern  provinces, 
the  retention  of  the  links  by  which  he  had  sought  to 
unite  his  separated  dominions,  the  establishment  of  a 
power  secure  against  foreign  machinations  and  aggres- 
sions. With  such  projects  the  burghers  of  Flanders 
had  no  concern.  They  were  content  with  their 
present  position  —  with  the  feudal  dependence  of 
'  their  sovereign,  with  a  liberty  resting  on  provincial 
charters,  with  a  prosperity  founded  on  pursuits  "  in- 


"  M8.  (Bib.  Imp.,  Bdthune,  9560.) 


!;i 


476 


CHARLES  IN  ADVERSITY. 


[book  v. 


compatible  with  war."  As  long  as  they  turned  a  deaf 
ear  to  the  mandates  and  invectives  of  Charles,  nothing 
would  disturb  their  tranquillity.  They  had  now  only 
to  forget  his  existence  in  a  life  of  industry  and  enjoy- 
ment —  their  busy  factories,  teeming  warehouses,  and 
comfortable  abodes,  their  cabarets,  bagnios,  and  pleas- 
ure gardens,  beautified  with  wooden  statues  and  per- 
fumed with  the  emanations  of  slimy  canals.  Yet  we 
wrong  them.  On  one  point  that  concerned  their 
sovereign  they  were  not  so  indifferent.  They  had 
always,  it  may  be  remembered,  shown  a  punctilious 
respect  for  his  person.  Of  this  feeling  they  gave  a 
proof  on  the  present  occasion.  In  answer  to  his 
"  requests,"  they  are  said  to  have  sent  him  a  loyal 
and  generous  message,  to  the  effect  that,  if  he  were 
surrounded  by  his  enemies  and  unable  to  escape, 
they  would  go  and  deliver  him. 

Such,  in  very  truth,  was  the  predicament  into  which 
he  was  falling.  Lorraine,  his  avenue  of  retreat, — 
unless  he  intended  literally  to  share  the  fate  of  his 
Burgundian  subjects, —  was  becoming  closed.  Im- 
mediately after  the  brttle  of  Morat,  the  Bastard  of 
Vaudemont  and  his  comrades,  again  assisted  by 
Craon,  had  gained  possession  of  some  castles  on  the 
western  frontier.  On  the  opposite  side,  Rene  himself, 
leaving  Herter  to  plead  his  cause  with  the  Swiss, 
had  unfurled  his  standard  early  in  August.  He  had 
succeeded  in  raising  a  considerable  force  in  the  friend- 
ly Alsatian  towns,  augmented  by  a  band  of  vassals  on 
his  passage  across  the  Vosges,  where  he  counted  his 
strongest  adherents.    In  the  interior  of  the  province 


CHAP.  IV.] 


LOSS  OP  LORRAINE. 


477 


there  was  little  disposition  to  revolt.  Many  of  the 
nobles — those  of  French  extraction  —  had  submitted 
not  unwillingly  to  a  rule  which  had  offered  the  best 
security  against  the  insatiable  claims  and  encroach- 
ments of  the  king.  In  the  towns,  the  capital  included, 
the  mild  and  equitable  administration  of  Bievre  had 
at  least  prevented  the  people  from  chafing  under 
the  yoke  of  the  conqueror.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
recent  overthrow  of  Charles,  and  his  apparently 
prostrate  condition,  neutralized  his  more  active  sup- 
porters, and  at  most  of  the  places  where  Rene  made 
his  appearance  he  was  welcomed  as  the  rightful  sov- 
ereign. The  Burgundian  garrisons  gave  proofs  of 
their  ability  to  defend  themselves;  but,  seeing  no 
prospect  of  succor,  they  accepted  in  many  cases  the 
proposals  made  to  them,  and  retired  with  their  arms 
and  effects.  In  this  way  Epinal,  Luneville,  and  other 
important  towns  changed  hands  without  any  serious 
struggle ;  ai'd  by  the  end  of  the  month  Rene,  with 
an  army  enlarged  through  the  effect  of  these  successes 
to  twenty  thousand  men,  was  able  to  lay  siege  to 
Nancy.^^  '• 

Thus,  despite  the  inactivity  of  the  Swiss  and  of  the 
king,  Charles  was  again  reduced  to  the  defensive,  and 
this  while  he  had  no  fiuffiicient  means  of  resistance. 
Yet  the  ultimate  issue  must  depend  on  the  course  of 
the  only  powers  he  had  any  real  reason  to  dread. 
Immediate  intelligence  had  reached  him  of  the  refusal 
of  the  Confederates  to  participate  in  a  war  of  inva- 


!i  i 


"  Chrdtien.  —  Remy.  —  Calmet. — Depgches  Milanaises. 


I 


478 


LOUIS  IN  PROSPERITY. 


[BOOK  V. 


03 


^14  jar 


sion.""  Nor,  such  being  the  case,  did  he  apprehend 
any  attack  from  the  king.  He  had  seen  that  Louis 
wanted,  not  only  an  opportunity,  but  a  pretext ;  and 
one  of  his  first  steps  had  been  to  send  orders  to  the 
frontier  to  avoid  every  act  that  could  give  the  slightest 
occasion  for  a  rupture.^  To  obtain,  if  possible,  a  more 
definite  assurance,  at  least  by  closer  observation, 
Contay  had  since  gone  on  another  mission  to  the 
court  '  ' 

On  hearing  that  the  envoy  was  awaiting  him  at 
Tours,  Louis,  in  his  eagerness  to  hear  of  the  welfare 
of  his  cousin  of  Burgundy,"  had  cut  short  his  pilgrim- 
age, and  hastened  back  to  his  secular  affairs.*^  His 
arrival  at  his  favorite  domicile  was  followed  by  an 
influx  from  various  quarters  —  envoys  from  the  duke 
of  Brittany,  proposing  a  personal  visit  if  a  safe-conduct 
with  trustworthy  signatures  could  be  obtained;  an 
agent  from  England,  to  collect  the  annual  "  tribute  " 
of  Edward  and  his  nobles;  another  from  Berne,  to 
remind  the  king  of  the  humbler  claims  of  the  Swiss ; 
a  succession  of  messengers  from  Yolande,  to  treat 
about  her  release  and  restoration ;  deputations  from 
Savoy  and  Piedmont  on  the  same  business,  and  to 
protest  at  all  events  against  the  further  tyranny  of 
the  count  of  Bresse  and  his  brother;  finally,  and  of 


^^  Depeches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 
pp.  361,  362. 

^*  Legrand  MS S.histoite,  totn.iii. 

**  In  a  polite  note  on  an  unim- 
portant matter,  written  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Morat  campaign,  Louis 
had  expressed  his  desire  to  have    tizenblatt,  1856,  s.  182. 


nevs  from  Charles  immediately  upon 
his  return.  Legrand  MSS.  tom.xix. 
'*  "  Sanza  hauere  fornito  il  pere- 
grinagio  di  la  diuotione  sua  se  nera 
tornata  qua  subito  chel  intesa  la  ve- 
nuta  del  detto  M.  di  Conte."    No- 


CHAP.  IV.] 


NEW  TREATY  WITH  SFORZA. 


479 


chief  interest  to  us,  an  embassy  from  Milan,  to  con- 
clude the  fresh  treaty  of  alliance,  and  to  nppease  by 
detailed  reports  the  strong  inquisitiveness  of  the  duke 
—  and  of  the  historian.'*'' 

Sforza  had  chosen  for  this  mission  Francesco  Petra- 
santa,  his  resident  minister  at  Turin.  The  ground 
assigned  for  his  renunciation  of  the  Burgundian  al- 
liance was  his  indignation  at  Yolande's  abduction,^* 
which  had  conveniently  occurred  just  after  his  pre- 
liminary message  to  the  king.  Petrasanta's  first  con- 
ferences were  with  the  vice-chancellor  and  other 
ministers,  who  were  drawing  up  the  treaty.  On 
essential  points  there  was  no  disagreement.  But  a 
long  and  terrible  struggle  arose  in  regard  to  the 
form.  Louis  was  no  longer  the  modest  and  retiring 
personage  of  an  earlier  epoch,  cheerfully  submitting 
to  be  eclipsed  by  his  inferiors.  He  insisted  on  stick- 
ing into  the  instrument  phrases  humiliating  to  Sforza, 
to  punish  him  doubtless  for  his  short-sighted  desertion. 
The  envoy,  though  confined  to  his  bed  by  a  fever, 
made  a  vigorous  resistance,  keeping  up  for  days 
together  an  unintermitted  discussion  "c?e  vcrho  in 
verbum."  But  the  royal  ministers  declared  that  they 
would  fling  the  treaty  to  the  winds  rather  i^han  abate 
a  jot  of  their  master's  dignity.  "  You  are  not  now," 
they  said,  "  dealing  with  inferiors,  like  Flovence  and 
Ferrara,  nor  with  equals,  like  Venice  and  Naples,  but 
with  my  lord  the  king  —  a  monarch  than  whom  there 
has  been  none  in  a  state  of  greater  prosperity  from 


li!:!: 

I 


*Mbid.  —  Legrand  ilf5i/Sf.  to  Aplano),  Legrand  MS 8.  torn. 

'^  Instructions  (given  originally    zix. 


480 


LOUIS  IN  PROSPERITY. 


[book  t. 


1; 

0 


Charlemagne  to  the  present  day." ""  Notwithstanding 
this  haughty  announcement,  Petrasanta  had  thoughts 
of  going  off  re  in/ectd,  or  at  least  of  not  yielding  with- 
out fresh  instructions.  But  in  co'-  .t  Jon  with  the 
Florentine  envoy  and  other  Italian .,  ne  was  cautioned 
not  to  put  in  jeopardy  the  conclusion  of  so  important 
a  matter,  remembering  the  suspicious  temper  of  the 
king,  the  presence  of  a  Burgundian  envoy  whose 
adverse  schemes  it  was  essential  to  frustrate,  and  the 
satisfaction  with  which  many  of  the  royal  council 
would  see  the  negotiation  broken  off,  as  well  from  ill 
will  to  Milan,  as  from  a  desire  that  their  master  should 
have  more  "  bones  to  gnaw,"  and  consequently  less 
leisure  for  the  freaks  and  gambols  to  which  he  was 
too  much  addicted."^  Sforza  was  in  fact  trembling 
with  apprehensions  lest  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  if  not 
strenuously  pushed,  might  again,  as  at  Neuss,  cut 
asunder  the  league,  burst  from  the  toils,  and  call  for 
a  reckoning  from  his  false  allies.  In  that  case  the 
excuse  pleaded  by  the  duke  of  Milan  would  hardly 
serve. 

Having  yielded  accordingly,  Petrasanta  had  his 
first  interview  with  the  most  prosperous  monarch 
since  Charlemagne  on  the  morning  of  Saturday,  the 
9th  of  August.  Personally  Louis  was  as  affable  and 
unassuming  as  ever.    He    had  removed  from  the 


••  **  Maxime  die  qua  non  hauemo  da  Carlo  magno  in  qua." 

a  fare  con  inferior!  come  e  Fiorenza  **  "  Perche  il  Re  hauesse  piu  osso 

et  Ferrara,  ne  con  pari  all  S.  V.  da  rodere,  dubitando  dessere  peggio 

come  e  Yenetia  et  Napoli,  ma  con  tractati,  quanto  sua  maesta  ha  piu 

questo  Signore  Re  quale  pare  sik  in  prosperi  desyderii." 
ei  grande  prosperita  quanto  Re  fosse 


\  i 


CHAP.  IV.] 


PHYSICAL  AILMENTS. 


481 


palace  to  a  barchetlo,  or  pleasure  house,  "  small 
and  not  handsome,"  but  girdled  by  walls.  Having 
sent  for  his  queen,  from  whose  couipany  he  had 
abstained  during  his  recent  devotions,  he  had  slept 
with  her  the  night  before.  When  the  envoy  was 
announced,  he  had  only  just  risen,  and  was  sitting  in 
his  doublet  at  an  open  window.  He  complained  of 
feeling  unwell,  and  asked  for  Pantaleone,  the  physi- 
cian of  the  embassy  and  an  old  acquaintance  of  his 
own,  who  was  called.  Holding  out  his  wrist  for  *»is 
pulse  to  be  felt,  he  gave  the  doctor  an  account  of  his 
condition  in  Latin.  He  was  much  afflicted  with  piles, 
which  he  attributed  to  his  labors  of  mind  and  body, 
his  journeys,  and  his  "cogitations  on  the  conduct  of 
wars,"  ®'  —  that  is  to  say,  cogitations  how  wars  were 
to  be  conducted  through  the  agency  of  a  third  party, 
—  and  also  to  the  continence  he  had  lately  prr  tised."- 
"  So  that  I  have  now,"  he  concluded, "  a  certain  confu- 
sion in  the  head,  with  a  trembling  of  the  heart,  which 
causes  me  some  uneasiness."  •"  —  Alarming  symptoms 
indeed  —  in  such  a  head,  and  such  a  heart ! 

After  reading  the  letter  presented  from  Sforza,  he 
expressed  himself  more  than  satisfied,  adding  that  he 
saw  his  brother  did  not  intend  any  deceit,  by  the 
envoy  he  had  sent.  He  then  prepared  himself  for 
mass,  and  on  his  way  to  the  chapel  put  his  hand 
familiarly  on  the  arm  of  his  companion,  talking  flu- 


*"  "  In  cogitandia  rationibus  bel-  sens  ab  uxore  mea." 
lorum."  "^  "  Un  certo  fumosltate  alia  tes- 

'*  "  Et  etiam  propter  abstinentiam  ta,  et  fattomi  venire  vno  tremore  di 

coitus,  quia  steti  tanto  tempore  ab-  core  clie  mi  da  molestia  assay." 
VOL.  m.                 61 


482 


ADVICE  TO  8F0IIZA. 


[BOOK   V. 


0 
0 


ently  in  French.  The  conversation  turned  first  upon 
the  Swins,  the  duke  of  Milan  having,  it  would  seem, 
asked  tlic  royal  advice  —  or  commands — in  regard  to 
his  future  relations  with  that  people.  "  Francesco," 
said  the  king,  stopping  in  his  walk,  although  the 
priest  was  waiting  for  him  at  the  altar,  "  on  that 
matter  I  should  not  wish  to  give  an  answc  on  a 
sudden  and  without  deliberation.  Yet  it  would  seem 
that  my  brother  could  not  but  do  well  to  renew  his 
league  with  them,  for  they  are  men  to  be  greatly 
esteemed  in  war ;  and  then,  as  often  as  he  wishes  to 
make  war  upon  Venice,  he  can  always  have  them  at 
his  command,  at  a  low  price,  especially  through  my 
aid."  "*  It  would  be  easy,  he  went  on,  to  devise  a 
good  color  for  recovering  territory  which  the  Vene- 
tians had  usurped,  and  "  for  such  wars  these  Germans 
would  be  very  good  and  very  useful.""'*  Petrasanta, 
while  ackno.  ledging  the  good  will  shown  in  this 
suggestion,  objected  that  the  Venetians  were  now  on 
good  terms  with  his  master,  and  very  well  disposed. 
"  It  may  be  so,"  replied  Louis,  "  nor  do  I  advise  any 
movement  at  present.  Yet  neither  would  I  have  it 
too  long  deferred  ;  for  I  assure  you,  Francesco,  and  I 
have  so  written  to  my  brother,  the  Venetians  have 
never  kept,  and  will  never  keep,  any  of  their  prom- 
ises, unless  it  be  for  their  own  advantage."  Petra- 
santa having  introduced  another   topic,  of  a  more 


«*  "  Perche  sono  homini  da  fame  cho  precio  a  suo  commando  medi- 

gran  stima  in  guerra.    Et  ogni  volta  ante  maxima  lopera  min." 

che  mio  fratello  volesso  far  guerra  a  ®*  "  Li  Alemani  seriano  molto  bo- 

Venetiani  sempre  li  haueria  per  po-  ni  et  molto  vtile  in  tale  guerre." 


CHAP.  IV.J 


YOLANDE'S  AFFAIRS. 


483 


pressing  nature,  —  the  proceedings  of  Philip  of 
Bresse,  which  had  been  highly  di.stastcful  to  Sforza, 
—  the  king  listened  patiently,  but  after  standing 
silent  a  while,  as  if  perplexed,  said  he  must  not  keep 
the  mass  waiting  any  longer,  and  they  would  have  a 
fuller  discussion  on  the  morrow. 

—  "And  then,  as  often  as  he  wishes  to  make 
war  upon  Veiice,  he  can  always  have  them  at  his 
command  —  at  j  low  price  —  especially  through  my 
aid."  Shade  of  Nicholas  von  Diesbach,  listen,  and 
echo  from  thy  Elysium  this  fresh  proof  of  the  gra- 
ciousness  of  thy  patron !  Nay,  lie  still,  heroes  of 
Morgarten  and  Sempach !  Wake  not,  challenge  not 
the  statement !  Liar  though  he  is,  he  has  spoken  the 
truth;  yes,  the  truth,  unless  all  concerned,  all  who 
know,  are  in  a  conspiracy  to  lie! 

A  week  or  more  elapsed  before  a  second  audience 
of  any  length  was  granted,  Louis  secluding  himself 
at  first  on  account  of  his  continued  troubles  in  the 
head,  heart,  and  other  parts,  and  being  afterwards,  for 
three  days,  absorbed  in  the  celebration  of  the  fete  of 
the  Virgin,  at  which  time  no  one  was  permitted  to 
speak  to  him.  Meanwhile  Petrasanta  employed  his 
diplomatic  instinct  in  ferreting  among  the  affairs  of 
his  brother  envoys,  and  especially  in  finding  out  the 
exact  state  of  the  triangular  relations  of  Yolande, 
Louis,  and  Charles.  Yolande,  though  a  prisoner,  had 
full  opportunities  for  managing  her  own  part  in  the 
affair.  On  the  14th  of  July,  when  Charles,  as  we 
have  seen,  was  again  hopeful  and  sane,  he  had  paid 
her  a  visit,  spending  the  night  and  half  the  next  day 


484 


YOLANDE  AT   ROUVRE. 


[BOOK  V. 


0 


at  Rochefort.*'*  Later  in  the  same  month  she  had 
been  removed  to  Rouvre,  farther  from  the  French 
frontier.  Her  confinement,  however,  was  of  the  mild- 
est description.  Her  host,  the  Sire  de  Magne,  and 
his  daughter  seem  to  have  won  her  esteem  by  their 
delicate  attentions.  No  guards  or  spies  were  set  over 
her.  She  went  abroad  at  her  convenience,  making 
excursions  of  pleasure  or  devotion  with  only  her  own 
attendants.  Visitors  from  home,  ladies  of  her  court, 
mules  laden  with  dresses,  trinkets,  and  money,  came 
in  perfect  security  —  unless  they  happened  on  the 
way  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Swiss  or  their  allies. 
With  the  same  freedom  she  despatched  couriers  to 
her  brother,  to  the  duke  of  Milan,  to  Geneva,  Nice, 
and  Turin."^  What  was  to  prevent  her  from  going 
off  in  any  direction  she  pleased  ?  Chiefly,  it  would 
seem,  her  own  uncertainty  as  to  what  direction  to 
take.  She  sent  word  to  the  bishop  of  Geneva  that 
she  would  find  means  to  go  back  if  assured  as  to  her 
reception.  Sforza  was  also  sounded,  and  he,  of  course, 
made  boundless  professions,  and  was  sincerely  eager 
to  have  her  come  to  Piedmont.  Luckily  perhaps  for 
herself,  her  messenger  was  stopped  on  his  return  by 
Philip  of  Bresse  and  detained  as  a  prisoner.*'^  As  to 
fleeing  to  the  king,  which  would  have  been  still  easier, 
she  was  in  mortal  dread  of  being  delivered  into  his 
hands  by  Charles,°^  who,  according  to  a  story  which 


®*  Ancienne  Chronique,  Lenglet,  p.  377.  —  Chronica  Latina  Sabau- 

tom.  ii.  p.  220.  dise. 

"'  Menebrea,append. — Commines.        **  "  EUe  estoit  en  grant  craincte 

—  Girard  M.'^S.  de  tomber  scuba  sa  main."     Com- 

°^  Depeches  Miianaises,  torn.  ii.  mines,  torn.  ii.  p.  36. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


CONTAY'S  MISSION. 


485 


3r.^    As  to 


Latina  Sabau- 


grant  craincte 


we  may  trust  was  groundless,  —  and  indeed  it  bears 
the  stamp  of  a  well-known  hand,  —  made  use  of  this 
threat,  and  at  the  same  time  disclosed  her  feelings 
to  Louis,  with  the  object  of  preventing  them  from 
coming  to  an  understanding.'"  Yolande  herself  an- 
nounced that  a  line  from  her  brother  would  set  her 
free  at  any  moment ;  and  Charles  made  repeated 
declarations  that  he  was  ready  to  restore  her  to  the 
hands  of  her  own  chamberlains.  But  such  communi- 
cations had,  of  course,  the  effect  of  disinclining  Louis 
to  take  any  active  steps.  She  was  at  her  old  tricks, 
he  said,  and  meant  to  keep  up  her  connection  with 
Burgundy.  Putting  together  these  and  various  other 
items  he  had  gathered,  Petrasanta  came  to  the  con- 
clusion that  the  negotiation  would  prove  a  protracted 
one ;  for,  as  he  remarked,  both  the  king  and  the  duke 
desired  her  restoration,  but  each  wished  to  be  the 
restorer,  and  one  had  possession  of  her  person,  the 
other  of  her  states. 

In  regard  to  the  probable  result  of  Contay's  mis- 
sion Petrasanta  was  more  in  doubt,  having  only 
external  indications  to  judge  by.  At  first  the  king 
had  treated  Contay  with  the  greatest  consideration. 
But  as  it  grew  clearer  that  Charles  had  sunk  too 
much  in  the  estimation  of  the  world,  and  was  too 
much  weakened  by  the  "  bastonadings  "  he  had  re- 
ceived, ever  again  to  do  "  any  great  thing,"  his  am- 
bassador found  himself  neglected,  put  off  on  slight 
excuses  when  he  asked  for  an  audience,  or  admitted 


">  Notizenblatt,  s.  184. 


486 


LOUIS  IN  PROSPERITY. 


[BOOK  V. 


-i-n 


0 


■If 


only  that  he  might  be  put  into  a  vstate  of  confusion  by 
the  delicate-minded  Louis.  Under  the  mask  of  good- 
humored  raillery  he  had  to  listen  to  "  the  strangest 
things" — jeers  and  sarcasms  of  which  one  tongue 
alone  possessed  the  gift.  When  the  Milanese  treaty, 
with  its  express  renunciation  of  the  Burgundian  alli- 
ance, had  been  signed,  it  was  proclaimed  by  the 
heralds  with  sound  of  trumpet  —  imder  the  windows 
of  the  Burgundian  envoy.  Contay  was  lodged  with 
the  Sire  de  "Leynires,"  a  special  favorite,  though 
accused  of  a  secret  leaninoj  to  the  duke  of  Buro;undv. 
In  the  middle  of  the  night,  while  the  two  nobles 
were  wrapped  in  their  "  most  beautiful  sleep,"  they 
would  be  startled  by  a  tremendous  alarm  in  the  cor- 
ridor ^^  —  a  rushing  of  feet,  a  beating  of  drums  and 
sounding  of  horns,  and  cries  of  "  Away,  away  !  The 
Swiss  are  coming.  "  "^  —  Witty,  delicate-minded  king ! 
"  He  never  appears  more  pleased,"  writes  our  in- 
formant, "  than  when  he  is  hearing  some  ill  of  the 
duke  of  Burgundy  —  the  diminution  of  his  forces, 
the  falling  away  of  his  friends,  or  any  misfortune  or 
sinister  event  tending  to  the  loss  of  his  honor  and 
reputation."  It  was  a  cause  of  especial  joy  that  the 
Netherlands  had  refused  their  succors,  and  abandoned 
him  to  his  fate.''^  And  with  reason ;  for  if  the  peo- 
ple of  those  provinces  had  risen  to  their  feet,  and 
shown  a  determination  to  put  forth  that  strength 
with  which  no  one  was  better  acquainted  than  Louis, 


"  "Limagionstrepitidelmondo."        "  "  Maxime  quelli  di  Fiandra  gli 
"  "  Su,  8U,  die  li  Alemani  sono     hanno  negato  lo  subsidio  richiesto." 
qua." 


CHAP.  IV.] 


HIS  HATRED  OF  CHARLES. 


487 


how  quickly  would  his  soul,  so  alert,  so  anxious,  so 
easily  alarmed,  have  dropped  from  the  pinnacle  on 
which  it  was  now  perched,  and  crept  into  some  dark 
recess !  Fortunate  monarch,  to  have  so  many  ser- 
vants executing  his  pleasure  —  the  Swiss  at  one  end 
of  his  rival's  dominions,  at  the  other  the  Flemings ! 

Having  such  agents  at  work  for  him,  it  wuc  the 
opinion  of  the  court  that  he  would  not  and  ought 
not  to  intermeddle  in  person.  But  in  regard  to  his 
sentiments,  as  Petrasanta  assured  the  duke  of  Milan, 
there  was  not  the  least  room  for  doubt.  "  From  what 
I  have  been  able  to  learn  and  understand,  I  believe 
that  his  Turk,  his  Devil  in  this  world,  the  one  whom 
he  most  intensely  hates,  is  the  duke  of  Burgundy 
alone,  with  whom  he  can  never  live  in  amity  — 
never,  never,  never  ! "  ''*  —  Piano,  imno,  0  penetrating 
diplomatist !  We  can  believe  it  without  this  undip- 
lomatic emphasis. 

In  a  conversation  with  the  king  while  he  was 
going  on  horseback  to  the  Church  of  "  Our  Lady  of 
Lericia "  at  Tours,  Petrasanta  reverted  to  the  affairs 
of  Piedmont,  using  "  the  greatest  moderation  and 
dexterity  possible,"  in  order  not  to  reveal  his  master's 
"  passionate  interest "  in  the  matter,  yet  "  leaving  no 
string  of  the  lute  untouched."  Louis  replied  that  he 
had  thought  of  it  a  .great  deal,  but  saw  no  way  at 
present  of  displacing  Philip  of  Bresse.     If  he  should 


''*  "  E  per  quello  chio  ho  potuto  sia  solo  il  Duca  di  Borgogna,  col 

intenderc  et  comprendere  lo  credo  quale  may  may  may  non  habia  ad 

chel    Ruo   Turco,  el  suo  Diauolo  a  essere  amore." 
questo  mondo  quale  esse  ha  exoso, 


488 


LOUIS  IN  PROSPERITY. 


[BOOK  V. 


0 


put  in  one  of  his  own  people,  it  would  create  the 
greatest  scandal  in  the  world ;  for  in  that  case  no  one 
but  God  could  put  it  out  of  the  heads  of  the  Savoy- 
ards that  he  wished  to  usurp  the  state,  and  the  whole 
world  would  be  of  the  same  opinion,  which  would  be 
an  infamy.  Resuming  the  discussion  in  a  subsequent 
interview,  he  remarked  that  he  knew  not  what  to  do. 
He  was  well  inclined  towards  his  sister,  his  own  flesh, 
and  it  was  right  that  her  son,  his  nephew,  should 
have  control  of  his  own  dominions.  "Yet,"  he  added, 
"  if  the  duke  of  Milan  and  I  could  govern  the  coun- 
try without  any  meddling  or  scandal  from  others, 
truly  I  should  wish  no  one  to  have  a  hand  in  it  but 
us  two.  I  know  well  we  should  have  only  one  mind 
—  that  there  would  be  no  disagreement  between  us. 
But  as  things  now  are,  I  think  my  brother  must  be 
content  to  endure  Monsieur  de  Bresse.  He  has,  I 
confess,  some  qualities  that  are  not  very  laudable. 
But  as  he  is  between  us,  and  I  have  admonished  him 
to  behave  well  to  the  duke  of  Milan,  I  think  my 
brother  will  have  to  endure  him  and  to  leave  the 
government  in  the  hands  of  the  uncks."  Petrasanta 
would  not  press  him  for  fear  of  arousing  suspicions, 
but  consoled  his  master  with  an  assurance  that  the 
king  would  find  himself  in  hot  water  as  long  as  he 
upheld  the  present  governmeiit  in  Savoy,  the  whole 
nation  being  opposed  to  it.  When  the  expected 
deputation  from  the  Estates  had  arr*  /ed,  another  and 
more  vigorous  remonstrance  might  be  made. 

It  is   doubtful,  however,  whether  Louis   exposed 
himself  to  this  premeditated  assault.    He  was  already 


CHAP.   IV.] 


PETRASANTA'S  LAST  AUDIENCE. 


48D 


growing  restive  under  the  searching  eyes  which  had 
brought  their  own  evidence  that  his  brother  in- 
tended no  deceit.  Being  told  that  Sforza,  in  order 
to  give  due  ecM  to  the  renewal  of  the  alliance,  was 
about  to  send  a  second  and  more  splendid  embassy, 
he  refused  to  stand  such  an  ii^position  ;  it  was  alto- 
gether superfluous ;  there  was  no  occasion,  he  polite- 
ly added,  for  Petrasanta  himself  to  stay  any  longer ; 
whenever  there  was  need  of  communication  from 
either  side,  it  would  be  easy  to  send  a  letter  or  mes- 
sage. "  I  do  not  know  his  real  motive  in  this,"  says 
the  reporter  whose  unceremonious  dismissal  excites 
our  sympathy  and  regret ;  "  but  I  am  of  opinion  that 
his  objection  to  receiving  a  so?  min  embassy  proceeds 
from  his  aversion  to  pomp  and  his  preference  for 
private  conversation  with  a  single  person ;  and  that 
his  disinclination  to  have  any  one  remain  permanent- 
ly arises  from  his  persuasion  that  your  highness  keeps 
such  ministers  —  as  spies." 

We  are  favored,  however,  with  the  account  of  a 
final  interview,  which  took  place  on  the  2d  of  Sep- 
tember. Louis  had  removed  still  farther  from  Tours, 
to  a  very  small  house,  with  not  room  enough  for  half 
his  personal  attendants,  situated  in  a  lonely  region, 
but  one  well  suited  to  the  chase  —  a  recreation  in 
which,  notwithstanding  his  bodily  infirmities,  —  dizzi- 
ness, palpitations,  and  so  forth,  —  he  still  took  "  in- 
credible delight."  He  had  spent  nine  hours  in  hunt- 
ing the  day  before,  and,  being  continually  foiled  in 
the  pursuit,  had,  as  usual  with  him  in  such  cases, 
ffiven  free  vent  to  his  vexation.     His  exultation  was 


VOL.  III. 


62 


490 


LOUIS  IN  PROSPERITY. 


[BOOR  r. 


Q 
0 


the  greater  when  he  had  at  last  captured  the  deer. 
He  received  his  success  as  an  omen  that  a  longer,  a 
more  vexatious  hunt  was  approaching  its  termination, 
and  he  returned  home  in  the  greatest  glee,  singing  a 
newly  composed  ditty  in  ridicule  of  the  mishaps  of 
his  Turk,  his  Devil  in  this  world/^ 

His  good  humor  continued  the  next  morning,  and 
hearing  Petrasanta's  voice  in  an  adjoining  room,  he 
came  out  from  his  cabinet,  was  very  jovial,  and  used 
many  familiarities.  After  some  conversation  of  which 
the  purport  has  been  already  given,  he  said  he  was 
doing  all  he  could  to  liberate  his  sister,  but  her  own 
flightiness  and  eagerness  retarded  the  matter.  This 
sending  of  envoys  from  Savoy  and  Piedmont  would 
also  have  a  bad  effect ;  the  duke  of  Burgundy  would 
learn  all  that  was  going  ov,  or,  if  he  saw  that  any- 
thing was  concealed,  he  would  be  the  more  inclined 
to  draw  back.  Besides,  he  had  grown  so  vacillating, 
sending  one  message  at  one  hour  and  another  at 
another  hour,  that  there  was  no  telling  w^hat  he 
meant.  "  But  by  my  faith,"  the  king  added,  "  he  is 
mad  —  although  I  do  wrong  to  use  that  word ;  but  it 
is  so ;  and,  in  fact,  it  has  never  been  by  his  sagacity 
that  he  has  stood,  but  by  fortune  and  the  force  of 
money,  and  because  the  world  was  determined  to 
have  it  so."  '°     "  Thanks  to  your  majesty's  sagacity," 


'*  "  Con  grandissima  allegreza  tor- 
no  a  casa  cantando  vna  canzone  quale 
e  stata  fatta  in  ohprobrio  de  le  scon- 
fitle  ha  riceputo  il  Duca  di  Borgo- 
gna."  —  We  have  not  met  with  any 
French  song  on  the  battle  of  Morat. 


Poor  Villon — "  ce  Byron  vagabond" 
—  might  have  composed  one  more 
worthy  of  the  theme  than  would 
have  suited  the  taste  of  Louis. 

'"  "  Ma  per  la  fede  niia  el  e  mat- 
to,  benchio  facio  male  a  vsare  questo 


CHAP.  IV.] 


TEMPORIZING  POLICY. 


491 


m !  I 


replied  the  euvoy,  "  he  is  now  reduced  to  a  state  in 
which  he  can  neither  stand  nor  walk  without  great 
discomfiture  and  shame  —  except  through  the  help 
which  your  majesty's  self  is  giving  him."  "  What 
help  ?  "  was  the  sharp  inquiry.  Petrasanta  mentioned 
the  proposed  interview,  the  promises  of  non-intei  Ter- 
ence, and  other  points  urged  in  a  recent  letter  from 
his  master,  speaking,  however,  "  so  soberly  and  dexter- 
ously as  not  to  afford  the  slightest  scintilla  of  a  sus- 
picion "  that  Sforza  himself  was  still  wavering  and 
uneasy.  Louis  replied  that  there  was  no  occasion  for 
anxiety  ;  affairs  would  be  discreetly  managed  ;  he  was 
"  following  the  hare  with  a  cart "  —  an  Kalian  phrase, 
intimating  that  he  was  surely,  though  slowly,  running 
down  his  game."  "  I  am  not  obliged,"  he  said,  cutting 
short  some  further  objections, — "I  am  not  obliged, 
nor  do  I  intend,  to  make  any  agreement  with  Bur- 
gundy. He  has  himself  often  broken  the  truce,  so 
that  by  right  I  could,  and  still  can,  begin  a  war 
whenever  I  please.  But  I  have  thought  it  best  to 
temporize,  going  straight  on  by  the  same  path  and 
at  the  same  pace  as  heretofore,  until  it  shall  please 
God— "'8 

Truly,  this   was  not  a  magnanimous   king.    His 
baseness  in  adversity  may  have  deserved  more  pity 


vocabulo,  pnr  el  e  cosi,  ma  el  non  e  chel  voleua   pigliare  la  lepora  col 

gia  stato  per  suo  sapere,  ma  per  for-  carro." 

tuna  et  forza  de  denari,  et  perche  '^  "  Fina  che  a  dio  piacera."    Let- 

gli  homeni  del  mondo  hanno  voluto  ters  of  Petrasanta  to  the  duke  of 

cosi."                     '  Milan,  Aug.  12  —  Sept.  2,  Notizen- 

"  "  Vsanao  vno  termino  Italiano  blatt,  1856,  s.  181-198. 


492 


CHARLES  IN  ADVERSITY. 


[boor  v. 


0 
0 


than  contempt.  Nay,  remembering  that  he  did  feel, 
did  suffer  acutely,  we  may  admit  a  touch  of  heroism 
in  the  self-mastery  that  enabled  him  to  take  an  ap- 
parent delight  in  his  own  shame.  At  all  events  there 
was  a  far  deeper  meanness  in  the  real  exultation  to 
which  he  was  now  giving  loose  —  in  his  petty  insults 
to  a  foe  whom,  while  pretending  to  despise  him,  he 
was  still  afraid  to  touch. 

Yet  doubtless  it  was  the  remembrance  of  past 
humiliations  which  gave  its  keenest  zest  to  his  pres- 
ent triumph.  Times  had  indeed  changed  since  he 
had  sat,  an  indigent  dependant,  at  the  board  of  Philip 
the  Good,  bowing  his  thanks  for  every  crust,  wiping 
his  grateful  eyes  with  his  sleeve.  Times  had  changed 
since  he  had  crouched  before  the  victor  of  Montlhery, 
the  leader  of  feudal  France,  cringing,  fawning,  applaud- 
ing his  adversary's  prowess,  smiling  at  his  own  impo- 
tence. How  haughtily,  how  sternly,  how  inflexibly, 
had  the  form  he  detested  towered  above  him  then ! 
Now,  like  a  spent  pugilist,  reeling,  hitting  wildly, 
blinded  with  his  own  blood,  Charles  was  plainly  about 
to  succumb.  He  knew  it  himself;  he  had  no  hopes, 
no  illusions,  left.  "  He  is  manifestly  conscious,"  wrote 
Panigarola,  "  of  the  greatness  of  the  loss  he  has  sus- 
tained." ^*  Yes,  he  was  conscious  of  it  —  yet  not  the 
less  resolved  to  struggle  still,  to  lose  more,  to  lose  all, 


'*  "  Manifestamente  si  comprende 
il  grand  dono  [dano]  a  dato."  Dc- 
pCches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  p.  370. 
—  We  accept  the  editor's  interpre- 
tation of  this  passage ;  yet,  if  he  has 


printed  it  correctly,  the  meaning 
and  application  are  different.  As  to 
the  essential  point,  however,  all  the 
authorities  agree. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


CHARLES  IN  ADVERSITY. 


493 


rather  than  kneel  or  flee  before  the  rival  who  had 
knelt  and  fled  before  him. 

In  the  camp  at  La  Riviere,  though  his  labors  and 
embarrassments  were  like  those  he  had  encountered 
at  Lausanne,  his  position  was  very  different.  Then 
the  world  had  crowded  around  him,  if  only  to  spy,  to 
speculate,  to  censure  and  discourage.  Now  it  shrank 
from  his  side,  and  left  him  to  his  fate.  The  troop  of 
foreign  envoys  that  had  followed  him  so  long  was 
breaking  up.  Several  took  leave  in  a  body  on  the 
9tli  of  September.  Panigarola  lingered  a  fortnight 
longer;  but  he  too  had  received  his  recall,  and, 
having  gone  with  us  to  the  edge  of  the  cataract,  will 
help  to  pilot  us  no  farther. 

Yet,  if  Charles  had  known  it,  eyes  not  unmoist  with 
sympathy,  though  passionless  and  critical  beyond 
most,  were  turned  upon  him  from  a  distance.  Philippe 
de  Commines,  who  had  known  him  so  thoroughly, 
who  had  lived  with  him  so  intimately,  could  easily 
picture  his  present  state  —  his  altered  fortunes,  his 
lone  despair,  bib  still  unconquerable  pride.  The  com- 
ment of  the  historian  is  pathetic,  the  remedy  he  sug- 
gests simple,  yet  profound.  What  a  relief  for  Charles, 
if  he  could  but  have  been  brought  to  unburden  his 
oppressed  heart,  pouring  out  his  plaint  freely  and 
without  shame  to  some  friend,  some  "  especial  friend  " 
(such  a  friend,  let  us  say,  as  Commines  himself  would 
have  been  —  had  been  before  he  had  fled  to  another 
service,  when  they  had  kept  vigil  together,  and  the 
perplexed  and  fiery  spirit  had  yielded  to  the  influence 
of  the  calmer  and  deeper  one).    But  his  best,  most 


hi 


it 


494 


CHARLES  IN  ADVERSITY. 


[nooK  V. 


0 
0 


certain  refuge,  as  is  pointed  out,  lay  in  searching  hia 
own  conscience,  detecting  the  true  source  of  his  mis- 
ery, turning  to  God,  humbling  himself  where  there 
was  no  place  for  pride,  acknowledging  a  chastisement 
in  which  there  could  be  no  wrong.*""  Bit  this,  alas  ! 
could  not  be.  Charles  had  forgotten  God.  He  had 
believed,  it  is  true,  in  a  Providence  —  in  one  that 
watched  especially  over  the  actions  of  princes.***  He 
had  accepted  and  upheld  the  decrees  of  the  church  j 
had  listened  daily  to  his  regular  mass,  — "  his  three 
masses  "  ^-  in  times  of  leisure,  —  sternly  rebuking  the 
priests  when  they  hurried  through  the  rites,  demand- 
ing whether  this  were  giving  his  dues  to  the  Master 
they  professed  to  serve.®'^  For  himself,  he  had  meant 
to  be  scrupulously  just  to  God  and  to  man.  From 
God  and  from  man  he  had  expected  justice  in  return. 
From  man  ?  But  this  was  vain :  man  may  be  in- 
dulgent, may  be  cruel ;  just  he  cannot  be.  From 
Cod?  Ah  yes,  God  is  always  just.  Man's  injustice 
is  the  vehicle  of  his  justice.  This  it  was  that  Charles 
had  forgotten.  He  looked  only  at  the  instrument  — 
at  man;  he  forgot  God. 

It  is  a  terrible  thing  to  forge  God.  Yet  there  is 
something  still  more  terrible.  It  is  to  be  forgotten 
by  him  j  to  err  unwarned,  to  sin  unscourged ;  to 
have   all  flatter   that  the   ear  catches,  all  prosper 


*"  Commines,  torn.  ii.  p.  40.  stract  belief  in  a  Providence  have  a 
"'  "  Providence  que,  par  sa  force  conviction  that  their  own  interests 
souueraine,  a  bienueillance  et  soin  bz  are  the  object  of  an  unseen  super- 
actions  de  ceulx  que  sont  Rois."  intendence. 

Speech,  before  quoted,  at  Nancy. —  **  Duvernoy,Ephemerides,p.  141. 

But  even  those  who  reject  the  ab-  ^^  Barlandus.  —  Heuter. 


11 

I  if  ; 


[book  v. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


SWISS  EMBASSY  TO  LOUIS. 


495 


rching  his 
af  his  mis- 
lere  there 
[latisement 
this,  alas ! 
He  had 
I  one  that 
ices.**^    He 
le  church; 
"his  three 
bilking  the 
IS,  demand- 
the  Master 
had  meant 
lan.    From 
p  in  return, 
nay  be  in- 
be.     From 
s  injustice 
lat  Charles 
trument  — 

at  there  is 
forgotten 
urged ;  to 
ill  prosper 

vidence  have  a 
own  interests 
unseen  super- 

merides,p.  141. 
euter. 


that  the   hand  touches;  to  bask  —  to  wither  —  in 
success. 

One  more  glance  at  the  most  prosperous  monarch 
since  Charlemagne,  before  we  follow  the  downward 
steps  of  his  rival.  Notwithstanding  his  horror  of 
embassies,  there  was  one  —  if  not  the  most  pompous, 
certainly  the  largest,  ever  sent  to  him  —  which  he 
could  receive  without  aversion  or  suspicion.  The 
Swiss  envoys,  a  dozen  or  more  in  number,  arrived 
about  the  end  of  September.  How  they  were  wel- 
comed, how  treated,  need  we  tell  ?  Their  stay  lasted 
many  weeks,  and  business  was  well-nigh  forgotten  in 
a  perpetual  round  of  festivities.  The  mean  palace 
with  its  cages  underneath,  the  grim  park  with  its 
high  walls  and  steel  traps,  wore  for  once  an  aspect  of 
gayety  and  magnificence.  Fountains  played ;  tables 
were  spread  in  the  open  air ;  ^  costly  entertainments 
—  at  the  expense  of  the  duke  of  Bourbon,  the  admi- 
ral, and  other  princes  and  nobles  —  celebrated  the 
presence  of  the  simple  republicans  whom  the  king 
delighted  to  honor.^^  Sitting  at  the  banquet,  with 
Hertenstein  or  Halwyl  on  one  side,  Silinen  or  Dies- 
bach  on  the  other,  he  never  wearied  of  listening  to 
the  tale  divine  of  Grandson  and  Morat,  asking  ever 


'*  Schilling,  illustration. 

**  The  independent  bearing  of 
some  of  them,  in  contrast  with  their 
plain  attire,  seems  to  have  taken 
even  Commines  by  surprise.  "  J'en 
ay  veu  I'advoue,"  he  says,  speaking 
of  Schwytz  and  referring  to  Kiitzy, 


"ambassadeur  avec  les  aultres,  en 
bien  humble  habillement,  et  dlsoit- 
il  son  oppinion  comme  les  aultres." 
(Tom.  ii.  p.  23.)  Kiitzy,  as  we  have 
seen,  had  spoken  his  opinion  to  some 
purpose  in  the  council  of  chiefs  at 
Morat 


496 


LOUIS   IN  PROSPKniTY. 


[ROOK  V. 


'HJoa 


0 


now  questions,  demanding  fresh  repetitions.'^  "  Loud- 
er, louder,  messieurs !  I  begin  to  grow  a  little  deaf;" 
for  at  another  table,  remote  enough  to  mark  the 
lower  rank  of  its  occupants,  near  enough  for  them  to 
share  in  the  enjoyment,  sits  the  Burgundian  minis- 
ter^—  tiuit  same  Contay  who  on  a  former  occasion 
had  overheard  the  like  peals  of  jubilant  laughter. 
Another  visitor  is  announced  —  an  envoy  from  Rene 
of  Lorraine,  with  tidings  of  captured  towns  and  an 
enemy  in  extremis.  He  too  is  made  welcome,  bidden 
to  take  a  seat  beside  Contpy,  and  to  pour  into  his  ear 
the  grateful  intelligence,  in  a  good  high  key,  loud 
enough  to  reach  the  royal  ear.^ 

Besides  a  present  in  money  to  the  embassy  collec- 
tively, Diesbach  and  some  other  members  tasted  sep- 
arately of  the  king's  bounty.®'    His  verbal  expres- 


"  Knebel.  —  Stettler. 

"  "  Do  ist  gewesen  in  gegenwir- 
tigkeit  des  hertzogeu  bottschafl't  von 
Burgund  —  hatt  den  eydgenossen 
gesehen  die  ere  tun  —  dieselbigi! 
bottschaflt  istgesetzt  an  einen  andren 
tisch  fur  des  kiings  tisch."  Letter 
of  Valentin  von  Neuenstein,  Kne- 
bel, 2te  Abtli.  8.  99. 

*"  "Alsbald  der  kiing  den  tUtz- 
schen  belis  [geordnet  von  minem 
herren  von  Lothringen]  ersehen  hatt 
—  hatt  er  inn  tun  setzen  zu  des  hert- 
zogen  von  Burgund  bottschafft  — 
inen  befolhen  sich  mit  einnnder  zu 
underreden  von  disen  kriegsloeuffen 
liber  lutt  dass  der  kung  zu  niog 
horen."     Ibid. 

**  Schilling's  account  is  that  twen- 
ty marks  were  given  to  each  envoy, 


and  that  a  hundred  marks  addition- 
al were  given  to  Adrian  von  Buben- 
berg  in  return  for  a  collar  of  the 
order  of  Saint  Michael  found  on  the 
field  of  Morat  The  collar  had  been 
sent  at  the  request  of  Louis,  and  the 
mor  V  of  course  went  into  the  treas- 
ury at  home.  But  it  was  not  with- 
out a  design  that  Bubenberg's  name 
was  particularized  by  Schilling.  Ilis 
account  is,  however,  incorrect.  It 
appears  from  the  copy  of  an  official 
entry  (Legnind  MSS.  tom.  xix.) 
that  the  sum  of  a  hundred  and 
twenty  marks  was  given  to  three  of 
the  envoys,  Diesbach  being  one,  but 
not  Bubenberg,  and  that  a  hundred 
and  sixty  were  distributed  among 
their  suite  —  by  which  we  are  prob- 
ably to  understand  the  other  mem- 


[BOOK  V. 


onAF.  IV.] 


SETTLEMENT  WITH  THE  SWISS. 


497 


\H.^    "  Loud- 
little  deaf;" 
0  mark   the 
for  them  to 
ndian  minis- 
incr  occasion 
itit  laughter. 
y  from  Rene 
)wns  and  an 
come,  bidden 
ir  into  his  ear 
gh  key,  loud 

nbassy  collec- 
rs  tasted  sep- 
erbal  expres- 

d  marks  addition- 
Vdrian  von  Buben- 
br  a  collar  of  the 
ichael  found  on  the 
'he  collar  had  been 
it  of  Louis,  and  the 
ft'cnt  into  the  treas- 
ut  it  was  not  with- 
Bubeiiberg's  name 
1  by  Schilling.    His 
ver,  incorrect.     It 
copy  of  an  official 
MSS.   torn,   xix.) 
f    a  hundred  and 
s  given  to  three  of 
)ach  being  one,  but 
md  that  a  hundred 
distributed  among 
which  we  are  prob- 
id  the  other  mem- 


sions  of  gratitude  exceeded  all  his  former  outpour- 
ings. Never  to  his  latest  hour  would  he  forget  what 
ho  owed  to  the  Swiss  or  fail  in  a  single  item  of  his 
obligations  to  them.  He  should  think  himself  at 
the  summit  of  happincs.s,  if  he  lived  to  see  his  son 
bound  to  them  by  the  same  engagements  and  tics  of 
friendship.""  When  it  came  to  a  settlement  of  the 
account  presented  to  him,  a  slight  misunderstanding 
arose.  In  regard  to  the  pensions,  it  appeared  that 
the  king  and  his  ministers  had  reckoned  them  from 
the  time  of  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  and  had 
consequently  considered  all  the  past  payments  as 
made  in  advance ;  whereas  the  Swiss,  calculating 
from  the  date  of  the  instrument  and  the  moment  at 
which  thejr  actual  service  had  begun,  contended  that 
there  were  arrears  still  due.  Louis,  though  puzzled 
at  first  —  arithmetical  problems  not  being  of  the 
kind  which  he  was  quick  at  solving  —  was  made 
finally  to  understand  his  mistake.  But  pleading  the 
present  heavy  demands  upon  his  purse,  he  asked  for 
a  delay  till  Easter :  instead  of  four  payments  in  the 
coming  year,  there  should  be  five,  of  nine  thousand 


bars  of  the  embassy.  Bubenberg  is 
mentioned  only  as  the  recipient  of  a 
hundred  and  twenty  marks  paid  for 
the  collar  of  Saint  Michael.  Wheth- 
er Bubenberg  was  a  man  to  be  bribed 
was  a  question  which  Louis  had  an 
opportunity  of  solving  on  a  later 
occasion. 

90  "Unvergessen  sol  das  grosse 
Anerbieten  des  konigs  bleiben,  wie 
er  den  Bund  nach  seinem  gantzen 
VOL.  ui.  63 


Inhalt  und  alles,  was  er  den  Eidge- 
nossen  zu  thun  schuldig  sei,  bis  an 
suin  Lebensende  getreulich  halten 
wolle,  und  duss  seine  hiichste  Freude 
wiirc,  den  Tag  zu  erlebm,  wo  sein 
Soiiu  auch  in  solche  Freundschaft 
und  Einigung  niit  den  Eidgenossen 
kame."  Abschied  der  Botten  so  in 
Frank-  ich  zum  Kiinig  gewesen, 
Eidgenossische  Abschiede,  B.  II.  s. 
624. 


498 


SETTLEMENT  WITH  THE  SWISS. 


[BOOK  V. 


r 
0 

0 


\-: 


m '  1 

i>-.3ci-.»/     .1.1 


and  nine  francs  each;  and  to  insure  punctuality,  he 
would  appoint  a  special  commissioner  at  Lyons  to 
honor  the  drafts."^  The  remaining  matter  —  that  of 
the  eighty  thousand  francs — was  less  easily  arranged. 
According  to  the  contract  the  Swiss  were  to  be  paid 
at  this  additional  rate  per  annum,  so  long  as  they 
should  be  carrying  on  active  hostilities  without  aid 
from  the  king.  In  their  own  opinion  such  had  been 
the  state  of  things  all  along.  From  the  moment 
when  they  had  made  the  first  attack  to  the  moment 
when  they  had  repelled  the  last  attack,  they  had 
sent  repeated  summonses  without  the  least  effect. 
Louis,  on  the  other  hand,  knowing  how  much  of  the 
time  they  had  been  scarcely  more  active  than  him- 
self, insisted  on  a  heavy  deduction.  He  would  be 
liberal,  however.  He  would  estimate  the  whole  time 
from  the  beginning  of  the  Morat  to  the  end  of  the 
Grandson  campaign,  a  trifle  over  four  months,  and 
pay  a  round  sum  of  thirty-two  thousand  francs.  It 
so  happened  that  the  council  of  Berne,  with  a  pre- 
science of  some  such  proposal,  had  instructed  their 
own  delegates  to  accede  to  it  if  they  could  do  no 
better."'  After  consultation,  the  envoys  accepted  the 
sum  offered,  while  reserving  to  their  government  the 
right  to  insist  on  the  full  amount."^ 


91 


Ibid.  8.  623.  — On  their  way 
home,  the  envoys  made  inquiries  at 
Lyons,  but  were  unable  to  hear  of 
any  such  commissioner. 

**  "Und  ob  Ir  nit  witer  mogen 
komen,  so  sol  das  geldt  gerechnet 
werden  nach  zit  und  zit  der  usgan- 


gen  manungen."   Deutsch  Missiven- 
Buch  D,  8.  MS. 

®^  Eidgenossische  Abschiede,  B. 
II.  8.  623.  —  It  is  amusing  to  com- 
pare the  official  report  made  at  the 
time  with  the  account  given  out  af- 
terwards, through  Schilling,  by  the 


CHAP.  IV.] 


RELIANCE   ON  PROVIDENCE. 


499 


Deutsch  Missiven- 


This  having  been  settled,  Louis  inquired  whether, 
in  case  the  duke  of  Burgundy  should  undertake  to 
recover  Lorraine,  the  Confederates  would  send  twenty 
thousand,  or  say  thirty  thousand  men,  to  assist  in 
driving  him  out  and  running  him  down.  In  the  lat> 
ter  operation  the  troops  might  serve  under  the  royal 
standard,  receiving  their  regular  pay  per  man.  The 
envoys  replied  that  they  were  not  empowered  to 
give  an  answer  on  this  point ;  but  they  could  assure 
him  that  the  Confederates,  mindful  of  their  obliga- 
tions, woulc.  faithfully  execute  every  part  of  the 
engagement ;  he  might,  if  he  pleased,  send  an  ambas- 
sador to  negotiate  on  the  subject.^*  Lucerne,  which 
was  secretly  aspiring  to  that  place  in  the  alliance 
from  which  Berne  appeared  to  have  been  deposed, 
had  sent  him  word  that  the  best  way  to  attain  his 
object  would  be  to  take  the  field  first  with  his  own 
forces.^"  But  this,  as  we  have  seen,  would  have  been, 
in  his  view,  to  interfere  with  the  plans  of  Providence, 
whereas  his  ambition  was  limited  to  gently  aiding  in 
their  accomplishment.  Instruments,  he  might  hope, 
would  not  be  wanting.  Without  openly  violating 
the  truce,  he  thought  he  might  venture  to  supply 
Rene  with  a  few  lances,  as  well  as  with  money  for 
hiring  the  sort  of  people  who  were  good  and  useful 
in  such  wars,  allow  his  agent  to  open  recruiting  offices 
in  France,  and  even  let  it  be  known  that  any  of  his 


m 


\  m  I ! 


council   of  Berne.     According   to  costs  of  a  war  in  which  they  and 

this,  Louis  merely  made  the  Swiss  he  were  allies. 

a  present,  out  of  his  spontaneous  "*  Ibid,  ubi  supra. 

generosity,  to  help  in  defraying  the  "*  Ibid.  s.  606. 


500 


RELEASE  OF  YOLANDE. 


[BOOK  V. 


0 


own  subjects  that  enlisted  would  be  paid  out  of  the 
royal  treasury."" 

Before  the  departure  of  the  Swiss  envoys  another 
visitor  arrived  —  no  less  a  person  than  Yolande  of 
Savoy.  With  singular  decision  Louis  had  cut  the 
knot  which  his  sister's  busy  fingers  had  been  making 
inextricable.  Charles  d'Amboise,  Sire  de  Chaumont, 
now  governor  of  Champagne,  had  made  a  dash  across 
the  border,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  horse,  to  set 
free  the  imprisoned  princess."''  It  was  a  mere  spell 
of  enchantment  which  had  held  her.  No  warders,  no 
soldiers,  obstructed  the  rescuers.  The  only  weapon 
on  the  premises  was  an  old  cross-bow,  which  the 
French  carried  off,  though  Yolande,  disdaining  the 
theft,  left  the  full  equivalent  in  money ."^  She  reached 
her  brother's  residence  about  the  14th  of  October. 
"Welcome,  fair  Burgundian!"  {Madame  la  Boiirgui- 
gnonne),  was  her  greeting  from  the  smiling  Louis.  "  A 
good  Frenchwoman,  sire,"  was  the  ready  reply,  "  will- 
ing to  do  whatever  your  majesty  commands."  ^  — 
0,  without  doubt!  Otherwise  the  gates  of  Plessis 
will  be  found  guarded  by  something  stronger  than 
enchantment! 

One  task  imposed  upon  her  —  a  good  test  of  her 
sincerity  —  was  to  make  herself  agreeable  to  the 
king's  friends,  the  representatives  of  those  by  whom 
she  had  been  harassed  and  crushed.  With  her  adroit 
and  versatile  mind,  this  was  no  very  hard  task.     She 


•'  Letter  of  Valentin  von  Neuen- 
stein,  Knebel,  2te  Abth,  s.  99. 
9^  Commines.  —  Haynin. 


*'  Menebrda,  append. 

^"  Commines,  tom.  ii.  p.  38. 


It 


t.  !: 


[BOOK  V. 

lid  out  of  the 

avoys  another 
,n  Yoknde  of 
had   cut  the 
[  been  making 
de  Chaumont, 
3  a  dash  across 
■  horse,  to  set 
s  a  mere  spell 
L^o  warders,  no 
3  only  weapon 
ow,  which  the 
disdaining   the 
^^    She  reached 
:th  of  October. 
me  la  Boiirgid- 
ing  Louis.    "  A 
iy  reply, "  will- 
)mmands."  ^  — 
ates  of  Plessis 
J  stronger  than 

Dod  test  of  her 
:eeable  to  the 
those  by  whom 
With  her  adroit 
ard  task.     She 


append. 
J,  torn.  ii.  p.  38. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


HER  RETURN  HOME. 


501 


solicited  a  renewal  of  the  alliance,  assuring  them  of 
her  desire  to  live  hereafter  on  the  best  terms  with 
the  Confederacy,  and  begged  them  on  their  way 
home  to  visit  her  son.  Th6  king,  besides  backing 
these  requests,  wished  his  allies  to  ratify,  by  their 
consent,  her  restoration  to  the  regency.^^  He  was 
not  anxious  to  prolong  the  period  of  her  probation. 
In  fact,  he  found  her  so  clever,  and  they  understood 
each  other  so  perfectly,  that  he  was  growing  impa- 
tient for  her  departure.^"^  A  slight  ceremony  was 
all  that  remained  to  be  transacted  —  an  engagement 
on  her  part,  confirmed  by  an  oath  on  the  Evangelists 
and  the  mass,  to  have  no  friends  and  no  enemies  but 
the  king's,  to  enter  into  no  contracts  without  his 
knowledge,  and  to  hold  no  communication  by  writing 
or  message  with  the  duke  of  Burgundy ;  ^^  on  his 
part,  a  promise  of  protection,  not  requiring  any  sol- 
emn adjuration.^"'  Brother  and  sister  were  now  on 
the  most  affectionate  terms,  and  both  very  glad  to 
separate.^*^ 

Yolande  returned  home  early  in  November.  Be- 
fore bidding  her  a  final  adieu,  let  us  glance  at  the 
short  remainder  of  her  career.  She  was  not  one  of 
those  rulers  who  forget  nothing  and  learn  nothing. 
On  the  contrary,  she  had  her  brother's  aptitude  for 


'oo  Eidgenbssische  Abschiede,  B.  '"'  Hist,  de  Bourgogne,  torn,  iv. 

II.  s.  624.  preuves. 

""  "  Elle  estoit  tres  saige,  et  s'en-  '"^  "  Furent  bien  joyeulx  de  des- 

trecongnoissoiont  bien  tous  deux,  et  partir  I'ling  de  I'aultre,  et  sont  de- 

desiroit  encores  plus  son  partement."  mourez  depuis  comme  bon  frere  et 

Commines,  ubi  supra.  bonne  seur."     Commines,  torn.  ii. 

""*  Legrand  MSS.  torn.  xix.  p.  39. 


i: 


iiJlh' 


ii'': 


502 


END  OF  SFORZA. 


[BOOK  V. 


Q 


profiting  by  adversity.  By  confining  herself  to  the 
duty  of  repairing  the  disasters  of  the  country,  by  con- 
forming generally  to  the  regulations  of  Louis  while 
quietly  evading  such  of  them  as  interfered  too  nearly 
with  her  domestic  authority  and  rights,  by  treating 
the  Swiss  with  implicit  deference  and  filling  the 
pockets  of  their  leading  statesraen,^*'^  she  was  enabled 
at  her  death,  in  August,  1478,  at  the  age  of  forty- 
five,^"*  to  leave  the  dominions  which  had  been  gu^t 
with  so  many  perils,  scorched  by  so  fierce  a  flame, 
tranquil  and  nearly  intact.  One  critical  season  had 
followed  immediately  on  her  restoration.  It  was  not 
without  a  struggle  that  she  wrested  Piedmont  from 
Philip  of  Bresse,'"^  and  then  only  to  see  it  grasped  by 
a  far  stronger  and  more  treacherous  hand.  When 
Sforza  perceived  that  all  his  scheming  had  only  con- 
tributed to  put  an  end  to  those  disturbances  through 
which  he  had  looked  to  aggrandize  himself,  he  was 
naturally  very  indignant.  Having  let  slip  the  op- 
portunity when  Yolande's  absence  would  have  given 
him  a  pretext  for  occupying  Piedmont,  he  now 
resolved  to  seize  it  before  she  could  have  time  to  re- 
establish her  DOwer.  He  had  the  winter  before  him. 
during  which  no  soldiers,  scarcely  a  messenger,  from 
France,  could  cross  the  Alps  to  interrupt  him.  Venice 
he  would  venture  to  defy.  He  had  informed  the 
Senate,  when  questioned  about  his  motives  for 
abandoning  the  duke  of  Burgundy  and  renewing  his 
alliance  with  the  king,  that  Louis  had  advised  him  to 


'"*  Menebrc'a,  append.  '"  Guichenon.  —  CI.»onica  Latina 

'"*  She  was    born   in   the   same     Sabaudia;. 
year  as  Charles  of  Burgundy. 


[BOOK  V. 

herself  to  the 
)untry,  by  con- 
of  Louis  while 
ived  too  nearly 
ts,  by  treating 
md   filling   the 
he  was  enabled 
J  age  of  forty- 
had  been  girt 
fierce  a  flame, 
cal  season  had 
on.     It  was  not 
Piedmont  from 
le  it  grasped  by 
}  hand.     When 
g  had  only  con- 
bances  through 
himself,  he  was 
et  slip  the  op- 
uld  have  given 
mont,  he   now 
lave  time  to  re- 
iter  before  him. 
nessenger,  from 
pt  him.    Venice 
informed  the 
IS    motives    for 
id  renewing  his 
advised  him  to 

m.  —  CLxonica  Latina 


CHAP.  IV.] 


END  OF  SFORZA. 


503 


make  war  upon  them,  and  had  pointed  out  the  mode 
in  which  it  could  be  easily  and  advantageously  done."^® 
Knowing  the  little  confidence  that  would  be  placed  in 
his  own  word,  he  had  even  shown  their  envoy  the 
despatch  from  Petrasanta  containing  these  sugges- 
tions.^°*  Unless  it  wished  to  expose  itself  to  the  fate 
of  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  the  republic  would  under- 
stand the  necessity  for  remaining  quiet,  and  lowering 
its  insolent  tone  towards  princes. 

In  the  conduct  of  his  enterprise  Sforza  displayed 
his  characteristic  qualities.  Every  resisting  garrison 
was  put  to  the  sword ;  every  town  entered  was  2;^ven 
up  to  the  brutality  of  the  troops.  Yet  he  proclaimed 
all  the  while  that  his  only  purpose  was  to  protect  the 
province  against  foreign  usurpation  and  to  establish 
the  rights  of  the  young  duke,  his  nephew.""  The 
municipalities  were  required  to  swear  allegiance,  not 
to  the  conqueror,  but  to  the  prince  whom  he  was 
ousting.  By  the  early  part  of  December  the  whole 
country,  except  the  inaccessible  mountain  region,  had 
been  overrun,  and  Sforza,  after  disposing  his  army  in 
winter  quarters,  returned  to  his  palace  at  Milan."* 

But  again  he  had  outwitted  himself.  The  army 
which  he  had  left  in  Piedmont  was  the  instrument  by 
which  he  had  reigned  and  lived,  grinding  to  the  dust  a 


108  (( Moiistrando  etiam  el  partito 
et  la  via ;  che  epsa  Maesta  la  con- 
fortava  per  piu  facile  modo  ad  cio 
conseguire."  Depeehes  Milanaises, 
torn.  ii.  p.  385. 

""•  "  Gli  monstro  anco  le  medesi- 
me  letterc,  che  intorno  ad  cio  la 
nhavea  havuta  per  la  via  del  suo 
oratore."    Ibid. 


""  Sforza's  wife  was  a  sister-in- 
law  of  Yolande,  that  Princess  Bona 
of  Savoy,  whom  Louis  XI.  and 
Warwick  are  sup;  osed  to  hive 
chosen  as  a  wife  for  Edward  lY. 
of  England. 

'"  Corio,  Storia  di  Milano,  torn, 
iii.  p.  300. 


'II 


504 


END  OF  SFORZA. 


[book  >'. 


Q 
0 


people  among  whom  there  still  lingered  recollections 
of  freedom.  On  Saint  Stephen's  Day,  the  26th  of 
December,  Sforza  went  with  his  suite  to  celebrate  the 
festival  in  the  church  dedicated  to  the  martyr.  He 
was  waited  for.  Scarcely  had  he  entered  the  aisle 
when  a  knot  of  conspirators  threw  themselves  upon 
him.  A  husband  whom  he  had  dishonored  was 
among  the  first  to  strike.  Every  gash  was  in  a 
mortal  part.  Pierced  and  mangled  by  fourteen  dag- 
gers, the  body  of  the  tyrant  was  laid  on  the  steps  of 
the  altar.  He  was  in  his  thirty-fourth  year  —  "  the 
most  elegant,  accomplished,  and  sweet-spoken,"  the 
cruelest,  most  licentious,  most  perfidious  person  of 
his  time ;  a  born  tyrant  —  or  demagogue ;  for  it  is 
the  circumstances  only  that  differ ;  the  characters  are 
identical."^ 

No  revolution  followed.  The  populace,  unprepared, 
looked  on  in  a  state  of  stupor ;  the  assassins,  who  had 
planned  only  the  deed,  talking  of  Roman  examples  and 
dreaming  of  eternal  fame,  were  themselves  bewildered 
and  paralyzed.  They  were  seized  and  put  to  death 
with  excruciating  tortures.  The  family  of  Sforza  re- 
established its  sway.  A  revolt  in  Genoa  was  put 
down.  But  it  was  necessary  to  recall  the  army,  to 
evacuate  Piedmont,  to  cultivate  the  most  friendly  rela- 
tions witL  surrounding  states,  above  all,  to  make  an 
absolute  submission  to  France. 


'•»  Ibid.  p.  303-315.  — Molinet, 
torn.  i.  pp.  221-226.  — The  former 
account  is  tiiat  of  an  eye-witness, 
and  includes  the  official  investiga- 
tions;   that  of   Molinet  is  to  be 


found  in  several  other  chroniclers, 
and  seems  to  have  been  a  kind  of 
newsletter  sent  from  Milan  to  dif- 
ferent courts. 


CHAPTER    V. 

OPERATIONS  IN  LORRAINE.  —  RENfc  AMONG  THE  SWISS.  — CHARLES 

BEFORE  NANCY. 

1476. 


By  his  enemies,  and  by  the  world  in  general,  the 
duke  of  Burgundy,  during  his  stay  at  La  Riviere,  was 
regarded  not  merely  as  doomed,  but  as  already  en- 
trapped and  powerless  to  move.^  At  Basel  and  Stras- 
burg,  where  the  execrations  poured  upon  his  name 
would  have  shocked  the  ears  of  Louis  of  France,  men 
were  wild  with  exultation.  "He  is  caught  at  last," 
they  exclaimed.  "  On  the  north  and  on  the  south, 
on  the  east  and  on  the  west,  he  is  environed  by  foes. 
He  would  fain  get  back  to  his  Netherlands ;  but  he 
is  penned  in  between  four  walls,  and  hell  is  gaping 
beneath  him."  ^ 

All  at  once  this  frantic  joy  was  changed  into  a  feel- 
ing of  alarm,  of  di^^may,  almost  of  despair.  On  the 
2b\h  of  September  Charles  had  broken  up  his  camp 
and  begun  his  march  across  Franche-Comte  into  Lor- 


'  Basin,  torn.  ii.  p.  401. 
VOL.  III.  64 


•  Knebel,  2te  Abth.  s.  102. 

(505) 


iJ 


ii ; 


I    \ 


t  M 


II-  ^ 


Sii  ! 


Hi 


km 


506 


OPERATIONS  IN  LORRAINE. 


[BOOK  V, 


0 


raine. 

3 


lie  had  mustered  about  eleven  thousand 
men "  —  an  insufficient  force  to  cope  with  that  of 
Rene ;  but  another  of  from  six  to  nine  thousand, 
under  the  count  of  Chimay  and  other  commanders, 
was  waiting,  on  the  borders  of  Luxembourg,  to  join 
him  when  he  had  opened  a  passage.  Messengers 
sent  to  announce  his  approach  to  Bievre,  who  was 
defending  Nancy,  would  seem  to  have  reached  their 
destination.  But  the  march  was  somewhat  protract- 
ed by  the  scarcity  of  supplies,  and  after  the  frontier 
had  been  crossed,  by  the  necessity  of  avoiding  an 
encounter  before  the  reenforcements  had  joined. 
Taking  his  course  through  Besan^on,  Vesoul,  and 
Neufchateau,  the  duke  reached  the  neighborhood  of 
Toul,  twelve  miles  west  of  Nancy,  on  the  11th  of 
October.  Having  penetrated  so  far  to  the  north, 
with  the  Moselle  between  himself  and  the  enemy, 
he  had  secured  his  communications  with  Luxembourg, 
from  which  he  began  at  once  to  draw  supplies  and 
the  expected  succors.  But  he  was  also  met  by  the 
intelligence  that  Nancy  had  surrendered  three  days 
before.* 

The  garrison  had  consisted  of  over  a  thousand  men 
—  chiefly  pikemen  and  English  archers.  There  had 
been  no  assaults  to  repel,  no  hunger  to  endure,  no 
revolts  to  suppress.  But  from  the  first  the  soldiers, 
persuaded  that  no  relief  would  be  broTight,  that  t>ic 
cause  which  they  were  supporting  was  already  lost, 
had  shown  an  unruly  and  mutinous  spirit.     Several 


"  Ibid.  ..  104.  torn.  ii.  p.  220.  —  Chrdtien,  p.  29.  — 

*  Ancienne   Chronique,  Lenglet,    Huguenin  jeune,  p.  177. 


CHAP.  V.J 


FALL  OF  NANCY. 


50/ 


of  the  officers  were  sick.  OnC;  an  Englishman  — 
Collepin,  or  more  probably  Colburne,  by  narje  — 
highly  reputed  for  his  valor,  sagacity,  and  authority 
over  the  men,  had  been .  killed  by  a  cannon-shot. 
Bievre,  a  member  of  the  house  of  Rubempre,  con- 
nected by  marriage  with  the  Croys  and  through 
them  with  Rene  himself,  had  owed  his  appointment 
partly  to  this  fact,  still  more  to  his  extreme  humanity 
and  gentleness  of  disposition.  Charles  had  perhaps 
been  guided  in  the  selection  by  a  remembrance  of 
the  obloquy  he  had  incurred  through  the  opposite 
temper  of  Peter  von  Hagenbach.  If  so,  he  had  made 
a  mistake.  Hagenbach,  in  a  case  like  the  present, 
would  have  crushed  the  mutineers  with  an  iron  hand. 
Bievre  condescended  to  plead  with  them.  All  he 
could  extort  by  his  entreaties  and  appeals  was  per- 
mission to  hold  out  for  eight  days  longer.  When  the 
time  had  expired,  although  the  relieving  army  was 
known  to  be  at  hand,  he  was  forced  to  ask  for  a  capit- 
ulation.^ 

The  fairest  terms  were  readily  accorded.  Subjects 
of  Lorraine  who  had  taken  the  side  of  Burgundy 
were  to  suffer  no  molestation  on  that  accoiintj  and 
the  garrison  was  to  march  out  with  a:ms  and  ban- 
ners, "John  Milton"  being  paid  the  ransom  of  a 
prisoner  whom  he  had  taken."    But  no  sooner  had 

*  Remy.  —  Calmet  —  CommJnes.  under  Charles,  after  whose  death  he 
Chretien.  returned   to    England,   but  subse- 

*  Legrand  MSS.  —  Remy.  —  quently  took  service,  with  others  of 
«'  Messire  Jean  Milton  "  —  more  his  countrymen,  under  Maximilian, 
properly,  we  suppose,  Sir  John  Mid-  See  Lenglet,  torn.  iv. 

(ileton  —  had  served  for  several  years 


li;!!  i 


'  I 


■  I  1 1 1 


508 


OPERATIONS  IN  LORRAINE. 


[book  v. 


r 


Q 
0 


the  procession  cleared  the  gate  than  the  Germans, 
of  whom  Rene's  army  was  mainly  composed,  rushed 
upon  it,  and  his  personal  intervention  and  exertions 
barely  enabled  him  to  quell  the  tumult  and  save  his 
own  honor.  Embracing  Bi^vre  v/ithout  permitting 
him  to  dismount,  he  saluted  him  as  a  kinsman,  and 
thanked  him  warmly  for  the  good  care  he  had  taken 
of  the  province  and  for  his  mild  treatment  of  the 
people.  "  Remain  with  us,  fair  uncle,"  he  concluded  ; 
"  you  shall  share  our  fortunes  and  our  honors,  such 
as  they  may  be."  The  offer  was  of  course  declined. 
Bi^vre  lacked  the  energy  to  uphold  a  sinking  cause, 
but  not  the  courage  and  the  loyalty  to  die  for  if 

Rene  had  now  recovered  his  capital.  Yet  he  could 
not  venture  to  enter  it  at  the  risk  of  being  shut  up 
and  losing  his  communications  with  Alsace.  At  first 
he  marched  southward,  in  the  direction  of  Neufcha- 
teau,  hoping  to  fall  upon  the  duke  of  Burgundy  before 
he  should  have  been  reenforced.  Learning  that  he 
was  too  late  for  this,  and  that  Charles,  now  his  equal 
in  strength,  was  already  approaching  the  Moselle 
below  its  lunction  with  the  Meurthe,  he  hastened 
back  to  defend  the  passage.  A  series  of  manoeuvres 
ensued,  Charles's  object  being  to  bring  the  enemy  to 
battle  or  cut  him  off  from  his  proper  base,  that  of 
Rene  to  protect  the  capital  without  incurring  the  risk 
of  a  defeat  beneath  its  walls.  During  the  night  of 
the  14th,  the  two  armies  were  divided  by  the  river, 
Charles  holding  the  castle  and  village  of  Dieulewarde, 


'  Remy.  —  Huguenin  jeune. 


iiiji: 


[book  v. 


onAP.  v.] 


MARCHES  AND   MAN(EUVRES. 


509 


;he  Germans, 
posed,  rushed 
md  exertions 
and  save  his 
it  permitting 
kinsman,  and 
le  had  taken 
lament  of  the 
e  concluded ; 

honors,  such 
arse  declined, 
inking  cause, 
die  for  it/ 
Yet  he  could 
3ing  shut  up 
ace.    At  first 

of  Neufcha- 
gundy  before 
ling  that  he 
ow  his  equal 
the  Moselle 
he  hastened 
'  manoeuvres 
he  enemy  to 
jase,  that  of 
ring  the  risk 
the  night  of 
jy  the  river, 
Dieulewarde, 


while  Rene  occupied  the  heights  commanding  the 
opposite  bank.  Some  skirmishing  took  place  ;  but 
the  Burgundians  showing  an  intention  to  cross  at 
another  point,  Rene,  afrajd  of  being  turned  and 
thrown  back  upon  Nancy,  retreated  down  the  right 
bank  towards  Pont-a-Mousson.  Charles  immediately 
crossed  by  a  bridge  of  boats,  and  turning  up  the  river, 
took  a  position  at  Conde,  —  now  Custine,  —  his  ad- 
vance being  pushed  out  on  the  roads  leading  to  Al- 
sace. On  the  same  day  a  convoy  from  Strasburg  was 
intercepted,  and  the  escort  of  five  hundred  soldiers 
cut  to  pieces.  Other  parties  which  were  following  in 
the  rear  took  the  alarm,  and,  leaving  their  wagons, 
fled  back  across  the  Vosges.  Charles,  on  the  other 
hand,  had  secured  a  new  base,  in  the  bishoprick  of 
Metz,  which,  friendly  to  him  because  of  its  old  hostil- 
ity to  the  dukes  of  Lorraine,  supplied  him  abundantly 
with  provisions. 

He  now  marched  in  pursuit  of  Rene,  encamping  on 
the  night  of  the  16th  on  the  edge  of  a  wood,  through 
which  the  bustle  and  trumpet  signals  of  the  enemy 
were  plainly  audible.  But  in  the  morning  Rene 
again  retreated,  falling  back  to  Pont-a-Mousson,  to 
secure  the  bridge  and  his  communications  with 
Nancy  by  the  left  bank.  He  saw,  however,  that 
he  was  outmanoeuvred,  having  only  the  choice  left 
of  receiving  battle  at  a  disadvantage,  retreating  into 
Nancy,  or  evacuating  the  province.  He  decided  on 
the  bolder  course.  But  the  Alsatians,  who  had 
never  been  willing  to  encounter  the  Burgundians 
m  the  open  field  unless  under  the  protection  of  the 


510 


OPERATIONS  IN  LORRAINE. 


[BOOK  V. 


0 


Swiss,  refused  to  fight,  demanded  their  arrears  of 
pay  with  threats  of  personal  violence,  and  in  the 
night  of  the  17th,  catching  sight  of  the  enemy's 
camp-fires  on  the  hills  overlooking  the  town,  crossed 
the  bridge  in  disorderly  fiight,  leaving  behind  all 
their  cannon  and  baggage.  Rene,  compelled  to  fol- 
low, formed  a  rearguard  with  his  French  lances  and 
such  of  his  own  vassals  as  had  joined  his  standard. 
A  thick  fog,  the  next  morning,  favored  the  escape. 
At  Liverdun  it  was  necessary  to  recross  the  Moselle, 
and  there  being  neither  bridge  nor  ford,  the  foot- 
soldiers  were  carried  over  by  the  horse,  —  Rene 
himself  sharing  in  the  labor,  and  going  and  return- 
ing more  than  thirty  times.  Arrived  in  the  environs 
of  Nancy,  he  stopped  only  to  send  in  his  best  troops 
and  officers,  and  continued  his  flight  to  SaintrNicolas, 
eight  miles  farther  south.  Hither  he  was  followed 
by  a  deputation  from  the  capital,  to  inquire  what 
course  was  to  be  pursued,  if  the  place  were  again 
besieged.  For  how  long,  he  a^ked,  was  it  provis- 
ioned ?  And  being  answered  for  two  months,  "  Hold 
out  so  long,"  he  replied,  "  and  I  will  bring  fresh 
succors  or  give  up  the  contest." 

Meanwhile  Charles,  after  entering  Pont-a-Mousson, 
had  sent  across  the  lances  of  his  guard,  under  La- 
marche,  in  pursuit,  returning  with  the  rest  of  the 
army  up  the  right  bank.  Crossing  the  Meurthe,  he 
marched  upon  Saint-Nicolas,  whereupon  the  fugi- 
tives resumed  their  flight,  making  no  further  halt 
till  they  had  crossed  the  Vosges.  Nancy  was  in- 
vested on  the  22d.    Thus  in  a  few  weeks  the  posi- 


CHAP,  y.] 


OFFERS  OF  MEDIATION. 


511 


lion  of  afiliirs  had  been  completely  reversed.  Rene 
was  again  an  exile,  his  capital  again  besieged,  the  rest 
of  the  province,  except  the  places  along  the  Vosges, 
cleared  of  his  armed  adherents.  The  star  of  Burgun- 
dy  had  shone  forth  once  more  —  a  momentary  gleam 
before  its  final  extinction." 

Where  Rene  was  to  look  for  succors  was  a  ques- 
tion admitting  of  but  one  answer.  On  his  arrival 
at  Basel  he  was  told  that  the  Alsatian  towns  would 
make  fresh  exertions  on  his  behalf,  provided  he 
could  obtain  the  aid  of  those  without  whom  it 
would  be  vain  to  hope  for  success."  The  moment 
seemed  propitious  for  another  application  to  the 
Swiss.  They  had  just  had  occasion  to  make  a  public 
announcement  of  their  favorable  sentiments  towards 
the  duke  of  Lorraine.  For  «everal  months  past  three 
powers  not  often  united,  the  pope,  the  emperor,  and 
the  king  of  Hungary,  had  been  making  a  joint  effort 
for  the  restoration  of  peace  between  the  Confederates 
and  the  duke  of  Burgundy.  The  common  object  with 
all  of  them  was  the  preservation  of  Charles,  whose 
fall,  as  events  had  begun  to  indicate,  would  be  likely 


*  Ancienne  Chronique.  —  Chrd- 
tien.  —  Keray.  —  Knebel.  —  Calraet. 
—  Strasburg  Chronicles.  —  Hugue- 
nin  jeune.  —  Rodt. 

Chretien  generally  speaks  of  Re- 
ne's forces  in  this  campaign  as 
•'  Swiss,"  though  it  was  more  usual 
to  speak  of  the  Swiss  simply  as 
"  Germans."  The  statement  of  Rodt 
and  others  that  Rene  had  already 
enlisted  a  band  of  1500  Swiss  seems 
to  us  unfounded,  and  to  have  grcwn 


out  of  this  confused  mode  of  desig- 
nation. 

*  "Lesquelz  apres  beaucoup  de 
remontrances,  respondirent  finale- 
ment  qu'ilz  estoient  deliberez  luy 
faire  tout  ce  que  par  vertu  de  leur 
alliance  ilz  pouuoient  estre  tenuz, 
mais  de  tout  le  vouloient  bien  ad- 
uertir  que  sans  les  Suysses  ils  doub- 
toient  que  cela  leur  profitast  de  gui- 
erres."    Chretien,  p.  33. 


512 


OFFERS  OF  MEDIATION. 


[BOOK  V. 


0 
0 


Wl' 


to  damage  the  interests  of  each.  Hungary  would 
lose  a  powerful  and  faithful  ally,  the  Empire  a  bar 
against  the  encroachments  of  France,  the  church  a 
supporter  on  whom  it  could  more  safely  rely  than  on 
its  eldest  son,  the  Most  Christian  king.  For  there 
had  been  of  late  an  extraordinary  change  in  the 
demeanor  of  Louis  towards  his  spiritual  head.  Child- 
like submissiveness  had  been  suddenly  succeeded  by 
an  attitude  approaching  that  of  rebellion.  Decrees 
had  been  issued  forbidding  the  subjects  of  the  king 
to  send  applications  or  appeals  respecting  benefices 
to  Roxiie,  or  to  address  themselves  to  any  one  in 
France  except  the  cardinal  residing  at  the  court.^" 
All  members  of  the  religious  orders  were  prohibited 
from  quitting  the  kingdom,  even  on  the  business  of 
their  establishments."  Under  pretext  of  settling  a 
dispute  between  the  legate  and  the  commander  of 
the  papal  troops  at  Avignon,  a  French  force  had  been 
sent  to  occupy  the  town  and  castle.^'*  It  was  evident 
that,  if  his  prosperity  went  on  increasing  at  its  pres- 
ent ratio,  the  new  Charlemagne  would  soon  display 
an  arrogance  of  which  he  had  not  hitherto  been  sus- 
pected. To  uphold  the  power  that  had  so  long  and 
alone  restrained  him  was,  therefore,  an  object  of  gen- 
eral importance.  A  portion  of  the  German  nobility 
stood  ready,  with  proper  encouragement,  to  raise  an 
army  of  auxiliaries  for  the  purpose.^^     But  the  lead- 

"•  Proclamation,  June  16,  1476.  '*  Ddpcches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii. 

Legrand  MSS.  torn.  xix.  pp.  35,  36,  97. 

"  Deffences  a  tous  Religieux  de  "  Letter   (probably  intercepted) 

sortir  hors  le  Royaume  merae  pour  from   Lieuhart   Remmatter  to  the 

les  chapitres  de  leurs  ordres,  Sept.,  duke  of  Burgundy,  Oct.  26,  1476. 

1476.     Ibid.  MS.  (Archives  of  Lucerne.) 


CHAP,  v.] 


OFFERS  OF  MEDIATIOiT. 


513 


klilanaises,  torn.  ii. 


ers  of  the  movement  rightly  discerned  that  Charles 
would  need  no  such  assistance,  if  his  adversary  could 
only  be  deprived  of  the  band  of  myrmidons  who  were 
executing  his  work,  while  he  himself  looked  on  from 
behind  with  encouraging  smiles. 

Hassler,  the  imperial  minister,  the  bishop  of  Forli 
with  his  legatine  commission,  and  the  Hungarian  en- 
voy, George  vcn  Stein,  made  their  head-quarters  at 
Basel,  going  backward  and  forward, discussing,  protocol- 
ing, recording  each  step  in  a  progress  which  was  essen- 
tially of  the  treadmill  description.'*  For  the  old  dif- 
ficulty recurred  —  how  to  reconcile  parties  who  had 
never  disputed,  how  to  frame  concessions  where  there 
had  been  no  demands.  The  affair  of  Alsace  seems 
not  to  have  been  touched  upon,  the  emperor,  who 
was  in  fact  the  proper  arbiter  of  the  case,  having  taken 
it  into  his  own  hands.  Savoy,  too,  had  dropped  out 
of  the  category.  The  only  tangible  point  on  which 
to  raise  an  issue  for  the  sake  of  having  something  to 
decide,  was  that  of  Lorraine.  The  legate,  with  a 
sanguine  spirit  proceeding  from  his  success  in  a 
former  mediation,  took  upon  himself  the  task  of 
softening  the  Swiss,  who  would  naturally  listen  with 
more  deference  to  the  voice  of  the  supreme  pontiff 
than  to  that  of  the  Austrian  emperor.  When  asked 
for  his  credentials  from  the  opposite  party,  he  was 
obliged  to  confess  that  for  some  time  past  he  had  held 
no  direct  communication  with  the  duke  of  Burgundy, 

'■•  Numerous   documents  in   the    ven-Biicher,  and   the  Archives  of 
Eidgenossische  Abschiede,  Knebel,    Lucerne, 
the  Lateinisch  and  Deutsch  Missi* 
VOL.  III.  65 


0 
0 


^ 


514 


OFFERS  OF  MEDIATION. 


[book  v. 


with  whose  sentiments,  nevertheless,  he  professed  to 
be  acquainted.  Charles,  he  asserted,  wished  for  peace, 
and  was  willing  to  give  up  Lorraine,  provided  Rene 
would  "  confess  his  fault "  —  in  other  words,  would 
renew  the  engagements  he  had  broken  and  again 
accept  the  Burgundian  protectorate.  Hereupon  the 
Swiss  replied  that  the  evacuation  of  Lorraine  must 
precede  any  negotiations  for  peace.  Undaunted  by 
this  answer,  the  legate  pressed  for  further  conferences. 
He  would  not  insist  upon  a  formal  truce,  though  he 
would  use  his  best  exertions  to  induce  the  other  party 
to  suspend  hostilities.  All  he  asked  of  the  Con- 
federates, as  a  preliminary  step,  was  to  manifest  their 
willingness  for  peace.  Havir^g  received  some  general 
assurances  on  this  head,  he  professed  his  satisfaction, 
gave  his  blessing  to  the  deputies,  promised  to  report 
their  good  disposition  to  the  pope  and  the  emperor, 
and  offered  to  distribute  indulgences  and  other  spirit- 
ual graces  with  which  he  had  come  provided.'^  With 
mutual  courtesies,  offers  of  service,  bows  and  smiles, 
the  conference  broke  up.^*^  Meanwhile  the  diet  had 
sent  a  communication  to  the  king,  informing  him  that 
the  enemy  was  making  new  attempts  to  separate 
them  from  his  majesty,  but  that  he  might  rely  on 
their  unswerving  fidelity.^'' 


'*  "  Darauf  hat  er  den  Riithen 
und  Rathsfreunden  gemeiner  Ve- 
reinigung  den  Segen  ertheilt  und 
sich  erboten,  da  er  mit  vielen  geist- 
Hchen  Vollmachten  ausgeriistet  sei, 
ihnen  auch  Ablass  und  andere  Gna- 
den  zu  thun." 

>o  "  Sust  haben  sich  manigerley 


wort,  erbietung,  dancksagungen,  be- 
haltungen,  beglimpfungen  und  sust 
allerley  verlauffen  von  beden  tey- 
len,  80  hie  zu  melden  vberfliissig." 
Eidgenossische  Abschiede,  B.  II.  s. 
625-628. 

17  (I  ^yjp  haben  ein  louffer  in  vn- 
ser  aller  kosten  gan  Frankenrich  zu 


CHAP,  v.] 


REN£  and  the  SWISS. 


515 


Scarcely  had  the  Swiss  made  known  their  inten- 
tion not  to  abandon  the  duke  of  Lorraine,  when  he 
appeared  in  person  before  the  council  of  Berne,  and 
with  streaming  eyes  related  the  events  which  had 
again  reduced  him  to  the  condition  of  a  suppliant, 
conjuring  his  allies  to  give  him  that  effective  assist- 
ance without  which  all  their  declarations  in  his  favor 
would  be  empty  words.  His  auditors,  greatly  affected, 
had  fresh  reason  to  lament  that  change  of  position 
which  had  deprived  Berne  of  the  power  to  initiate 
warlike  enterprises.  They  were  obliged  to  tell  him 
that  they  could  do  nothing  without  the  consent  and 
participation  of  their  Confederates,  and  to  refer  him 
to  a  diet  about  to  assemble  at  Lucerne.^^  The 
latter  state  was  itself  well  disposed  to  his  cause.  At 
Zurich,  whither  he  next  proceeded,  he  met  at  first 
with  a  chilling  reception ;  but  having  found  an  advo- 
cate in  the  warm-hearted  Waldmann,  he  obtained  at 
last  a  favorable  answer.^'  The  decision,  however, 
would  rest  with  those  whom  the  world  was  accus- 
tomed to  consider  as  less  important  members  of 
the  Confederacy.  An  internal  struggle,  destined  a 
little  later  to  produce  a  violent  wrench,  was  already 


der  eidgnossen  botlen  vnd  Inen  zu 
erkennen  geben  die  werbung  des 
friden  halb  wie  obstad,  vnd  ob  der 
Herzog  von  Burgund  vns  gegen 
dem  kiing  vervntriiwen  vnd  fiirge- 
ben  wurd,  dz  wir  der  richtung  an 
In  begeren,  vnd  den  kiing  vssetzen, 
als  er  vor  getan,  vns  darin  zu  dem 
besten  verantwurten.  Das  ist  den 
von  Bern  empfolhen  ze  schriben  vnd 
ze  vertigen  iu  vnser  aller  namen." 


Eidgendssische  Abschiede,  B.  II.  s. 
618.  —  The  letter  written  by  Berne, 
enclosing  documents  connected  with 
the  negotiation,  and  giving  assur- 
ances that  no  peace  would  be  made, 
is  b  the  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  D, 
7  a.   MS. 

'*  Schilling,  s.  366,  —  Berne  to 
Ren6,  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  D, 
24  b.  M8. 

'8  Remy.  — Rodt. 


.5  1  , 

ill 


516 


RENfi  AND  THE  SWISS. 


[BOOK  y. 


Q 


disturbing  the  balance  of  power,  arraying  on  opposite 
sides  the  larger  jantons,  with  their  town  populations, 
aristocratic  governments,  and  foreign  connections,  and 
the  smaller,  obscurer,  but  more  numerous  democracies. 
The  original  source  of  disunion  lay,  of  course,  in 
these  differences  of  organization.  But  it  was  the 
French  alliance  and  the  Burgundian  war  which,  by 
revealing  dissimilar  tendencies  and  conflicting  inter- 
ests, were  creating  a  division  where  before  there  had 
been  merely  a  distinction.^  The  feeling  against 
Berne,  in  particular,  was  already  so  openly  expressed, 
both  in  words  and  acts,  that  the  council  were  making 
it  a  subject  of  formal  complaint  to  the  diet.^' 

At  a  session  of  the  latter  body,  on  the  23d  of  Novem- 
ber, Rene  brought  forward  a  skilfully  prepared  memo- 
rial. He  represented  the  hardship  of  his  being  the  sole 
victim  of  a  war  into  which  he  had  entered,  not  from 
personal  motives,  but  simply  at  the  demand  and  on 
the  guaranty  of  a  league,  of  which  the  chief  mem- 
bers had  since  retired  from  the  contest.  Even  now 
he  could  make  a  separate  peace  and  be  restored  to 
his  dominion,  if  he  would  consent  to  abandon  the 
Swiss.^     But  having  personally  shared   their  peril 


*•  See  Herr  Segesser's  learned 
and  sagacious  disquisition  in  the 
Geschichtsbliitter  aus  der  Schweiz, 
B.I. 

*"  "  Auch  soil  Jedermann  mit  den 
Seinen  verschaffen,  dass  sie  auf  hor- 
en,  denen  von  Bern  schimpflich  zu- 
zureden,  v/ie  das,  nach  klage  der 
letztern,  bisher  geschehen  ist.  Bern 
soil  die  Namen  Soleher,  welche 
dieses  Gebot  fortan  iibertreten,  in 
Schrift  nehmen  und  den  betreffen- 


den  Orten  zusenden."    Eidgenos- 
sische  Abschiede,  B.  II.  s.  632. 

28  <«Wo  er  vns  eidgnossen  vnd 
den  loblichen  bund  verschetzt  vnd 
sich  zu  dem  Hertzogen  von  Bur- 
gund  verpflicht,  so  wer  er  dieser 
kriegen  entladen,  vnd  wo  er  sich 
noch  hiibitag  von  vns  ziichen  vnd 
dem  Hertzogen  von  Burgun  zustan, 
dz  er  da  mit  wol  zu  dem  sinen 
komen." 


(  f 

ill 


[BOOK  V. 


CHAP,  v.] 


REN6  and  the  SWISS. 


517 


lug  on  opposite 
^n  populations, 
onnections,  and 
us  democracies. 
,  of  course,  in 
lut  it  was  the 

war  which,  by 
mflicting  inter- 
efore  there  had 
feeling  against 
enly  expressed, 
iil  were  making 

diet.2^ 

3  23d  of  Novem- 
Drepared  memo- 
is  being  the  sole 
itered,  not  from 
lemand  and  on 
the  chief  mem- 
est.     Even  now 

be  restored  to 
to  abandon  the 
red    their   peril 

isenden."  Eidgenbs- 
de,  B.  II.  8,  632. 
vns  eidgnossen  vnd 
bund  verschetzt  vnd 
Hertzogen  von  Bur- 
it,  so  wer  er  dieser 
len,  vnd  wo  er  sich 
von  vns  ziichen  vnd 
n  von  Burgun  zustan, 
:  wol  zu  dem  sinen 


and  their  triumph,  he  desired  to  preserve  the  alli- 
ance, counting  on  a  like  fidelity  on  their  part.  His 
last  hopes  were  centred  in  them.  If  they  would 
send  out  an  expedition  on  a  befitting  scale,  he  would 
contribute  forty  thousand  florins  towards  the  ex- 
pense.'*^ 

Such  a  statement  could  not  be  heard  with  indiffer- 
ence. But  the  deputies,  not  having  been  empowered 
to  act  in  the  mattor,  were  obliged  to  defer  the  an- 
swer to  a  subsequent  meeting,  specially  called  for 
the  purpose.  It  was  hAo  on  the  4th  of  December. 
Kene,  meanwhile,  had  leturned  to  Basel  to  carry  on 
his  own  preparations,  leaving  Herter  to  represent 
him  at  the  diet.  Receiving  some  sagacious  hints  ^* 
from  a  quarter  where  the  Swiss  character  and  views 
were  better  understood  than  by  himself,  he  instructed 
his  envoy  to  insist  upon  the  greatness  and  urgency 
of  the  need,  and  the  large  —  in  fact  imaginary  — 
number  of  his  own  vassals  who  had  already  assem- 
bled in  full  reliance  on  Swiss  help.  But  if,  in  spite 
of  all  thi'j,  a  negative  answer  were  returned,  Herter 
''\  was  then  to  ask  for  simple  permission  to  enlist  five 
or  six  thousand  men  at  the  monthly  pay  of  four  flor- 
ins a  man.^'*  Six  thousand  was  the  number  of  troops 
which  the  Swiss  were  bound,  when  called  upon,  to 


^^  Eidgenossische  Abschiede,  B. 
II.  s.  630. 

"*  Chrotien,  p.  34. 

"  Letter  to  Herter,  dated  "  Basle 
le  vendredy  devant  le  Saint  Andrew  " 
—  Nov.  29  —  and  signed  "  Lud." 
Legrand    MSS.   torn.  xix.  —  Lud 


and  Chretien,  Ren6's  secretaries,  are 
taken  by  some  writers  for  the  same 
person.  Chretien,  apparently,  was 
the  author  of  the  "  Dialogue "  be- 
tween the  two,  which  is  one  of  the 
most  authentic  chronicles  of  the 
epoch. 


:i  I   I 


518 


REN^  AND  THE  SWISS. 


[BOOK  V. 


c 

0 


furnish  to  the  king,  whose  rate  of  pay  was  four  florins 
and  a  half.  Louis,  we  perceive,  thought  his  poor  de- 
pendant might  make  more  economical  terms  than 
himself  ^^ 

The  qut-jtion  of  a  general  levy  having  been  put, 
Lucerne,  Zurich,  and  Solothurn  signified  their  will- 
ingness to  take  part,  if  all  the  others  should  assent. 
Berne  and  Freyburg,  having  to  protect  their  own 
territory  against  marauding  bands,  could  send  only 
a  thousand  men  jointly.  Uri  wished  for  more  infor- 
mation. Schwytz,  Glarus,  and  XTnterwalden  declined, 
pleading  the  unsuitable  time  of  year.  It  was  there- 
upon voted  to  make  the  refusal  unanimous.  Herter 
then  brought  forward  the  alternative  proposition  — 
suggested,  doubtless,  by  Berne,  as  the  most  conven- 
ient to  itself,  and  the  most  likely  to  be  favorably 
entertained.'^''  It  was  voted  to  recommend  its  accept- 
ance, on  the  ground  that,  if  Rene  were  entirely  for- 
saken, he  would  probably  make  terms  with  the  duke 
of  Burgundy,  become  the  enemy  of  the  Swiss,  and 
be  able,  by  his  position  on  the  borders  of  Alsace,  to 
damage  that  country,  and  thereby  raise  the  price  of 
corn  and  other  necessaries ;  so  that  the  Confederates 


**  That  the  money  was  supplied 
by  Louis  (who  else,  indeed,  would 
or  could  have  supplied  it?)  was  a 
matter  of  notoriety,  and  is  stated 
by  all  the  writers  of  the  time. 
Chretien,  it  is  true,  mentions  it  as  a 
happy  accident  that  a  messenger 
from  France  arrived  just  at  this 
time  with  the  pension  of  Rend ;  but 
Commines,  good  authority  on  this 
point,  states  that  not  only  was  the 


money  sent  expressly  for  the  pur- 
pose, but  that  royal  envoys  assisted 
in  the  negotiation. 

"  As  Berne  had  been  strenuously 
exhorting  its  Confederates  to  give 
the  assistance  required,  and  had  as- 
sured Rend  that  it  would  be  given 
(Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  D,  19-24), 
it  is  clear  that  in  opposing  the  first 
proposition,  it  was  merely  clearing 
the  way  for  that  which  was  to  follow. 


[book  v. 

was  four  florins 
;ht  his  poor  de- 
ical  terms  than 

,ving  been  put, 
ified  their  will- 
s  should  assent, 
tect  their  own 
ould  send  only 
for  more  infor- 
ralden  declined, 
It  was  there- 
imous.  Herter 
J  proposition  — 
e  most  conven- 
;o  be  favorably 
nend  its  accept- 
tre  entirely  for- 
s  with  the  duke 
the  Swiss,  and 
;rs  of  Alsace,  to 
se  the  price  of 
he  Confederates 

spressly  lor  the  pur- 
royal  envoys  assisted 
tion. 

had  been  strenuously 
Confederates  to  give 
required,  and  had  as- 
mt  it  would  be  given 
iiven-Buch  D,  19-24), 
in  opposing  the  first 
was  merely  clearing 
it  which  was  to  follow. 


CHAP,  v.] 


RENjg  AND  THE  SWISS. 


519 


would  be  ultimately  obliged  to  send  out  forces  at 
their  own  cost,  not  to  restore,  but  to  overturn  him.'^' 
Reasoning  so  logical  and  leading  to  such  a  conclu- 
sion had  an  instantaneous  effect.  The  truth  is,  that 
the  populations  of  the  smaller  cantons,  precisely  on 
account  of  the  unsuitable  time  of  year,  were  greatly 
in  need  of  employment,  and  had  become  possessed 
with  a  spirit  of  brigandage  which  was  making  them 
dangerous  at  home.  When  it  had  been  stipulated 
that  the  wages  should  be  raised  to  four  and  a  half 
florins,  that  the  first  month's  service  should  be  paid 
in  advance,  and  that  Rene  should  pledge  the  domin- 
ion he  was  about  to  reconquer  for  the  full  amount,^^ 
recruiting  went  rapidly  on.  Berne  furnished  but 
a  small  contingent  in  proportion  to  its  popula- 
tion,^" Lucerne  and  Zurich  a  somewhat  larger  num- 
ber each,  while  the  smaller  cantons  rolled  up  the 
total  to  eight  thousand  four  hundred.'^'  It  was  the 
first  instance  of  the  Confederacy  sending  out  troops 
in  a  body  as  avowed  mercenaries  in  a  foreign  army. 
They  carried  with  them  no  banners,  had  no  regular 


•^  "In  Betrachtung,  dass,  wenn 
der  Fiirst  ganz  verlassen  wUrde,  er 
leiclit  aus  Verdruss  von  uns  und  der 
Vereinigung  abfallen  und  sich  mit 
dem  Herzog  von  Burgund  richten 
und  einigen  mochte,  und  sofern  die- 
ses geschahe,  so  mochte  dann  der 
Hertzog  von  Lothringen  taglioh  und 
stiindlich  im  Elsass  und  Sundgau 
sein,  die  Lande  verwiisten,  mis  Korn 
und  Wein  vertheuern  und  verursach- 
en,  das  wir  unsern  Bundesgenossen 
in  unsern  Kosten  zu  Hiilfe  kommen 


miisten."  Eidgenossische  Abschie- 
de,  B.  II.  s.  632. 

29  Rodt,  B.  II.  s.  361. 

^°  Rodt  expresses  his  surprise  at 
this,  and,  not  understanding  the 
motive,  wrongly  infers  that  the 
expedition  was  unpopular  in  that 
canton. 

^'  Chre'tien,  p.  35.  —  Edlibach 
(s.  163)  adds  that  mere  boys,  to  the 
number  of  a  thousand,  wished  to  en- 
list, but  were  turned  back. 


# 


520 


BENfi  AND  THE  SWISS. 


[BOOK  V. 


0 
0 


officers,  and  were  accompanied  by  none  of  the  recog- 
nized chiefs  except  Waldmann  and  Katzy,  who  went 
as  volunteers.  Most  of  the  men  belonged,  unfortu- 
nately, to  the  worst  class  —  brave,  like  all  of  their 
nation,  but  young,  averse  to  discipline,  and  ravenous 
for  spoil.  In  Alsace  they  spread  themselves  through 
the  towns  and  made  a  general  pillage  among  the 
Jews,  then,  as  now,  exceedingly  numerous  and 
wealthy  in  that  region.  Money,  jewels,  wagon-loads 
of  costly  articles,  were  collected ;  books  and  writings 
in  Hebrew,  wherever  found,  were  torn  up  or  burned. 
A  vessel  loaded  with  two  or  three  hundred  of  the 
rioters  capsized  on  the  Rhine,  and  a  large  number  — 
a  hundred  and  fifty  according  to  some  accounts  — 
were  drowned.  Rene,  who  chanced  to  witness  the 
mishap,  while  displaying  his  sympathy  and  aiding  in 
the  rescue,  was  insulted  and  denounced  as  the  cause.^^ 
In  a  state  of  despair,  he  wrote  to  the  authorities  at 
home,  asking  that  no  more  of  the  same  kind  should 
be  allowed  to  come,  and  begging  for  two  thousand  of 
the  veterans  with  their  banners  and  officers.^' 

Before  the  march  from  Basel  should  begin,  a  sec- 
ond half-month's  pay  was  to  be  disbursed.  When 
Rene  had  emptied  his  purse,  there  was  a  deficit  of 
twelve  hundred  florins.  Louis  had  counted  too  con- 
fidently on  saving  the  half  florin,  or  some  still  smaller 


3«  Ibid.  — Schilling.  — Knebel. 

a3  "Begehrt,  man  mdchte  ihm 
noch  2000  der  Alten  zuHchicken 
und  etliche  mit  ihren  Fannern,  und 
das  man  ihm  der  Andern  diessmal 
nicht  mehr  zulaufen  lassen."    £id- 


genossische  Abschiede,  B.  II.  s.  638. 
—  Lucerne  alone  so  far  complied  as 
to  send  Hassfurter  with  the  standard 
of  the  canton.  The  others  sent 
pious  exhortations. 


CHAP,  v.] 


RENfi  AND  THE  SWISS. 


521 


fraction.^*  The  Swiss  took  what  was  given  them,  but 
refused  to  stir  till  the  remainder  was  forthcoming. 
Rene,  whose  want  of  knowledge  of  their  language 
made  him  unable  to  try  persuasion,  was  advised  to 
keep  out  of  sight  and  leave  them  to  come  round  of 
their  own  accord.  After  waiting  a  day  or  two  they 
began  to  start  for  home  with  the  plunder  they  had 
amassed.  In  this  emergency  the  money  was  bor- 
rowed at  Basel  on  the  security  of  Oswald  von  Thier- 
stein,  who  had  been  ousted  from  his  government  in 
Alsace  and  was  to  hold  a  command  under  Rene.^' 

Their  claims  having  been  satisfied,  the  Swiss  were 
now  in  an  excellent  humor,  ready  to  render  the  full 
equivalent,  to  lose  every  limb,  every  life,  in  the  ser- 
vice for  which  they  had  contracted.  When  Rene 
made  his  appearance  with  a  halberd  on  his  shoulder, 
and  distributed  drink-money  to  each  company,  he 
was  greeted  with  hearty  cheers;^  The  march  began 
on  the  26th  of  December,  the  weather  being  bitterly 
cold,  —  as  was  also  the  case  at  Milan,^''  where,  at  the 
same  hour,  Sforza  was  on  his  way  to  be  murdered. 


Bchiede,  B.  II.  s.  638. 
e  80  far  complied  as 
ter  with  the  standard 
The  others  sent 


^*  Chrdtien  states  that  the  sum 
sent  at  this  time  by  Louis  was  only 
about  15,000  francs,  being  a  part 
of  the  pension  granted  to  Rene, 
who  eked  it  out  by  the  sale  of  his 
plate.  Commines  says,  40,000,  and 
is  nearer  the  truth.  In  a  list  of  pen- 
sions and  gifts  for  the  year  begin- 
ning with  September,  1476, — during 
which  there  was  certainly  no  pay- 
ment to  Rene  of  a  later  date  than 
December, — he  is  mentioned  as  hav- 
ing received  30,000  francs  in  addi- 
TOL.  m.  66 


tion  to  his  pension.  (Legrand  M8S. 
tom.  xix.)  This  was,  therefore,  the 
sum  allowed  by  Louis  for  the  hire 
of  "five  or  six  thousand"  Swiss, 
for  whom  Rene  had  been  instructed 
to  apply.  It  was  equivalent  to 
about  22,500  florins  —  a  month's 
pay  for  5600  men,  at  four  florins. 

'■'^  Chretien,  p.  36.  —  Calmet,  tom. 
V.  p.  361. 

^'  Chretien,  ubi  supra. 

"  Corio,  Storia  di  Milano. 


522 


CHARLES  BEIORE  NANCY. 


[BOOK  V. 


0 
0 


The  Alsatian  troops  had  set  out  previously,  and  were 
waiting  at  Saint-Diey  and  other  places  in  the  Vosges. 
In  all,  the  army  numbered  between  nineteen  and 
twenty  thousand  men,  two  thirds  of  them  hired 
auxiliaries."'^  From  three  to  four  thousand  were 
cavalry,  partly  nobles  of  Lorraine,  partly  French 
discharged  for  this  purpose  from  the  royal  service. 
Strasburg  had  also  furnished  a  troop  of  horse,  but 
no  inftintry,  the  Swiss  having  refused  to  march  or 
fight  in  company  with  such  cowards.^" 

The  period  for  which  Nancy  had  promised  to  hold 
out  had  already  expired.  To  both  the  besieged  and 
the  besiegers  it  had  been  one  of  extreme  hardship 
and  obstinate  endurance.  Charles's  army,  originally 
t'iVenty  thousand  strong,  had  dwindled  down  to  less 
than  half  that  number.^  Food  had  continued  toler- 
ably abundant,  notwithstanding  the  arrival  in  the 
territory  of  Metz  of  a  body  of  French  lances,  sent 
partly  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  supplies,  as  far  as 
it  could  be  done  without  a  direct  infringement  of  the 
truce.  But  the  weather  had  inflicted  more  serious 
injury.  Alternate  frosts  and  thaws  had  bound  the 
camp  in  ice  or  deluged  it  with  water,  causing  hun- 


'^^  "  Toute  mon  arm^e  estoit  de 
dix-neuf  h,  vingt  mille  hommes. 
dent  les  douze  mille  et  plus  estoient 
des  mes  soldes  Alliez."  La  vraye 
declaration  du  fiiit  et  conduits  de  la 
Bataille  de  Nancy.  —  This  account, 
purporting  to  be  wi-itten  by  Rene, 
is  printed,  with  some  variations,  in 
Calmet,  in  Lenglet,  and  at  the  end 
of  Chretien's  chronicle. 

39  Knebel,  2te  Abth.  s.  111,113,116. 


*°  According  to  Commines,  La- 
marche,  and  Moliuet,  to  less  than 
four  thousand ;  nor  can  we  oppose 
to  these  statements  any  resting  on 
as  good  authority.  Yet  we  are 
forced  to  reject  them,  or  else  to  treat 
the  subsequent  events  as  fable. 
Basin,  who  was  close  to  the  scene 
of  action,  gives  eight  thousand  as 
the  effective  force. 


[book  v. 


CHAP.  ▼.] 


CHARLES  BEFORE  NANCY. 


523 


lusly,  and  were 
in  the  Vosges. 
nineteen  and 
)f  them  hired 
thousand  were 
partly  French 
!  royal  service. 
I  of  horse,  but 
d  to  march  or 

59  

omiscd  to  hold 
e  besieged  and 
Lreme  hardship 
rmy,  originally 
1  down  to  less 
!ontinued  toler- 
arrival  in  the 
ch  lances,  sent 
pplies,  as  far  as 
igemcnt  of  the 
i  more  serious 
lad  bound  the 
r,  causing  hun- 

to  Commines,  La- 
olinet,  to  less  than 

nor  can  we  oppose 
ents  any  resting  on 
)rity.  Yet  we  are 
them,  or  else  to  treat 
t  events  as  fable. 
!  close  to  the  scene 
8  eight  thousand  as 
ce. 


dreds  to  perish  of  cold,  prostrating  a  larger  number 
witl  disease,  and  leading  to  wholesale  desertions. 
Active  operations  of  any  importance  were  rendered 
impracticable  by  the  condition  alike  of  the  troops  and 
of  the  ground.  The  only  assault  ordered  was  counter- 
manded. Two  batteries  played  from  time  to  time 
upon  the  gates;  but  virtually  the  siege  had  been 
turned  into  a  blockade.  Famine  within  the  walls 
might  be  trusted  to  do  its  work  more  rapidly  and 
efficiently  than  winter  without. 

Instead  of  lasting  two  months,  the  stock  of  pro- 
visions had  run  short  within  one.  The  few  horses  in 
the  place  made  but  a  meagre  addition  to  the  store. 
Dogs,  cats,  rats,  vermin  of  all  kinds,  had  become 
the  regular  diet.  Several  sallies  were  tried,  without 
bringing  any  relief,  except  by  reducing  the  number 
of  consumers.  It  was  easy  to  calculate  the  limits  of 
this  endurance.  Charles,  who  learned  from  a  French 
deserter  the  state  of  affairs,  is  said  to  have  promised 
himself  an  entrance  by  the  "  Day  of  the  Kings,"  — 
the  6th  of  January.*^ 

Without  a  premature  assurance  from  Rene  of  the 
success  of  his  negotiations  with  the  Swiss,  the  place 
would  already  have  surrendered.  He  had  intrusted 
the  message  to  his  maitre  dliotel,  Suffren  de  Baschi, 
a  Proven9al  by  birth,  his  companion  and  counsellor 
throughout  his  exile.  In  a  dark  night  Suffren  and 
his  escort  succeeded  in  passing  through  the  lines  and 
descending  into  the  ditch.     Their  cry  of  "  Vive  Lor- 

*'  Remy.  —  Chr6tien.  —  Calmet.  —  Knebel.  —  Huguenin  jeuno. 


1 


:4| 


524 


CHARLES  BEFORE  NANCY. 


[book  v. 


0 
0 


raine ! "  attracted  the  attention  of  the  guards  on  both 
sides.  A  few  of  the  party  were  drawn  to  the  top  of 
the  wall ;  others  escaped  by  flight ;  one,  Suffren  him- 
self, was  taken.  Charles  ordered  him  to  be  imme- 
diately hanged,  adducing  it  as  a  rule  of  war  that  any 
one  endeavoring  to  penetrate  the  lines  after  invest- 
ment made  himself  liable  to  this  penalty.  That  such 
was  the  practice  cannot  be  doubted ;  *^  and  it  was 
founded  on  reasons  of  which  the  validity  was  shown 
in  the  present  case,  messengers  subsequently  sent 
being  deterred  by  what  had  happened  from  making 
the  attempt.  But  unless  the  principle  were  admitted 
by  all  parties,  it  could  only  be  enforced  under  danger 
of  reprisals  —  the  ground  on  which  the  execution  is 
said  to  have  been  opposed  by  the  Burgundian  nobles. 
Suffren  asked  for  an  interview  with  the  duke,  promis- 
ing disclosures  that  nearly  concerned  him.  The  ap- 
plication was  frustrated  by  Campobasso,^'  to  whom 
the  prisoner  was  personally  known,  as  well  as  the 
fact  that  he  had  recently  visited  the  French  court. 
He  had  it,  no  doubt,  in  his  power  to  reveal  to  Charles 
that,  besides  being  surrounded  by  open  enemies,  there 
was  a  traitor  at  his  side,  ready,  if  all  other  instru- 
ments failed,  to  accomplish  the  design  of  Providence 
and  of  Louis. 


*"  Commines  says  it  was  the  prac- 
tice in  Italy  and  Spain,  but  not  in 
France.  More  probably  such  cases, 
in  the  Litter  country, — where,  as  he 
admits,  war  was  waged  in  general 
with  greater  cruelty  than  elsewhere, 
—were  determined  less  by  any  set- 


tled rule  than  by  the  temper  of  the 
captors. 

"  Commines.  —  The  chronicles 
of  Lorraine  give  a  different  ac- 
count, derived,  obviously,  from  Cam- 
pobasso's  own  version. 


[BOOK  y. 

fuards  on  both 
I  to  the  top  of 
B,  Suffren  him- 
i  to  be  imme- 
■  war  that  any 
IS  after  invest- 
ty.    That  such 
*^  and  it  was 
ity  was  shown 
jequently  sent 
1  from  making 
were  admitted 
I  under  danger 
be  execution  is 
jundian  nobles. 
3  duke,  promis- 
him.     The  ap- 
380,*'  to  whom 
IS  well  as  the 

French  court, 
veal  to  Charles 

enemies,  there 
1  other  instru- 

of  Providence 


)y  the  temper  of  the 

—  The  chronicles 
ive  a  different  ac- 
obviously,  from  Cam- 
version. 


CHAF.  T.J 


CHARLES  BEFORE  NANCY. 


525 


The  execution  took  place  at  dawn,  in  sight  of  the 
besieged,  at  whose  request  the  body  was  given  up  for 
interment,  a  suspension  of  arms  being  granted  for  the 
purpose.  There  was  but  one  prisoner  in  the  town, 
who  was  hanged,  on  the  next  day,  f-om  the  highest 
tower,  with  a  placard  in  large  letters  affixed  to  the 
black  robe  put  upon  his  person  :  "  The  first  to  carry 
to  Suflren  de  Baschi  tidings  of  the  vengeance  taken 
for  his  death."  Rene,  who  had  been  strongly  attached 
to  his  unfortunate  servant,  sent  a  circular  to  the 
places  where  he  had  garrisons,  directing  that  all 
prisoners  should  be  treated  in  the  same  manner. 
Under  this  order  more  than  six  score  are  said  to  have 
suffered,  each  labelled  with  a  statement  -hat  he  owed 
his  death  to  the  inhumanity  of  a  master  whom  he 
had  too  faithfully  served.**  But  the  stain  of  reprisals 
so  unmeasured  was  not  to  be  thus  shifted  from  its 
authors.  The  chroniclers  of  Lorraine,  feeling  the 
necessity  for  a  better  apology,  assert  that  this  cruelty, 
inconsistent  with  the  character  of  Rene,  was  instigated 
by  his  German  allies.*° 

On  the  morning  of  the  4th  of  January  the  van- 
guard of  the  relieving  army  entered  Saint-Nicolas, 
driving  out  a  Burgundian  detachment,  of  which  a 
hundred  and  twenty,  caught  unawares,  sought  ref- 
uge in  the  houses  and  church.  They  were  dragged 
out  by  the  Swiss,  who  massacred  some  in  the  square, 
and  tying  the  others  in  couples,  hurled  them  over 

**  Remy,  pp.  96-98.  —  Chrdtien,    Swiss.     But  the  circular  is  dated, 
preuves,  pp.  66-60.  Schlettstadt,  Dec.  Ist. 

*''  Remy  (ubi  supra)  says  by  the 


"'  -il 


pi 

0 


626 


TREASON  OF  CAMPOBASSO. 


[BOOK  V, 


the  bridge.  Signal  lights  were  displayed  in  the 
steeple  and  on  the  heights,  to  make  known  the  good 
news  to  the  inhabitants  of  Nancy.*®  Two  deserters 
came  in  —  Swiss  brigands,  who,  banished  from  their 
country,  had  served  for  years  in  the  Burgundian 
army.  They  now  gave  valuable  information  as  to  its 
position  and  the  roads  and  paths  hj  which  it  might 
be  approached.  Having  proved  their  familiarity  with 
the  ground,  they  were  retained  as  guides.*' 

This  was  not  the  only  accession.  Campobasso, 
with  his  two  sons  and  about  two  hundred  men-at- 
arms,  had  quitted  the  Burgundian  camp  two  or  three 
days  before,  and  gone  to  join  a  French  force  lying 
near  at  hand.  He  was  told  that  the  royal  orders 
against  any  infraction  of  the  truce  made  it  impossible 
to  receive  him,  but  that  he  would  do  well  to  offer  his 
services  to  Rene.*^  Hereditary  sympathies  might 
have  drawn  him  to  the  cause  of  a  descendant  of  the 
house  of  Anjou,*"  under  which  his  own  family  had 
gained  and  lost  both  fortune  and  honors.  He  had 
himself  fought  under  successive  princes  of  that  line. 


*^  Chretien.  —  Remy. 

*''  TschudijFortsetzung.  — "  Hiess 
einer  der  schindler  von  art,  der  ander 
Jorg  schriber  von  Frowenueld." 
Etterlin,  fol.  96.  — Before  the  battle 
of  Morat  the  spies  of  Berne  had  re- 
ported that  there  were  some  Swiss 
among  Charles's  troops.  (Deutsch 
Missiven-Buch  C.  MS.)  It  would 
appear  that  five  of  these  had  de- 
serted in  October,  or  earlier,  and 
offered  their  services  as  guides  to 
t'aeir  countrymen.     (See  the  Dd- 


pSches  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  p.  379.) 
There  are  many  other  indications 
leading  to  the  conclusion  that, 
throughout  the  war,  the  Burgun- 
dian army,  so  largely  made  up  of 
foreign  mercenaries  from  different 
quarters,  had  been  infested  with 
traitors. 

*^  La  Desconfiture  du  Due  de 
Bourgogne. 

*^  He  is  said  by  the  chroniclers  of 
Lorraine  to  have  given  this  reason, 
among  others,  for  bis  desertion. 


[BOOK  V. 

ayed  in  the 
iwn  the  good 
[•wo  deserters 
ad  from  their 
)  Burgundian 
ation  as  to  its 
hich  it  might 
imiliarity  with 

es*' 
Campobasso, 

ndred  men-at- 
p  two  or  three 
ch  force  lying 
e  royal  orders 
ie  it  impossible 
^ell  to  offer  his 
pathies  might 
cendant  of  the 
vn  family  had 
nors.  He  had 
es  of  that  line, 


ses,  torn.  ii.  p.  379.) 
,y  other  indications 
conclusion  that, 
war,  the  Burgun- 
argely  made  up  of 
aries  from  different 
been    infested  with 

nfiture  du  Doc  de 

by  the  chroniclers  of 
e  given  this  reason, 
or  his  desertion. 


CHAP,  v.] 


TREASON  OF  CAMPOBASSO. 


527 


in  Italy,  France,  and  Spain.  From  boyhood  his 
career  had  been  one  of  strange  adventure,  crossed 
by  strange  ill  luck.  His  father,  a  distinguished  sol- 
dier, had  died  a  leper,  after  years  of  sequestration 
from  his  family  and  the  world.  The  castle  and  town 
from  which  he  derived  his  title  had  been  upheaved 
by  an  earthquake.  His  wife  had  been  false  to  him, 
and  he  was  reported  to  have  slain  her  with  his  own 
hand.  He  bore  a  name  and  boasted  a  kindred  to 
which  he  had  no  real  claim.^"  In  war  he  had  gained 
distinction  by  his  skill,  and  a  great  influence  over  his 
fellow  condoitieri,  remnants  of  the  Angevine  faction ; 
but  it  had  almost  always  been  his  fate  to  espouse  a 
losing  cause.  His  experience,  skill,  and  facilities  for 
recruiting  had  made  him  valuable  to  the  duke  of 
Burgundy,  and  had  been  liberally  recompei?sed.  But 
he  had  long  had  visions  of  a  greater  reward,  to  be 
obtained  by  the  betrayal  of  a  master  whose  hazard- 
ous enterprises,  in  the  face  of  a  crafty  and  powerful 
foe,  must  expose  him  to  sudden  reverses.  Little  is 
known  with  certainty  of  his  secret  communications 
with  Louis.  He  had  made  overtures,  which  were  at 
least  not  rejected  ;  ^^  but  an  offer  to  take  the  life  of 
Charles  is  said,  perhaps  with  truth,  to  have   been 


***  His  real  name  was  Gambatesa, 
and  he  had  taken  that  of  Montfort 
with  the  intention  of  claiming  an 
estate  which  another  branch  of  his 
family,  about  to  become  extinct,  had 
obtained  by  intermarriage  with  the 
house  of  Mouforti,  counts  of  Ter- 
moli.  These  and  other  particulars 
of  the  early  part  of  his  career  are 


told,  with  much  minuteness  and  am- 
ple research,  in  an  unfinished  work 
among  the  posthumous  papers  of  the 
late  M.  de  Gingiiis  —  Le  Comte  de 
Campobasso,  Etude  historique  et 
biographique.  MS.  (Bib.  cantonale 
Vaudoise.) 

*'  Letter  of  Louis,  Lyons,  June 
6  [1476],  Lenglet,  torn.  iii.  p.  484. 


528 


TREASON  OF  CAMPOBASSO. 


[BOOK  V. 


0 
0 


declined.^-  During  the  campaigns  against  the  Swiss 
he  had  been  absent,  chiefly  in  Brittany,  where  he  is 
reported  to  have  spread  unfavorable  accounts,  with 
the  object  of  undermining  Charles's  credit  with  an 
old  ally.®^  Since  the  defeat  at  Morat  he  had  rejoined 
the  duke,  but,  without  betraying  himself,  had  secret- 
ly thwarted  efforts  for  increasing  the  strength  of  the 
army.  It  is  evident  from  his  whole  course,  as  far  as 
it  can  be  traced,  that  he  had  meditated  some  deeper 
infamy  than  mere  desertion,  and  that  this  had  been 
adopted  as  a  last  and  sudden  resort. 

On  arriving  at  Saint-Nicolas,  he  offered  his  ser- 
vices to  Rene,  stipulating  for  the  grant  of  a  vacant 
fief  as  his  reward.  But  the  Swiss,  who  detested  trea- 
son, and  who  wanted  no  associates  in  their  work, 
objected  strongly  to  his  remaining  with  the  army. 
He  finally  arranged  with  Rene  to  go  round  to  the 
rear  of  the  Burgundian  camp,  take  his  station  at 
Conde,  below  Nancy,  and  cut  off  the  retreat  to  Lux- 
embourg by  the  bridge  of  Bouxieres.  The  lordship 
of  Commercy — the  price  he  had  demanded — was 
bestowed  upon  him  before  his  departure.^ 

There  had  been  little  need  that  the  snare  should 


*'  Commines  (torn.  ii.  pp.  53,  54) 
—  who  also  assures  us,  as  a  fact  with- 
in his  personal  knowledge,  that  Louis 
disclosed  this  offer,  through  Contay, 
to  Charles,  who  replied  that,  if  the 
fact  were  true,  he  should  have  heard 
nothing  of  it  from  the  king.  Most 
persons,  we  suspect,  would  be  of  the 
same  opinion.  Yet  we  cannot  tell. 
Conscience  has  her  vagaries,  like 
the  fancy  and  the  heart. 


»^  De  Troyes. 

"  Schilling,  s.  372. 


La  Descon- 
fiture  du  Due  de  Bourgogne. — 
Commines,  torn.  ii.  p.  62.  Accord- 
ing to  Remy  and  others,  Campo- 
basso  offered  to  return  to  tLe  camp, 
and  at  the  height  of  the  battle  to 
fall  upon  Charles  and  assassinate 
him  —  a  proposal  rejected  by  Rene 
with  horror. 


[BOOK  V. 

st  the  Swiss 

where  he  is 

ccounts,  with 

sdit  with  an 

had  rejoined 

f,  had  secret- 

-ength  of  the 

irse,  as  far  as 

some  deeper 

this  had  been 

fered   his  ser- 
it  of  a  vacant 
detested  trear 
n  their  work, 
ith  the  army, 
round  to  the 
lis   station   at 
treat  to  Lux- 
The  lordship 
[Handed — was 
lire." 

snare  should 


372.  —  LaDescon- 
de  Bourgogne. — 
ii.  p.  62.  Accord- 
nd  others,  Campo- 
return  to  t\.e  camp, 
ht  of  the  battle  to 
es  and  assassinate 
il  rejected  by  Rene 


CHAP,  v.] 


THE  END  AT  HAND. 

r 


529 


be  thus  tightened.  The  prophecies  of  the  world  were 
at  last  to  be  fulfilled.  Charles  would  not  again  clear 
a  way  through  the  toils,  or  rise  after  his  fall  to  strug- 
gle afresh. 

Louis  knew  that  the  end  was  at  hand.  In  him 
too  the  world  would  not  again  be  disappointed.  He 
would  even  go  beyond  its  expectations.  He  had 
troops  in  the  neighborhood  of  Metz,  troops  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Toul,  an  army  on  the  borders  of 
Burgundy,  an  array  on  the  borders  of  the  Nether- 
lands. His  preparations  were  complete,  and  he 
waited  with  a  breathless  yet  subdued  eagerness. 

The  burghers  of  the  Rhineland  —  an  excitable 
people,  given  to  frenzies  and  agitations,  to  loud  alter- 
nate bursts  of  exultation  and  despair  —  were  again 
raising  their  cries  and  songs  of  triumph,®^  and  would, 
this  time,  not  have  to  change  them  into  shrieks  and 
wailings,  at  least  until  they  awoke  to  a  perception  of 
the  after  results.^**  The  more  solid  and  phlegmatic 
citizens  of  Ghent  and  Bruges  were  quietly  attending 
to  their  regular  pursuits  of  business  and  of  pleasure, 
in  which,  during  his  absence,  they  easily  forgot  the 
existence  of  their  fiery  and  troublesome  sovereign.^'' 


**  "  Jetzt  ist  er  in  der  Unterwelt 
und  wird  nicht  wieder  auferstehen. . . . 
Ward  zu  Basel  angeordnet,  dass  in 
alien  Kirchen  und  Klbstern  feierliche 
Messen  gesungen  warden.  Und  ich 
Johannes  Knebel  habe  die  Messe 
gesungen  am  Hochaltare  des  Miin- 
sters,  freudiger  denn  je."  Knebel, 
2te  Abth.  s.  125,  134. 

'*  "In  dieser  Zeit  riistet  Herr 
VOL.  III.  67 


Ludwig,  Konig  von  Frankreich  .  .  . 
wiedei'um  zum  kriege.  ...  So  ist  zu 
befiirchten  das  eben  durch  der  Berner 
Geld-  und  Ilabgier  zuletzt  diesea 
Land  untergehen  muss."  Ibid.  s. 
190. 

*'  "  Quasi  ad  eos  nihil  attineret, 
tor])entes  et  otiosi  principis  calami- 
tatis  spectatores."  Basin,  torn.  ii. 
p.  402. 


•i    ' 


530 


THE  END  AT  HAND. 


[BOOK  V. 


"*J» 


c 


These  were  the  men  who  looked  towards  the  fu- 
ture and  had  imbibed  its  ideas.  In  the  camp  before 
Nancy  was  a  little  band  whose  feelings  and  views 
belonged  wholly  to  the  past  —  or  to  what  would 
henceforth  be  the  past.  Seldom  at  the  height  of  his 
greatness  had  Charles  been  surrounded  by  a  larger 
number  of  his  most  distinguished  vassals.  Stern,  v/il- 
ful,  doomed,  he  was  still  their  prince,  their  master, 
the  last  of  his  line,  faulty,  in  their  eyes,  only  in  the 
excess  of  his  boldness  and  loftiness  of  spirit/'^  Con- 
tay,  Bievre,  Engelbert  of  Nassau,  the  Lalains,  the 
Croys,  the  Montagus,  —  all  who  were  not  detained 
by  disability  or  duty,  —  had  clustered  around  him,  to 
save  him  or  to  die  with  him. 

To  save  him,  if  possible.  A  week  before  they  had 
taken  counsel  together,  and  deputed  the  count  of 
Chimay,  the  head  of  the  house  of  Croy,  to  represent 
to  the  duke  the  inequality  of  the  struggle,  the  hope- 
lessness of  the  situation,  the  necessity  of  retiring 
while  it  was  yet  in  his  power.  If  he  withdrew  for 
the  present  from  Lorraine,  which  it  was  impossible  to 
hold,  he  might,  by  husbanding  his  resources,  hope  to 
raise  in  the  spring  a  new  and  stronger  army,  and 
again  take  the  field  with  chances  of  success. 

Withdraw  from  Lorraine  ?     That  would  be  to  give 


*®  Liimaiche,  who  wasi  one  of  vices  apparens  de  luy  ne  veiiulrent 
them,  expressen  what  was  no  doubt  oncques  Ji  ma  congnoissance :  et  si 
the  feeling  of  all.  "  Et  pourra  Ton  fiiute  y  a  qu'il  fale  que  je  congnoisse, 
dire  cy-a])res,  que  je  le  louo  beau-  ce  fut  de  trop  valoir,  et  de  trop  en- 
coup,  .  .  .  pource  que  c'estoit  mon  trci)rendre."  Memoires,  Introduc- 
maistre  :  et  a  ce  je  rcspon  que  je  dy  tion. 
verit6,  et  que  tel  I'ay  congnu:  car 


t  1  ! 


[BOOK  V. 


Cll'AP.  v.] 


THE    END  AT  HAND. 


531 


►wards  the  fu- 
e  camp  before 
ma  and  views 
0  what  would 
3  height  of  his 
id  by  a  larger 
Is.     Stern,  wil- 
,  their  master, 
es,  only  in  the 
■  spirit/'^     Con- 
le  Lalains,  the 
3  not  detained 
around  him,  to 

>efore  they  had 
the  count  of 
3y,  to  represent 
;le,  the  hope- 
ity  of  retiring 
le  withdrew  for 
lis  impossible  to 
ources,  hope  to 
ger  army,  and 
access, 
ould  be  to  give 

de  luy  ne  veiiulreiit 

congnoissance :  et  si 

'ale  que  je  congnoisse, 

valoir,  et  de  trop  eu- 

Memoires,  Introduc- 


1 


up  the  Burgundies.  Wait  till  the  spring?  W  juld 
his  enemies  —  his  enemy  —  wait  ?  Shrink  from  the 
battle?  As  well  throw  himself  at  the  feet  of  Louis 
and  beg  for  mercy  !  There  was  ruin  on  both  sides ; 
but  on  one  it  was  ruin  and  death,  on  the  other  ruin 
and  disgrace. 

Charles  grew  excited,  taunted  his  counsellor  with 
a  faltering  spirit,  refused  to  listen  further,  shut  him- 
self up  in  his  pavilion,  ordered  that  no  one  should  be 
admitted  except  on  occasions  of  military  duty  j  he 
wished  to  be  alone.^" 

He  had  his  wish ;  he  was  alone.  Who  more  alone 
than  he,  in  all  the  camp,  in  all  the  world?  0, 
misery  !  Abandoned,  betrayed,  encompassed  by  foes 
—  severed  by  a  gulf  from  the  faithful  few !  With- 
in —  the  swellings  of  pride,  the  hissings  of  defiance, 
the  goadings  of  fate !  The  world  against  him,  God 
not  with  him  —  0,  misery,  0,  misery ! 

—  Was  it,  in  truth,  too  late  ?  Lorraine,  the  Bur- 
gundies, were  lost  beyond  redemption.  The  aspira- 
tions of  the  past  must  be  buried  forever.  But  might 
he  not,  by  bending  to  the  storm,  still  save  himself 
from  total  shipwreck  ?  Might  he  not,  by  protracting 
the  contest,  weary  down  or  outlive  his  antagonist  ? 
Might  he  not  —  Ah,  no  !  Another  might  —  another 
who  had  never  soared  so  high  to  fall  so  low ;  v^^ho 
had  never  taken  between  his  teeth  the  bit  of  destiny 
and  felt  its  inexorable  lash;  whose  heart,  in  either 
fortune,  had  beat  with  the  steady  pulsations  of  a 
machine  j  such  a  one  —  not  he  ! 


1;!^: 


*'  Molinet.  —  Commines.  —  Basin. 


532 


THE  END  AT  HAND. 


[book  v. 


Yet  all  men  perhaps,  lofty  or  lowly  minded,  have 
some  hope,  some  vision,  some  scheme  of  life,  which 
being  shattered,  they  can  but  cower  among  the  frag- 
ments, idly  piecing  them  together,  wounding  them- 
selves with  the  sharp  edges. 


0 


i-r. 


[BOOK  V. 


^  minded,  have 

of  life,  which 

nong  the  frag- 

ounding  them- 


CHAPTER    VI. 

BATTLE  OP  NANCY. -DEATH  OF  CHAELE8. 

1477. 

The  «Viga  of  the  Kings"— Sunday,  the  5th  of 
January,  1477  — had  come,  and  the  reveille  sounded, 
calling  men  to  wake  and  die. 

Heavy  rains,  the  day  before,  had  washed  the  earth, 
the  flooded  rivers  rushing  over  a  frozen  current  be- 
neath,* —  impetuous,  noisy,  full,  like  the  tides  of  life 
rolling  above  the  frozen  sea  of  death.  But  the  night 
had  been  calm  and  cold;  at  dawn  the  shrunken 
waters  gurgled  faintly  under  a  new  surface  of  ice, 
and  the  gathering  clouds  were  charged  afresh  with 
snow. 

Charles  had  been  busy  throughout  the  night.  He 
had  resolved  neither  to  abandon  the  siege  nor  to 
await  the  attack  in  his  camp,  but  to  meet  and  repel 
the  enemy's  advance.  His  force  being  too  small  for 
hito  to  leave  a  sufficient  guard  against  sallies  from  the 


>  Remy,  p.  123. 


(633) 


534 


THE  LAST  BATTLE. 


[book  v. 


0 
0 


Tf  !■ 


town,  he  had  drawn  off  his  troops  as  noiselessly  as 
possible  under  cover  of  the  darkness.^ 

"  A  short  half  league  "  south-east  of  Nancy  the 
road  through  Jarville  and  Laneuville  to  Saint-Nicolas 
entered  a  forest  extending  from  the  Meurthe  on  the 
east  across  the  range  of  highlands  bounding  the 
horizon  on  the  south  and  west.  Near  the  verge  of 
the  wood,  tl  9  road  was  intersected  by  a  rivulet,  called 
now.  >  f  -imemoration  of  the  events  of  the  day,  Le 
Ruisst^y-  ■'  .  msecours.  On  both  banks,  to  its  junction 
with  tilt  Meui  ",  it  was  thickly  planted  with  hedges 
of  thorn.^ 

Behind  this  stream  the  duke  posted  his  troops — the 
artillery  in  front,  on  a  mound  commanding  the  road ; 
behind  it  the  infantry,  —  archers  and  pikemen,  — 
drawn  up  in  a  single  oblong  square,  in  imitation  of 
the  Swiss.  Here  he  took  his  own  station,  surrounded 
by  his  noble?  and  personal  attendants,  and  mounted 
on  a  powerful  black  horse,  called  from  its  race  and 
color  11  Moro.  Two  slender  bodies  of  cavalry  com- 
posed the  wings.  The  right,  under  Josse  de  Lalain, 
was  placed  on  the  high  ground  towards  the  source  of 
the  brook,  but  somewhat  in  the  rear  of  the  line  ;  the 
left,  under  Galeotto,  occupied  a  meadow,  covered  par- 
tially on  the  front  as  well  as  flank  by  the  Meurthe, 
which  here  makes  a  double  bend  to  the  east  and 
north,  and  is  fordable  in  the  angle.  The  evident 
object  was  to  arrest  and  crush  the  enemy's  columns 


*  "  Le  plus  secrettement  qu'il 
peut,  et  sans  faire  grand  bruit." 
La  vraye  Declaration. 


'  Etterlin.  —  La  Desconfiture  du 
Due  de  Bourgogne. 


[BOOK  V. 

!  noiselessly  as 

2 

of  Nancy  the 

0  Saint-Nicolas 
[eurtlie  on  the 

bounding   the 
r  the  verge  of 

1  rivulet,  called 
of  the  day,  Le 
,  to  its  junction 
3d  with  hedges 

lis  troops — the 
ding  the  road ; 
id  pikemen, — 
in  imitation  of 
on,  surrounded 
3,  and  mounted 
n  its  race  and 
f  cavalry  com- 
Dsse  de  Lalain, 
s  the  source  of 
f  the  line  ;  the 
tv,  covered  par- 
j  the  Meurthe, 
the  east  and 
The  evident 
lemy's  columns 

La  Desconfiture  du 
gne. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


THE  LAST  BATTLE. 


535 


while  debouching  from  the  forest.     It  was  the  sole 
chance  of  coping  with  a  force  so  superior."* 

At  Saint-Nicolas,  after  mass  had  been  celebrated  in 
the  church,  food  and  wine  were  served  out  in  abun- 
dance, and  consumed  with  gayety  and  relish  by  men 
familiar  with  dangers  and  now  confident  of  an  easy 
victory.  At  eight  o'clock  they  began  their  march. 
The  troops  were  about  equally  divided  between  the 
vanguard  and  the  "  battle,"  —  the  former  comprising 
seven  thousand  spears  and  halberds  and  two  thousand 
cavalry,  the  latter  a  thousand  more  foot  and  some- 
what fewer  horse.  Eight  hundred  arquebusier  lo^ 
lowed  as  a  reserve.  Herter  led  the  van,  with  '"^hie 
stein  as  commander  of  the  horse.  Rene,  v-  h  his 
suite,  rode  beside  the  main  corps,  on  a  spirit-^d  ^  ray 
mare  called  La  Dame.  He  wore  over  his  mor  a 
short  mantle  of  cloth  of  gold  embroidered  with  the 
double  white  cross  of  Lorraine,  the  sleeves  trimmed 
with  his  colors  —  gray,  white,  and  red.  His  standard 
of  white  satin,  decorated  with  a  painting  of  the 
Annunciation,  floated  among  a  group  of  banners  in 
the  centre.^ 

For  him  all  around,  all  within,  was  bright.  After 
a  long  train  of  misfortunes,  bitter  mortifications,  cruel 
disappointments,  the  hour  of  assured  triumph  was  at 
hand.     Mingled  with  the  exultation  of  that  thought 

*  Eemy.  —  La  vraye  Declaration,  ter  the  Swiss,  of  opposing  them 
—  La  Desconfiture  du  Due  de  with  infantry  formed,  like  their  own, 
Bourgogne.  —  Gollut.  —  Calmet.  —  in  a  solid  square.  See  the  Depeches 
Heuterus.  —  While  at  La  Riviere  Milanaises,  torn.  ii.  p.  361. 
Charles  had  expressed  his  inten-  ^  Chretien.  —  La  vraye  Declara- 
tion, when  he  should  next  encoun-  tion.  —  Remy. 


!f 


536 


THE  LAST  BATTLE. 


{[book  v. 


was  a  natural  pride  in  seeing  himself  the  sole  el:  ief  of 
8uch  an  army."  But  the  real  leaders  —  Herter,  Wald- 
mann,  Katzy,  Hassfurter  —  were  not  the  men  to  com- 
mit the  conduct  of  an  enterprise  lilie  the  i)resent 
to  inexperienced  hands.  After  passing  Laneuville  a 
halt  was  called  and  a  consultation  held.  Through 
scouts,  deserters,  and  reconnoitring  parties,  the 
enemy's  position  and  arrangements  had  been  fully 
learned.  The  sentiment  of  the  Swiss  —  expressed  in 
the  final  charge  of  the  authorities  at  home  —  was  a 
determination  to  finish  up  the  work,'  to  end  by  a 
single  and  decisive  stroke  a  war  of  which  the  gains 
and  the  glory  had  been  counterbalanced  by  vexations 
and  estrangements.  At  Grandson,  with  inferior  num- 
bers, they  had  met  the  enemy's  attack  and  seen  his 
forces  scatter  "like  smoke  dispersed  by  the  north 
wind."®  At  Morat,  with  equal  numbers,  they  had 
struck  his  lines  obliquely,  —  shattering,  crushing, 
routing,  yet  not  with  the  complete  destruction  neces- 
sary for  the  object.  Now,  with  more  than  double 
his  numbers,  —  their  men  all  fresh  and  bold,  his  all 
dismayed  and  spent,  —  they  had  only  to  close  upon 
and  overwhelm  him.  It  was  arranged  that,  while 
the  main  body  held  back,  —  only  a  few  skirmishers 
showing  themselves  on  the  road,  which  here  inclined 
towards  the   river,  making  the   passage   strait  and 


'  In  the  account  purporting  to  be  letters  of   the    Council  of  Berne, 

his  own,  he  says,  or  is  made  to  say,  Deutsch  Missiven-Buch  D.   MS. 
"  II  n'y  avoit  aucun  Chef  ni  Lieu-        *  "  Semblent-ils  fumee   dpandue 

tenant  que  moi ; "  which  was  true,  par  vent  de  bize."    The  expression 

—  nominally.  has  a  local  significance  and  force. 

^  The  phrase  is  used  in  several 


Tbook  v. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


THE  LAST  BATTLE. 


537 


le  sole  cl:  ief  of 
■  Herter,  Wald- 
le  men  to  com- 
:e  the  ^jresent 
;  Laneuville  a 
eld.     Through 

parties,  the 
lad  been  fully 
-expressed  in 
aome  —  was  a 

to  end  by  a 
hich  the  gains 
d  by  vexations 
I  inferior  num- 
:  and  seen  his 
by  the  north 
ers,  they  had 
ing,  crushing, 
truction  neces- 
5  than  double 
d  bold,  his  all 
to  close  upon 
3d  that,  while 
3W  skirmishers 

here  inclined 
ge   strait  and 

Council  of   Berne. 
n-BuchD.   MS. 
ils   fumee   epandue 
The  expression 
icance  and  force. 


perilous,  —  the  vanguard,  guided  by  the  Swiss  desert- 
ers," should  strike  oflf  to  the  left,  by  an  old  road  lead- 
ing from  Jarville  up  to  a  farm  named  La  Alalgrangey 
and  thence  by  another  turn  to  the  outskirts  of  the 
forest  directly  on  the  Burgundian  flank.*"  These 
were  the  tactics  of  men  who  had  the  game  in  their 
hands,  and  who  knew  how  to  play  it." 

Rene  was  now  told  that  the  safety  of  his  person, 
being  a  thing  of  high  importance,  required  that  he 
should  take  his  station  in  the  centre  of  the  main 


»  Etterlin,  fol.  96. 

'"  Chron.  de  Lorraine,  Calmet.  — 
La  vraye  Declaration.  —  La  Descon- 
fiture  du  Due  de  Bourgogne.  —  The 
first-cited  authority  is  the  only  one 
which  mentions  this  plan  as  the  re- 
sult of  a  consultation.  So  far  the 
writer  is  doubtless  correct.  But  in 
ascribing  the  suggestion  to  a  noble  of 
the  Vosges  —  a  \  assal  of  Rene — and 
representing  the  Swiss  leaders  as  sim- 
ply assenting  to  it,  he  is  evidently, 
as  on  other  occasions,  guided  merely 
by  patriotic  instincts.  Rene  says 
the  mftvements  were  made  by  his 
own  order  —  which  settles  nothing. 
In  the  Desconfiture  du  Due  de  Bour  • 
gogne  —  an  account  somewhat  care- 
fully prepared  within  four  or  five 
days  afterwards,  probably  by  a 
French  agent  for  transmission  to 
the  king  —  the  plan  is  ascribed  to 
Herter.  In  this  account  the  army 
of  Rene  is  always  spoken  of  as 
"  the  Swiss." 

"  Von  Rodt  makes  a  strange 
muddle  of  this  manoeuvre,  and  con- 
sequently of  much  that  followed.  He 
represents  the  flanking  movement 
as  a  double  one,  —  the  main  corps 
VOL.  m.  68 


turning  left  to  the  Malgrange,  the 
vanguard  to  the  right,  between  the 
road  and  the  Meurthe.  This,  had  it 
been  practicable,  would,  we  conceive, 
have  been  a  very  Killy  operation. 
Rend,  expressly  stating  that  it  was 
the  van  which  went  to  the  left,  as- 
signs as  the  reason  the  narrowness 
of  the  passage  by  the  road  "  between 
the  wood  and  the  river."  Etterlin, 
who  was  in  the  van,  says  it  drew  off 
"  vff  die  lincken  hand  .  .  .  damit 
man  vff  ein  hohe  vnd  by  sytz  an 
die  vygend  miichtt  komen ; "  which 
clearly  means,  to  the  left  of  the  line 
of  march,  in  order  to  reach  the  high 
ground  on  the  right  flank  of  the 
Burgundians  —  not,  as  the  passage 
is  construed  by  Von  Rodt,  against 
the  enemy's  left,  to  gain  a  hill  which 
had  no  existence.  In  fact,  owing  to 
the  bend  of  the  Meurthe,  beyond 
Jarville,  a  deviation  to  the  right  of 
the  road  would  have  led  the  Swiss 
directly  into  the  river.  It  is  more 
probable,  and  seems  to  be  implied 
by  several  of  the  accounts,  that  the 
chief  part  of  the  army,  including  all 
the  Swiss,  went  to  the  left. 


I  I 


538 


THE  LAST  BATTLE. 


[BOOK  V. 


1^ 

0 


body,  where  a  himdrctl  men  of  the  corps  of  Berne 
would  serve  as  his  body-guard.''^  When  the  hostile 
force  was  broken,  he  would  be  free  to  join  in  the 
pursuit. 

It  was  noon  when  the  march  was  resumed.  Before 
the  troops  had  reached  the  farm-house  on  which  they 
were  to  pivot,  the  snow  fell  so  thickly  that  no  one 
could  see  beyond  his  nearest  comrade.' '  In  crossing  a 
stream  which  runs  past  the  building,  the  new-formed 
ice  soon  broke  beneath  their  heavy  tread,  and  left 
them  wading,  floundering,  sometimes  swimming.  The 
road,  or  "  hollow  way,"  as  it  is  also  called,  seems  to 
have  diflered  from  the  forest  only  in  being  more  diffi- 
cult to  traverse.  It  was  overgrown  with  a  stubby 
and  prickly  brush.  When  at  last  the  clearing  was 
reached,  the  ranks  were  in  disarray  and  the  men 
half  frozen.  Sitting  down,  they  poured  the  water 
from   their  shoes  and  arranged  their  clothing   and 


1' 


arms. 

Without  having  ocular  proof  of  it  they  had  reached 
their  position,  fticing  the  enemy's  right  flank.  Sud- 
denly the  squall  passed  over  and  the  sun  shone 
forth."*  The  hostile  forces  were  in  full  sight  of 
each  other.     The    Swiss  horn,  blown  thrice   with  a 


"  Vie  de  Rend,  Calmet,  torn.  v. 

13  t(  Wan  es  so  vast  schnygt,  das 
einer  den  anderen  kum  vor  im 
miichtt  gesechen."  Etterlin,  fol.  96 
verso. 

''•  "  Das  die  ordnung  zertrent  vnd 
yegklichem  sere  ward  nieder  ze  sitz- 
en  sin  schii  ze  Riimen  vnd  sich  sel- 
ber  wider  ze  recht  zebringen."  Ibid. 


'*  "  Also  tett  pott  durch  das  ver- 
dienen.der  heilgen  dryer  kiinigen 
ein  gross  wunder  zeichen,  .  .  .  vnd 
liess  die  sunn  so  scho  schinen  als 
wiir  es  eyn  summer  tag  gewesen.' 
Ibid.  —  Tlie  snow  squall  and  sudden 
clearing  are  also  described  in  the 
narratives  in  Calmet. 


n 


[BOOK  V. 


rps  of  Berne 
II  the  hostile 
J  join  in  the 

metl.  Before 
n  which  they 

that  no  one 

In  crossing  a 
3  new-formed 
'cad,  and  left 
Imming.  The 
lied,  seems  to 
ng  more  diffi- 
rith  a  stubby 

clearing  was 
ind  the  men 
ed  the  water 

clothing   and 

Y  had  reached 
b  flank.  Sud- 
,e  sun  shone 
full  sight  of 
hrice   with  a 

rott  durch  das  ver- 
en  dryer  kiinigen 
zeichen,  .  .  .  vnd 
}  scho  schinen  als 
iner  tag  gewesen.' 
r  squall  and  sudden 
)  described  in  the 
net. 


PLAN  OF  BATTLE  OF  NANCV. 


fin 


0 


I 


CHAP.  VI.] 


THE  LAST  BATTLE. 


539 


prolonged  breath,'"  sent  a  blast  of  doom  into  the  ears 
of  the  Burgundians.  Wheelmg  rapidly  into  line, 
the  troops  began  to  descend  the  slope  at  a  quick 


run 


17 


On  first  catching  sight  of  the  foe  in  this  unexpect- 
ed quarter,  the  gunners  made  an  effort  to  turn  their 
pieces.  But  the  process  was  then  a  laborious  one, 
not  to  be  effected  in  alarm  and  confusion.'^  After  a 
single  wild  discharge,  killing  but  two  men,  the  guns 
were  abandoned.'" 

But  the  Swiss  were  now  stopped  by  the  hedge. 
Charles  had  time  to  make  a  change  of  front  and 
send  forward  his  archers.~°  The  assailants  suffered 
severely.  Their  weapons  got  caught  in  the  brambles, 
and  they  were  unable  to  break  through.-'  A  troop 
of  French  horse  was  the  first  to  clear  a  passage.  It 
was  met  by  a  squadron  under  the  Sire  de  la  Riviere 
and  driven  from  the  field.^~  Meanwhile  Galeotto 
had  been  attacked  and  was  giving  way.  Lalain  was 
ordered  to  go  to  his  support.  But  the  arquebusiers, 
having  come  to  the  front,  delivered  a  volley  which 
arrested  the  charge.  Many  saddles  were  emptied. 
Lalain  fell  badly  wounded.  The  affrighted  horses 
galloped  at  random 


Galeotto,  who  was  soon  after 


'*  "Ledit  cor  fut  cr  "iic  par  trois 
fois,  et  pousse  chascune  fois  tant 
que  le  vent  du  Sonfflr  ar  pouvoit 
durer."    La  vraye  Declarai.on. 

'^  "  Tout  h  un  coup  se  tournerent 
Ic  visage,  .  .  .  et  sans  s'arrester, 
marchorent  le  plus  imp^tueusement 
de  jamais."  La  Desconfiture  du  iJuc 
de   Bourgogne.  —  "  Liiffend   schnel 


den  berg  hin  ab."  Etterlin,  ubi 
supra. 

'*  "  Die  fyengen  an  schryen  vil  ir 
Biichso  zum  teyl  schnel  .  .  .  her 
richten."    Etterlin. 

'»  Remy.  — Edlibach. 

'"'  La  vraye  Declaration. 

*'  Etterlin.  —  Schilling. 

"  Remy,  p.  125. 


540 


THE  LAST  BATTLE. 


[BOOK  V. 


taken  prisoner/^  made  off  with  his  men  towards  the 
ford.2* 

Charles  saw  himself  stripped  of  both  his  wings, 
assailed  at  once  on  both  his  flanks.*^  He  had  his 
choice  between  a  rapid  flight  and  a  speedy  death. 
Well  then  — death! 

As  he  fastened  his  helmet,  the  golden  lion  on  the 
crest  became  detached  and  fell  to  the  ground.  He 
forbade  it  to  be  replaced.  Hoc  est  sigmim  Dei !  —  "  It 
is  a  sign  from  God,"  —  he  said.^"  From  God  ?  Ah, 
yes,  he  knew  now  the  hand  that  was  laid  upon  him ! 

Leading  his  troops  he  plunged  into  the  midst  of 
his  foes,  now  closing  in  on  all  sides.  Among  enemies 
and  friends  the  recollection  of  his  surpassing  valor 
in  that  hour  of  perdition,  after  the  last  gleam  of 
hope  had  vanished,  was  long  preserved.  Old  men 
of  Franclie-Comte  were  accustomed  to  tell  how  their 
fathers,  tenants  and  followers  of  the  Sire  de  Citey, 
had  seen  the  duke,  his  face  streaming  with  blood, 
charging  -^.nd  recharging  "like  a  lion,"  ever  in  the 
thick  of  the  combat,  bringing  help  where  the  need 
was  greatest.^^  In  Lorraine  the  same  tradition  ex- 
isted. "  Had  all  his  men,"  says  a  chronicler  of  that 
province,  "  fought  with  a  like  ardor,  our  army  must 
infallibly  have  been  repulsed." 


28 


"  In  several  accounts  he  is  stated 
to  have  been  killed.  In  this  case, 
Nature  must  have  permitted  him  to 
rise  again  and  fight  on  the  side  of 
the  French  king.  We  have  seen 
his  autograph  letters,  of  a  later 
date,  addressed  to  Louis. 


**  Remy.  —  Calmet.  —  La  Des- 
confiture  du  Due  de  Bourgogne. 


*^  Remy,  p.  127. 
'»'  Ibid.  p.  126. 


"  GoUut,  col.  1309,  1310. 
"«  Remy,  p.   126.  — So,   also,  a 
Swiss  account  says,  "  Er  war  gegen- 


->^ 


[BOOK  V. 

n  towards  the 

•th  his  wings, 

He  had  his 

speedy  death. 

m  lion  on  the 

ground.     He 

m  Dei!  — "It 

im  God  ?  Ah, 
id  upon  him ! 
»  the  midst  of 
mong  enemies 
rpassing  valor 
last  gleam  of 
^ed.  Old  men 
tell  how  their 
Sire  de  Citey, 
,g  with   blood, 

ever  in  the 
here  the  need 

tradition  ex- 
onicler  of  that 
)ur  army  must 


[hairnet.  —  La  Des- 
c  de  Bourgogne. 
27. 

1309,  1310. 
126.  — So,   also,  a 
ays,  "  Er  war  gegen- 


CHAP.  VI,] 


THE  LAST  BATTLE. 


541 


But  no ;  so  encaged,  so  overmatched,  what  courage 
could  have  availed  ?  "  The  foot  stood  long  and  man- 
fully," is  the  testimony  of  a  hostile  eye-witness.~^  But 
the  final  struggle,  though  obstinate,  was  short.^''  Bro- 
ken and  dispersed,  the  men  had  no  recourse  but  flight. 
Some  went  eastward,  in  the  direction  of  Essey,  such 
as  gained  the  river  crossing  where  the  ice  bore,  and 
breaking  it  behind  them.  The  greater  number  kept 
to  the  west  of  Nancy,  to  gain  the  road  to  Conde  and 
Luxembourg.^*  Charles,  with  the  handful  that  still 
remained  around  him,^'^  followed  in  the  same  direc- 
tion. The  mass,  both  of  fugitives  and  pursuers,  was 
already  far  ahead.  There  was  no  choice  now.  Flight, 
combat,  death  —  it  was  all  one.^"^ 

Closing  up,  the  little  band  of  nobles,  last  relic  of 


w'artig  wo  die  grosste  Gefahr,  focht 
wie  ein  gemeiner."  Vaterliindische 
Sammlungeu.  MS.  (Bib.  cantonale 
Vaudoise.)  The  only  >Yriter  who 
casts  an  aspersion  on  Charles's 
courage  is  the  lying  Knebel. 
Charles,  according  to  his  version,  — 
or  versions,  for  he  gives  half  a 
dozen  different  ones,  —  took  no  part 
in  the  battle,  but  overlooked  the 
field  from  a  hill  in  the  rear,  and  as 
soon  as  he  saw  his  troops  broken, 
went  off  in  advance  with  the  Great 
Bastard.  They  were  overtaken  by 
the  horse.  The  Bastard,  fighting 
manfully,  overthrew  his  antagonist, 
while  the  duke  was  cut  down  with  a 
sword. 

**  "  Do  sind  des  herzogen  von 
Burgund  fussvolk  starck  und  lang 
bestanden."  Letter  of  Valentin  von 
Neuenstein,  commander  of  the  Basel 


troops,  Knebel,  2te  Abth.  s.  125. 

'•'^  "Der  Hertzog  von  Burgunn 
und  die  Sinen  stalten  sich  .  .  .  gar 
mannlichen  zu  Weri."  Schilling,  s. 
370.  —  One  of  the  captains  of  the 
Basel  troops  tells  the  magistrates 
that  none  of  their  men  were  hurt. 
(Knebel,  2te  Abth.  s.  126.)  This  we 
can  easily  believe.  But  the  small- 
est of  the  Swiss  contingents  —  that 
of  Unterwalden  —  had  twenty-five 
killed.  Businger,  Geschichte  von 
Unterwalden,  B.  IL  s.  20. 

^'  Remy.  —  Calmet.  —  Desconfi- 
ture  du  Due  de  Bouvgogne. 

'■  Remy,  p.  127. 

^'  Hence,  while  most  accounts  rep- 
resent him  as  following  the  retreat, 
Basin,  with  at  least  equal  probabili- 
ty, asserts  that  he  disdained  to  flee, 
and  rushed  into  the  midst  of  the 
Swiss    bands.    No    one    knew    or 


542 


THE  LAST  BATTLE. 


[BOOK  V. 


.if 


0 
0 


chivnlry,  charged  into  the  centre  of  a  bo((y  of  foot. 
A  halberdier  swung  his  weapon,  and  brought  ir  down 
on  the  head  of  Charles.  He  reeled  in  the  saddle. 
Citey  flung  his  arms  round  him  and  steadied  him, 
receiving  while  so  engaged  a  thrust  from  a  spear 
through  the  parted  joints  of  his  corselet,^* 

Pressing  on,  still  fighting,  still  hemmed  in,  they 
dropped  one  by  one.  Charles's  page,  a  Roman  of 
the  ancient  flimily  of  Colonna,  rode  a  little  behind,  a 
gilt  helmet  hanging  from  his  saddle-bow.  He  kept 
his  eye  upon  his  master  —  saw  him  surrounded,  saw 
him  at  the  edge  of  a  ditch,  saw  his  horse  stumble,  the 
rider  fall.^^  The  next  moment  Colonna  was  himself 
dismounted  and  made  prisoner  by  men  who,  it  would 
appear,  had  belonged  to  the  troop  of  CampobasRO. 

None  knew  who  had  fallen,  or  lingered  io  see. 
The  rout  swept  along,  the  carnage  liad  no  pause. 
The  course  was  strewn  with  arms,  banners,  nnd  the 
bodies  of  the  slain.  Riderless  horses  plunged  "jinong 
the  ranks  of  the  victors  and  the  vanquished."^''*  There 
was  a  road  turning  directly  westward  ;  but  it  went  to 
Toul  —  Frencli  lances  v  , ,  ^  there.  Northward  the 
valley  contracted.  On  one  bide  was  the  forest,  on  the 
other  tlie  river;  ahead,  the  bridge  of  Bouxiores  — 
guarded,  barred,  by  Campobasso.     Arrived  there,  all 


could  know   with   certainty.     The  Bourgogne.  —  Remy.  —  Do  Troyes. 

place  where  he  fell  proves  that  he  —  Calmet. 

was   among   the   last  to  give  way.        ^^  "  Gens  mortz   par   tcrre,  che- 

The  chief  slaujjliter  even  among  the  uaulx  courans  pur  les  ch;inips  sans 

foot  took   place  several  miles  far-  maislre,    buhu/,    amicurcs,    lances, 

ther  on.  jauelines,    arc/,,    et    aiitres    choses 

'•'*  Gollut,  col.  1310.  tombeez     par    terres."      Chretien, 

"*  La   Desconfiture   du  Due   de  p.  40. 


[BOOK.  V. 


vrfv.  VT.] 


THE  LAvST  BATTLE. 


543 


/  of  (1  )0t. 

t  ir  Jown 
e  saddle, 
lied  him, 
I  a  spear 

in,  iliey 

Oman  of 

behind,  a 

He  kept 

ided,  saw 

mble,  the 

5  himself 

,  it  would 

basRO. 

d  to   see. 

10  pause. 

and  the 

d  [^rnong 

^'    There 

t  went  to 

ward  the 

st,  on  the 

xiercs  — 

there,  all 

-De  Troyes. 

tovre,  che- 
chiiinps  sans 
u'c's,  lances, 
itres  choses 
Chretien, 


was  over.  A  few  turned  aside  into  the  f  jrest  to  bo 
hunted  still,  to  be  butchered  by  the  peasantr}^,  to 
perish  of  hunger  and  cold.  Others  leaped  into  the 
river,  shot  at  by  the  arquebusiers,  driven  back  or 
stabbed  by  the  traitors  on  the  opposite  bank,  swept  by 
the  current  underneath  the  ice.  The  slaughter  here 
was  far  greater  than  on  the  field.''^  No  quarter  was 
gi^  ?n  by  the  Swiss.  But  the  cavalry,  both  of  Lorraine 
and  the  allies,  received  the  swords  of  men  of  rank,  as 
well  from  the  sympathy  of  their  class  as  for  the  sake 
of  ransom.  When  Rene  came  up  the  sun  had  long 
set.  There  was  little  chance,  less  occasion,  for  fur- 
ther pursuit.  The  short  winter's  day  had  had  its  full 
share  of  blood.  Merciful  Night  came  down,  enabling 
a  scanty  remnant  to  escape.'^® 

Messengers  arrived  entreating  the  duke  of  Lor- 
raine to  hasten  back  to  Nancy,  and  show  himself  to 
his  longing  people.  When  the  pursuit  had  first 
begun,  the  citizens  had  sallied  forth  to  take  part  in 
it.  But  having  neglected  in  their  impatience  to 
assume  the  proper  badge,  they  had  been  fiercely 
attacked  by  the  Swiss  and  driven  in,  leaving  some 
of  their  number  dead.  Now  they  thronged  the  gates 
and  avenues,  with  lighted  torches  in  their  hands.  It 
was  seven  o'clock  when  Rene  appeared.  The  }lls 
pealed  out.  Wild  huzzas  went  up.  Thousands  of 
faces,  gaunt  with  famine,  were  radiant  with  joy.    It  was 

2^  "  I,e  conite  de  Campobast  avoit  moiti6  que  au  champ  ('.     bataille." 

empesche  Ic  pont, .  .  .  ct  ainsi  que  la  La  Desconfiture  du  Due  de  Bour- 

foule  des  IJourgignons  y  venoit  et  gogne. 

arrivoit,  elle  trouvolt  resistance.  ...  ^*  Ibid.  —  Remy.  —  Calmet. 
Lh  fut   le   grand   meurtre   plus   la 


\^M 


544 


TRIUMPH  OP  RENfi. 


[BOOK  V. 


0 


not  that  they  had  missed  him,  that  they  had  pined 
for  him,  so  much.  But  they  had  suffered  for  him. 
Suffered  —  0,  yes !  how  greatly  let  that  trophy  they 
have  raised  in  front  of  his  palace  tell  —  that  lofty, 
grisly  pile,  composed  of  the  skulls  of  the  foul  animals 
which  for  many  weeks  have  been  their  only  food ! 

Followed  by  the  throng,  Rene  proceeded  to  the 
Church  of  Saint  George,  to  offer  up  thanks  for  the 
victory  which  had  restored  him  to  the  home  and 
dominion  of  his  ancestors.  His  palace  had  been 
rendered  untenantable  by  the  Burgundian  bombard- 
ment. He  therefore  took  up  Lis  quarters  at  the 
house  of  a  wealthy  burgher.  The  doors  were  beset. 
There  was  no  time  for  repose ;  all  had  so  much  to 
hear,  so  much  to  recount !  The  people  were  still 
starving ;  for  though  the  army  had  brought  ample 
siipplies,  they  were  too  distant,  and  the  cold  was  too 
intense,  to  seek  them  n<^w.  Nay,  in  the  ecstasy  of 
that  night,  the  need,  the  means  of  relief,  were  for- 
gotten. 

The  cavalry  had  returned  to  Saint-Nicolas.  The 
Swiss  were  quartered  in  the  Burgundian  camp,  where 
they  found  a  fair  share  of  booty,  and  abundance  of 
food.  They  passed  the  night  in  revelry.  Yet  not 
all.  Sharp  as  was  the  air,  a  thousand  forms  were 
dispersed  over  the  field,  stripping,  snatching,  gliding 
from  ^\up  to  heap  —  too  intent,  too  eager,  to  give  a 
kiiiilfy  thrust  to  the  agonized  wretch  that  prayed  for 
death.     0  Night,  thou  art  cruder  than  Day ! 

Moriiiiig  again  broke,  bringing  fresh  consciousness, 
fuller  confirmation,  of  the  completeness  of  the  victory. 


[BOOK  V. 


CHAP.  VT.] 


PRISONERS  AND  SLAIN. 


545 


ley  had  pined 
ered  for  liim. 
it  trophy  they 
[  —  that  lofty, 
,e  foul  animals 

only  food ! 
ceeded  to  the 
lianks  for  the 
the  home  and 
ice  had  been 
dian  bombard- 
larters  at  the 
)rs  were  beset, 
id  so  much  to 
Dple  were  still 
wrought  ample 
e  cold  was  too 

the  ecstasy  of 
elief,  were  for- 

Nicolas.  The 
m  camp,  where 

abundance  of 
elry.  Yet  not 
id  forms  were 
itching,  gliding 
iger,  to  give  a 
hat  prayed  for 

Day! 
[  consciousness, 

of  the  victory. 


The  lowest  estimate  of  the  enemy's  slain  was  over 
three  thousand.  Those  who  reckoned  in  the  drowned, 
and  all  the  bodies  scattered  over  a  space  of  four  leagues, 
set  it  at  eight  thousand.  Whatever  the  number,  the 
last  Burgundian  army  had  been  destroyed.  The  only 
prisoners  were  nobles  —  the  Great  Bastard,  the  count 
of  Chimay,  the  count  of  Nassau,  Josse  de  Lalain, 
Philip  of  Hochberg,  Olivier  de  Lamarche,  and  others 
of  no  less  degree.  All,  or  nearly  all,  had  sons,  brothers, 
cousins,  among  the  dead.  It  was  the  Strasburgers 
who  had  had  the  luck  to  receive  the  surrender  of  the 
count  of  Nassau,  —  Engelbert  the  Rich,  —  whose  ran- 
som was  cheaply  valued  at  fifty  thousand  florins.  Most 
of  the  others  were  Rene's  own,  and  would  pour  a  wel- 
come supply  into  his  empty  treasury.  Into  his  treas- 
ury ?  Illusive  expectation  !  The  French  king  would 
claim  all  these  prisoners  as  his.  He  who  had  made  the 
war,  who  had  paid  for  the  war,  would  be  the  rightful, 
the  only,  gainer  by  it.^® 

Save  the  Swiss  —  who,  besides  the  spoil  which  they 
knew  well  how  to  win  and  how  to  hold,  asked  only 
for  their  modest  wages.  There  was  a  third  half 
month's  pay,  which  they  came  for  the  day  after  the 
battle,  being  in  haste  to  return  home.  Rene  was  still 
without  funds.     But  he   had  recovered   his  duchy, 


^^  "  Joan.  Le  roy  feit  doncques 
son  proffit  de  la  victoire  qu'auoit 
eu  Monseigneur?  Lud.  Voire  si 
grandement  et  proffitablement  que 
ce  fut  nicrucille.  .  .  .  Joan.  Quelle 
retribution  eust  mondit  seigneur, 
qui  auoit  fait  ce  grand  et  inesti- 
VOL.  III.  69 


mable  honneur  et  proffit  au  roy- 
aulme?  LuD.  II  y  a  desia  plus 
de  vingt-trois  ans  que  ce  fut,  mais 
jamais  n'ay  peu  appercevoir  qu'il 
en  receust  gratuite  recongnoissance 
ne  bien  quelconque,  ains  tres  grand 
doramage."     Chretien,  pp.  42,  43. 


546 


SEARCH  FOR  CHARLES. 


[BOOK  V. 


€ 


c 


u 


which  was  mortgaged  for  their  dues,  and  they  accepted 
his  promise  to  send  the  amount  after  them  to  Basel, 
where  their  leaders  would  remain  till  its  arrival. 
They  took  a  friendly  leave  of  Rene.  "  If  the  duke  of 
Burgundy  were  still  alive,  and  should  return  to  dis- 
turb him,  let  him  send  for  them  again." 

If  the  duke  of  Burgundy  were  still  alive  —  that  was 
the  thought  that  now  occupied  every  breast.  If  he 
were  alive,  no  doubt  but  that  he  would  return,  no 
hope  that  the  war  was  over.  Messengers  were  sent  to 
inquire,  to  explore.  The  field  was  searched.  Horse- 
n  en  went  to  Metz  and  neighboring  places  to  ask 
whether  he  had  passed.  None  had  seen  him,  none 
could  find  him,  none  had  anything  to  tell.  Wild 
rumors  started  up.  He  had  hidden  in  the  forest, 
retired  to  a  hermitage,  assumed  the  religious  garb. 
Goods  were  bought  and  sold,  to  be  paid  for  on  his  re- 
appearance. Years  afterwards,  there  were  those  who 
still  believed,  still  expected. 

Yet  intelligence,  prootj  was  soon  forthcoming.  In 
the  evening  of  Monday  Campobasso  piesented  him- 
self, bringing  with  him  Colonna,  who  told  what  he 
had  seen,  and  gave  assurance  that  he  could  find  the 
spot.  Let  him  go  then  and  seek,  accompanied  by 
those  who  would  be  surest  to  recognize  the  form 
—  Mathieu,  the  Portuguese  physician,  a  valet-de- 
chambre,  and  a  "laundress,"  who  had  prepared  the 
baths  of  the  fallen  prince. 

They  passed  out  at  the  gate  of  Saint  John,  descend- 
ing to  the  low,  then  marshy,  ground  on  the  west  of 
the  town.    It  was  drained  by  a  ditch,  the  bed  of  a 


4    ■ 


[BOOK  V. 


CHAI'.  VI.] 


THE  BODY  OF  CHARLES. 


547 


tliey  accepted 
hem  to  Basel, 
11  its  arrival. 
[f  the  duke  of 
return  to  dis- 
i." 

ve  —  that  was 
breast.     If  he 
lid  return,  no 
s  were  sent  to 
•ched.     Horse- 
places  to  ask 
3en  him,  none 
to  tell.     Wild 
in   the  forest, 
religious  garb, 
i  for  on  his  re- 
rere  those  who 

thcoming.  In 
)iesented  him- 
told  what  he 
could  find  the 
companied  by 
[lize  the  form 
n,  a  valet-de- 
prepared  the 

John,  descend- 
n  the  west  of 
the  bed  of  a 


slender  rivulet,  that  turned  a  mill  in  the  faubourg. 
The  distance  was  not  great  —  less  than  half  an  Eng- 
lish mile.  Several  hundred  bodies  lay  near  together. 
But  these  they  passed,  coming  to  where  a  small  band, 
"  thirteen  or  fourteen,"  had  fallen,  fighting  singly,  yet 
together.  Here  lay  Citey,  here  Contay,  here  a  Croy, 
a  Belvoir,  a  Lalain,  —  as  in  every  battle-field ;  here 
Bievrc,  loved  by  his  enemies,  his  skull  laid  open 
"like  a  pot." 

These  are  on  the  edge  of  the  ditch.  At  the  bot- 
tom lies  another  body,  —  "short,  but  thickset  and 
well-membered,"  —  in  worse  plight  than  all  the  rest; 
stripped  naked,  horribly  mangled,  the  cheek  eaten 
away  by  wolves  or  famished  dogs.     Can  this  be  he  ? 

They  stoop  and  examine.  The  nails,  never  pared, 
are  "longer  than  any  other  man's."  Two  teeth 
are  gone  —  through  a  fall  years  ago.  There  are 
other  marks  —  a  fistula  in  the  groin,  in  the  neck  a 
scar  left  by  the  sword  thrust  received  at  Montlhery. 
The  men  turn  pale,  the  woman  shrieks  and  throws 
herself  upon  the  body.  "  My  lord  of  Burgundy ! 
My  lord  of  Burgundy  !  "  Yes,  this  is  he  —  the  "  Great 
Duke,"  the  destroyer  of  Liege,  the  "Terror  of  France!" 

They  strive  to  raise  it.  The  flesh,  embedded  in  the 
ice,  is  rent  by  the  effort.  Help  is  sent  for.  Four  of 
Eene's  nobles  come,  men  with  implements,  cloths, 
and  bier ;  women  have  sent  their  veils.  It  is  lifted 
and  borne  into  the  town,  through  the  principal  street, 
to  the  house  of  George  Marqueiz,  where  there  is  a 
large  and  suitable  chamber.  The  bearers  rest  a  mo- 
ment —  set  down  their   burden  on   the   pavement. 


,■•*»- 


9m¥ 


548 


THE  BODY  OF  CHARLES. 


[DOOR  V. 


0 


Let  the  spot  be  forever  marked  with  a  cross  of  black 
stones."*" 

It  is  carried  in,  washed  with  wine  and  warm  water, 
again  examined.  There  are  three  principal  wounds. 
A  halberd,  entering  at  the  side  of  the  head,  has 
cloven  it  from  above  the  ear  to  the  teeth.  Both 
thighs  have  been  pierced  by  a  spear.  Another  has 
been  thrust  into  the  bowels  from  below. 

It  is  wrapped  in  fine  linen  and  laid  out  upon  a 
table.  The  head,  covered  with  a  cap  of  red  satin, 
lies  on  a  cushion  of  the  same  color  and  material.  An 
altar  is  decked  beside  it.  Waxen  tapers  are  lighted. 
The  room  is  hung  with  black. 

Bid  his  brother,  his  captive  nobles,  his  surviving 
servants,  come,  and  see  if  this  be  indeed  their  prince. 
They  assemble  around,  kneel  and  weep,  take  his  hands, 
his  feet,  and  press  them  to  their  lips  and  breasts.  He 
was  their  sovereign,  their  "  good  lord,"  the  chief  of  a 
glorious  house,  the  last,  the  greatest,  of  his  line. 

Let  Rene  come  —  to  see  and  to  exult.  Let  him 
come  in  the  guise  of  the  paladins  and  preiix  on  occa- 
sions of  solemnity  and  pomp  —  in  a  long  robe  sweep- 
ing the  ground,  with  a  long  beard  inwoven  with 
threads  of  gold ! 

So  attired  he  enters,  stands  beside  the  dead,  uncov- 
ers the  face,  takes  between  his  warm  hands  that  cold 
right  hand,  falls  upon  his  knees  and  bursts  into  sobs. 
"  Fair  cousin,"  he  says,  —  not  accusingly,  but  self- 
excusingly,  —  "thou  broughtest  great  calamities  and 


'"'  This  pavement  is  still  restored     assertions  in  local  guide-books,  has 
from  time  to  time,  and,  despite  the     never  been  wholly  obliterated. 


[BOOK  V. 

cross  of  black 

1  warm  water, 
cipal  wounds, 
lie  head,  has 
teeth.  Both 
Another  has 
>w. 

id  out  upon  a 
I  of  red  satin, 
material.  An 
rs  are  lighted. 

his  surviving 
d  their  prince, 
take  his  hands, 
d  breasts.  He 
the  chief  of  a 
'his  line. 
:ult.  Let  him 
preux  on  occa- 
g  robe  sweep- 
inwoven  with 

le  dead,  uncov- 
lands  that  cold 
irsts  into  sobs, 
igly,  but  self- 
calamities  and 

!al  f^uide-books,  has 
lly  obliterated. 


CIIAI*.  VI.] 


THE  BODY  OP  CUARLES. 


540 


sorrows  upon  us ;  may  God  assoil  thy  soul ! ''  **  —  Gen- 
tle Rene,  good  and  gentle  prince,  God,  we  doubt  not, 
hath  pardoned  many  a  fault  of  thine  for  those  ten- 
der thoughts,  those  charitable  tears,  in  the  hour  of 
thy  great  triumph  beside  the  corpse  of  thy  stern  foe ! 

A  quarter  of  an  hour  he  remains,  praying  before 
the  altar  J  then  retires,  to  give  orders  for  the  burial.' 
Lot  him  who  for  a  twelvemonth  was  duke  of  Lor- 
raine be  laid  in  the  Church  of  Saint  George,  in  front 
of  the  high  altar,  on  the  spot  where  he  stood  when 
invested  with  the  sovereignty  won  by  conquest,  to 
be  so  lost ! 

Five  days  the  body  lay  in  state,  visited  by  all  the 
people.  Different  rumors  were  afloat  as  to  the  man- 
ner of  the  death.  Some  told  a  fantastical  tale  of  a 
deaf  knight,  who  had  mistaken  the  cry  of  "  Save  the 
duke  of  Burgundy ! "  for  "  Live  the  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy ! "  and  who  died  of  grief  when  he  learned 
whom  his  lance  had  pierced.  No  lance,  no  sword,  no 
knightly  weapon,  had  touched  that  body.  Others,  with 
more  confidence,  and  on  stronger  grounds,  asserted 
that  Campobasso  had  left  assassins  in  the  camp;*'^  and, 
in  truth,  those  thrusts  with  pikes,  given  apparently 
while  he  lay  upon  the  ground,  —  at  least  that  upward 
thrust,  like  the  finishing,  testing  one,  at  the  murder 
of  his  grandfather  on  the  Bridge  of  Montereau, — may 

*'  "He  dea!  beau  cousin,  voa  volontc,  beau  cousin,  que  vostre 
fimes  ait  Dieu !  Vous  nous  avez  malheur  et  le  mien  ne  vous  eut  re- 
fait  moult  maux  et  douleurs."  —  duit,  icy  en  cast  estat ! " 
Or,  according  to  another  version,  ""^  '*  Ay  congneu  deus  ou  trois  de 
which  perhaps  represents  the  senti-  ceulx  qui  demourerent  pour  tuer  le- 
nient more  perfectly,  "  A  la  mienne  diet  due."    Commines,  torn.  ii.  p.  63. 


4^  ^^i^ 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


4p 


y. 


1.0 


1.1 


l^|2£    |2.5 

|50     "^"        II^H 

li!  Ui   112.0 


11-25  i  1.4 


IJ4 


-► 


^ 


% 


7; 


:^  '5 


Photographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14SS0 

(716)>72-4S03 


f\ 


qv 


%^ 


\\ 


<«^\  ^\ 


"^^ 


4if 

to 


MP. 


550 


BURIAL  OF  CHARLES. 


0 
0 


[BOOK  V. 


the  first  and 


well  have  been  dealt  by  such  hands.  I 
sufficient  wound,  the  cleft  made  with  the  halberd, 
told  its  own  tale.  The  Swiss  themselves  never  doubted 
their  workmanship,  nor  was  their  claim  denied. 

The  burial  took  place  on  Sunday,  the  12th,  towards 
evening,  with  as  much  of  pomp  as  Rene  was  able  to 
bestow.  The  Burgundian  nobles  followed  as  mourn- 
ers. All  the  inhabitants  of  the  town,  each  holding  a 
lighted  taper,  formed  the  cortege.  He  had  lived 
forty-three  years,  one  month,  and  twenty-six  days. 
Bievre  was  interred  in  the  same  building  —  not  beside 
the  master  beside  whom  he  had  fallen,  but  with  his 
relatives,  the  princes  of  Lorraine.  The  other  bodies 
were  buried  on  the  battle-field.  A  simple  stone 
cross,  with  an  inscription,  still  marks  the  spot  where 
that  of  Charles  was  found.  A  chapel  dedicated  to 
Notre  Dame  de  Bonsecoiirs  was  erected  near  the  stream 
where  the  battle  had  begun.  For  three  centuries 
the  day  was  commemorated  by  ceremonies  and  pro- 
cessions. On  these  occasions  it  was  a  deputation  of 
Swiss  who  carried  the  gauntlets,  spurs,  and  other  per- 
sonal equipments,  supposed  to  have  belonged  to  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy.*' 


Thou  art  right,  Commines !  —  with   all  his  faults, 
his  nature  was  noble.    It  has  been  said  that  no  one 


*^  The   chief  authorities  for  the  ing  one  from  Rene  to  the  Swiss; 

final   events  are  the  contemporary  De  Troyes ;  Molinet ;  Souvenirs  et 

narratives  in  Calmet ;  La  Desconfi-  Monumens  de  la  Bataille  de  Nan- 

ture  du  Due  de  Bourgogne ;  Remy ;  cy. 
reports  and  letters  in  Knebel,  includ- 


[BOOK  V. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


THE  CONFESSION. 


551 


t  the  first  and 
the  halberd, 
lever  doubted 
denied. 
12th,  towards 
[6  was  able  to 
ed  as  mourn- 
ich  holding  a 
le  had  lived 
3nty-six  days. 
•  —  not  beside 
I,  but  with  his 
I  other  bodies 
simple   stone 
ae  spot  where 
.  dedicated  to 
3ar  the  stream 
ree    centuries 
mies  and  pro- 
deputatior  of 
and  other  per- 
jlonged  to  the 


all  his  faults, 
I  that  no  one 


ene  to  the  Swiss; 
inet;  Souvenira  et 
Bataille  de  Nan- 


mourned  for  him.  It  is  false;  many  mourned  — 
noble  hearts  everj'where ;  enemies  who  had  fought 
without  rancor  or  baseness,  allies  who  had  tested  his 
fidelity,  servants  and  companions  who  had  known 
him  better  than  the  world.  When  the  knights  of 
the  Golden  Fleece  assembled  for  the  first  time  after 
his  death,  in  the  spring  of  1478,  and  saw  his  escutch- 
eon draped  in  black  and  inscribed  with  the  word 
"Deceased,"  they  burst  into  loud  lamentations.** 

But  many  exulted  ?  0,  yes  !  dastards  everywhere 
—  the  burghers  of  Alsace,  who  had  feared,  wrong'^d, 
and  defamed  him ;  the  burghers  of  Flanders,  who 
had  abandoned  him  to  his  fate ;  the  French  king 
and  his  — 

—  "  Remember  our  faithful  service  to  the  king  in 
the  matter  of  the  duke  !  Remember  our  faithful  ser- 
vice to  the  king  in  running  down  and  killing  the  duke 
of  Burgundy !  Who  had  never  done  any  harm  to  us ; 
no,  neither  he  nor  his  forefathers  !  Gladly  would  he 
have  continued  our  neighbor  and  our  friend  !  Yet  we 
declared  him  our  enemy,  and  hunted  him  dowr  !  "  *^ 

So  spoke,  six  months  later,  the  represental  es  of 
the  Swiss  Confederates,  Hans  Waldmann,  Adrian  von 
Bubenberg,  and  Heinrich  Hofmann,  to  the  Sire  de 


**  "Fondirent  en  larnies  en  re- 
gardant ce  trcs  doidoureux  mot 
irespasse;  car  tant  I'aymoient  et  de 
81  bon  coeiir,  que  h  dur  donnoient 
credence  a  sa  mort  pitoyable." 
Molinet,  torn.  ii.  p.  124. 

*'  "  Mit  aller  ermannung  der  tru- 
wen  diensten  so  wir  defh  kung  mit 
lib  und  gut  bewisen  und  den  hcrtz- 


ogen  vertriben  und  getott ...  die 
getruwen  dienst  so  wir  dem  kung 
getan  haben  mit  dem  hertzogen  von 
Burgund,  den  wir,  doch  er  noch  sin 
vordern  uns  kein  leid  nie  getan  hab 
und  gem  unnsser  frund  und  nachpur 
gewesen  wer,  ze  vyent  gemacht  und 
den  vertriben."  MS.  (Archives  of 
Zurich.) 


552 


THE  DISTURBER  GONE. 


[BOOK  V. 


c 


i 
M 


Craon,  the  representative  of  France  —  himself  an 
agent  in  the  business  and  cognizant  of  the  facts.  So 
these  men  wrote  that  they  had  spoken  to  the  author- 
ities and  people  at  home  —  to  the  council  of  Zurich, 
to  the  council  of  Berne,  to  the  General  Confedera- 
cy.*" And  no  man  told  them  that  they  had  lied  — 
that  they  had  slandered  the  honor  of  their  country ! 

As  for  those  —  if  those  there  were  —  who  had  no 
cause  either  to  mourn  or  to  exult,  their  feeling  found 
expression  in  the  commonplaces  that  strike  so  forcibly 
in  presence  of  the  event.  "  He  had  been  so  great, 
and  had  fallen  so  low  —  so  proud,  and  had  perished 
so  miserably  —  so  ambitious,  so  warlike,  so  restless, 
and  was  now  at  rest,  at  peace,  forever ! "  *'' 

Yes,  he  was  at  rest ;  the  "  Great  Disturber "  was 
gone  J  and  now  surely  the  world,  which  he  alone  had 
distracted  and  kept  in  tumult,  would  enter  upon  an 
era  of  stillness  and  repose.  So  at  least  thought  the 
people  of  the  Rhineland,  flinging  up  their  caps  and 
raising  their  loud  huzzas.  So  thought  not  the  wise 
senators  of  Venice.  To  them  the  death  of  a  prince 
who  had  borne  so  great  a  charge,  who  had  formed 
and  who  had  resisted  schemes  so  vast,  combinations 
so  extensive,  seemed  an  event  pregnant  with  momen- 
tous consequences,  calculated  to  exercise  for  "more 
than  one  year"  the  minds  of  keen  observers  accus- 
tomed to  forecast  the  future.*^ 


*®  The  letter  —  a  long  and  inter- 
esting one,  throwing  light  upon 
events  that  require  a  fuller  treac- 
ment  than  they  have  yet  received  — 
is  signed  and  addressed  in  the  order 


in  which  we  have  given  the  names. 

«   "  To  piguit  pads  toeduitque  quietis 

in  vita; 

hie  jacia,  Carole,  jamque  quicsce 

tilJI." 

*'  "  Subgionseno  che  questo  caso 


[BOOK  V. 


CH    P.  VI.] 


THE  CRADLE  OF  WARS. 


553 


—  himself  an 
he  facts.     So 

0  the  author- 
cil  of  Zurich, 
il  Confedera- 
y  had  lied  — 
eir  country ! 

■  who  had  no 
feeling  found 
ke  so  forcibly 
een  so  great, 
had  perished 
3,  so  restless, 

'47 

sturber  "  was 
he  alone  had 
iter  upon  an 

thought  the 
leir  caps  and 

not  the  wise 

1  of  a  prince 
)  had  formed 
combinations 
with  momen- 
30  for  "more 
ervers  accus- 


given  the  names. 

sis  ticduitquc  quietis 
ole,  jamque  qulcsco 

o  che  questo  caso 


And  they  were  right.  The  convulsions,  the  changes, 
he  had  occasioned,  were  slight  in  comparison  with 
those  which  he  had  prevented.  That  vault  at  Nancy 
proved  to  be,  not  the  tomb,  but  the  cradle,  of  wars  — 
wars  that  were  stilled  only  to  break  out  afresh,  wars 
that  drew  into  their  vortex  many  quarrels  of  a  dif- 
ferent origin,  which  they  embittered  and  perpetuated. 
The  great  rivalries  and  struggles  of  the  sixteenth  and 
seventeenth  centuries  could  never  have  raged  so 
fiercely  and  so  widely  if  there  had  stood  between  the 
two  chief  parties,  instead  of  a  crowd  of  minor  wranglers 
all  feeding  the  flame,  a  third  of  equal  greatness,  hold- 
ing the  balance,  interested  in  quenching  the  strife. 

Across  that  stormy  sea  the  eye  glances  to  rest  upon 
a  single  spot.  In  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century 
there  was  a  momentary  lull.  The  emperor  and  the 
French  king,  each  the  representative  of  many  mingled 
claims  and  inherited  ambitions,  were  alike  weary  of 
the  contest.  One,  worn  out  with  labor,  looked  for- 
ward to  the  repose  of  the  convent ;  the  other,  steeped 
in  pleasure,  would  fain  have  avoided  his  destiny. 

Two  sisters,  widowed  queens,  great-granddaughters 
of  Charles  of  Burgundy,  governed  as  regents  in  the 
Netherlands  and  in  Lorraine.  In  a  correspondence 
between  them  it  had  been  arranged  that  the  remains 
of  their  common  ancestor  should  be  removed  from 
the  foreign  soil  where  they  had  so  long  been  moulder- 

del  Duca  cle  Burgogna  non  poteva  dare  da  pensare  ad  chi  ha  intellecto 

essere  altro  che  importantissimo  et  et  cogitare  le  cose  future   per  piu 

pondeioxo,  perche  elmenava  con  se  cbs  per  un  anno."    Ddpeches  Mila- 

gran  fasso,  meritamente  el  doveva  naises,  torn.  ii.  p.  397. 
VOL.  III.                      70 


554 


REMAINS  OF  CHARLES. 


[BOOK  V. 


c 

Cl 


ing  —  earlier  requests  for  their  delivery  having  been 
refused  —  to  a  land  where  his  descendants  still  held 
sway.  A  commission,  consisting  of  high  ecclesias- 
tics accompanied  by  the  king-at-arms  of  the  Golden 
Fleece,  proceeded  accordingly  to  Nancy,  and  on  the 
20th  of  September,  1550,  entered  the  Church  of  Saint 
George  to  execute  their  instructions.  In  accordance 
with  these,  no  throng  of  spectators  was  admitted,  no 
pompous  ceremony  employed.  But  the  organ  played 
a  requiem,  mass  was  sung,  and  Toison  d'Or,  in  his 
robes  of  office,  wearing  the  collar  of  the  Order,  and 
holding  in  his  hand  a  lighted  wax  candle,  made  an 
offering  at  the  altar.  By  the  glare  of  two  torches 
the  grave  was  opened  to  the  depth  of  six  feet,  and 
the  coffin  exhumed.  It  crumbled  when  touched.  The 
contents  consisted  of  bones  and  dust.  They  were 
reverently  taken  out,  wrapped  in  white  linen,  and 
placed  in  another  coffin.  Without  further  delay,  the 
bearers  took  their  departure,  declining  any  procession 
or  escort.*" 

They  carried  their  burden  to  Bruges.  That  town 
was  no  longer  a  seat  of  wealth,  a  scene  of  grandeur, 
the  chosen  place  of  nuptial  festivities  for  the  princes 
of  the  land.  But,  in  the  richness  of  its  decay,  it  was 
not  unsuited  to  be  the  place  of  their  burial.  The 
remains  of  Mary  of  Burgundy  lay  entombed  in  the 
Church  of  Notre  Dame.  Those  of  her  father  were 
deposited  beside  them,  in  a  sarcophagus  of  the  same 


*^  Documents  in  Legrand  MSS.    the  Archives  du  Koyaume,  at  Brus- 
tom.  xix.  —  The  originals  are  in    sels. 


i\ 


[BOOK  V. 

Y  having  been 
ants  still  held 
liigh  ecclesias- 
of  the  Golden 
y,  and  on  the 
ihurch  of  Saint 
In  accordance 
s  admitted,  no 
J  organ  played 
n  d'Or,  in  his 
the  Order,  and 
ndle,  made  an 
>f  two  torches 
f  six  feet,  and 
touched.  The 
.  They  were 
ite  linen,  and 
ther  delay,  the 
any  procession 

3.  That  town 
?  of  grandeur, 
for  the  princes 
I  decay,  it  was 
:  burial.  The 
ombed  in  the 
T  father  were 
s  of  the  same 

Royaume,  at  Brus- 


CHAP.  VI.] 


TOMB  OF  CHARLES. 


555 


material  and  form.     It  bears  little  resemblance  to  ♦ 
those  which  had  enshrined  the  relics  of  his  ancestors. 
Gothic  art  had  gone  out  with  chivalry ;  the  glitter  of 
the  Eenaissance  had  succeeded.    The  body  of  the  tomb 
is  of  black  marble,  the  e^gy  and  ornaments  are  of 
gilt  copper.    Along  the  sides  are  rows  of  escutcheons, 
emblazoned  with  the  numerous  quarte-ings  of  Charles. 
At  the  foot  is  an  inscription,  which  enumerates  his 
glories  and  successive  achievements  —  his  successive 
defeats  and  final  overthrow.    At  the  head  is  another 
tablet.    It  contains  the  motto  which  he  had  adopted 
at  the  time  of  his  accession,  when  the  future  was 
radiant  with  triumphs,  to  be  won,  to  be  enhanced,  by 
arduous  struggles.    Je  Vay  emprins  —  hien  en  avicnne! 
—  "I  have  undertaken  it  —  may  good  come  of  it!" 
•  •  •    Alas! Alas! 


END. 


